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A. 4'. GERRITSON, Proprietor.
President's Message,
Fellow Citizens of the Senate
and House of Representatives
The continued disorganization of the
Union, to which the President has so of
ten called the attention of' Congress, is
yet a subject of profound and patriotic
concern. We may, however, find some
relief from that anxiety in the reflection
that the painful political situation, •
.al
though untried by ourselves, is not new
in the experience of nations.
Political science, perhaps as highly per
fected in our own time and country as in
any other, has not yet disclosed any
means by which civil wars can be abso
lutely prevented ; an enlightened nation,
however, with a wise and beneficent Con
stitution of free government, may dimin
ish their frequency and mitigate their
severity, by directing all its proceedings
in accordance with its fundamental law.
When a civil war has been brought to a
close, it is manifestly the first interest
and duty of the State to repair the inju
ries which the war has inflicted, and to
secure the benefit of the lessons it teach
es, as fully and as speedily as possible.—
This duty was, ugon the termination of
the Rebellion, promptly accepted, not
only by the Executive Department but
by the insurrectionary States themselves,
and restoration in the first moment of
peace, was believed to be as easy and
certain as it was indispensable.
DISAPPOINTED EXPECTATION
The
,expectations, however, then so
reasonably and confidently entertained,
were disappointed by legislation from
which I felt constrained, by my obliga
tions to the Constitution, to withhold
my assent. It is, therefore, a iohrce of
profound regret that in complying with
the obligation imposed upon the Presi
dent by the Constitution, to give to Con
gress from time to time information of
the state of the Union, I am enable to
communicate any definitive adjustment
satisfactory to the Americfin people, of
the questions which, since the close
the Rebellion, have agitated the public
mind. On the contrary, candor compels
me to declare that at this time there is
no Union as our fathers understood the
term, and as they meant it to be under
stood by us. The Union which they es
tablished can exist only where all the
States are represented in both H rinses of
Congress, "where one State is as free as
another to regulate its concerns according
to its own wil,," and where the laws of
the central government, strictly confined
to matters of national jurisdiction, apply
with equal force to all the peop!e of ev
ery section.
That such is not the present "state of
the Union" is a melancholy fact, and we
all must adknowledge that the restoration
of the States to their proper legal rela
tions with the Federal Government, and
with one another, according to the terms
of the original compact, wou'd be the
greatest temporal blessing which God, in
his kindest providence, could bestow lip
on this nation.
0 lift DITTY.
It becomes our imperative duty to con
sider whether or not, it is impossible to
effect this most desirable consummation.
The Union and the Constitution are in
separable. As long as one is obeyed by
all parties, the other will be preserved ;
and if one is destroyed, both must perish
together. - The destruction of the Con
stitution will be followed by other and
still greater calamities.
TITS CONSTITIITION.
It was ordained Snot only to form a
,more perfect Union between the States,
but to 'establish justice, insure domestic
tranquility, provide for the common de
fense, promote the general welfare, and
secure the blessings of liberty to our
selves and our posterity." NOthing but
implicit obedience to its requirements, in
all parts of the country, will accomplish
these great ends. Without that obedi
ence we can look forward only to contin
ual outrage's upon individual rights, inces
sant breaches of the public peace, nation
al weakness, financial dishonor, the total
loss of our prosperity, the general cor
ruption of morals, and the final extinction
of popular freedom. To save our coun
try from evils so appalling as , these, we
should renew our efforts again and again.
To me the process of restoration seams
perfectly . plain and simple. It consists
merely • in - a faithful application of the
Constitution and the lass. The execu
tion of the laws is not now obstructed or
opposed by physical force; there ,is nil
military or other necessity, real or pre
tended, which can prevent. - obedience to
the Constitution; either North or South.
All the rights and all' the obligations of
States and individuals can be protected
Mad enforced by means perfectly consist
ent with the fundamental law. The
courts suly-be everywhere open, .are, if
open, theTprocesti would be' unimpeded.
Crime against the United States 'can be
prevented or punished by the proper ju
dicial/authorities in a manner entirely
prieticable'aed
There is, therefore, no reasoniwhy lthe
:Constitution should not' be .obeyed, unless
those,who exercise its power have deter
mined;tbst Wendt be disreerded,andli
elated. Theinere naked will 'ofthis goy-
ernmeut, or of some one or more of its
branches, is the only obstacle that can
exist to a perfect Union of all the States.
On this momentous question , and someof
the measures growl, out it, I have
had.the misfortune to differ from Con
gress, and have expressed my convictions
without reserve, though with becoming
deference to tihe opinions of the Legisla
tive Department.
TliE PRESIDENT'S POSITION UNCHANGED
Those convictions are not only 110-
change 4, but strengthened by subsequent
ev'enks . anii further reflection. The trans
cendent importance of the subject will be
a sufficient excuse for calling your atten
tion to some of the reasons which have
so strongly influenc&l my own judgment.
The hope that we may all formally con
cur in a mode of settlement consistent at
once with our true interests, and with
our own sworn duties to the Constitu
tion, is too natural and too just to be
easily: relinquished.
TUE LATE INSURRECTIONARY STATES
It is clear to my apprehension that the
States lately in rebellion are still mem
bers of the National Union. When did
they cease to be so ? The 'Ordinances
of Secession" adopted by a portion—in
most of them a very small portion—of
their citizons were mere nullitieS. If we
admit inovhat they were valid and ef
fectUal for the purpose intended by Their
authors, we swety from under our feet
the whole ground upon which we justi
fied the War. Were those States after
ward expOed from the Union by the
war? The direct contrary was averred
by this country to be its purpose, and
was so understood by those who gave
their b'ood and treasure to aid in its
prosecution.
It cannot be said that a successful war,
waged for the preservation of the Union,
had the legal effect of disolving it. The
victory of the nation's arms was not the
disgrace of her policy; the defeat of Se
cession was not the triumph of its lawless
principles; nor could Congress, with or
without the consent of the Executive, do
anything which would have the effect,
directly or indirectly, of separating the
States from each other. To dissolve the
Union is .to repeal the Constitution
which holds it together and that ix tl
power wliteh does not belong to any de
partment of the government, or to all of
them united.
This is so plain OA it has been an
knowledged by :el branches of the Fed
eral Government. The Executive, my
predecessor, as well as myself, and the
heads of all The departments have ruti
ftrtnly acted upon the principle that the
Union is not only undissolved, but indis
'solublt.. Congress has submitted an
amendment to the Constitution to be
ratified by the Southern States, and ac
cepted their acts of ratification as a nec
essary and lawful exercise of their highest
function. If they were not States, or
were States out of the Union, their con
sent to a change in the fundamental law
of the I_,Thi6rt would have been nucmtory,
and congress in asking it committed a
political absurdity. •
Theiudiciary has also given the F.o: -
emn sanction of its authority to the same
View of the case. The Judges of the Su
preme Court have•included the Southern
States in their circuits, and they are con
stantly, in bunco and elsewhere, exercis
ing jurisdiction which does not belong to
them, unless those States arc States of
the Union. If the Southern States are
component parts of the Union, the Con
stitution is the supreme law for them, as
it is for all the other States. They are
bound to obey it, and so are we. The
right of the Federal Government, which
is clear and unquestiOnable, to enforce
the Constitution upon them, implies the
corelative Obligation on our part to ob•
serve its limitations and execute its guar
anties. Without the Constitution we
are nothing; by, through, and under the
Constitution we are what it makes us.
We may doubt the wisdom of the law;
we may not approve of its provisions, but
we cannot violate it merely because it
seems to confine our powers within limits
narrower than we could wish.—
It is not a question of individual, class, or
sectional interests, much less of party
predominance, but of ddty—high and sa
cred duty—which we are all sworn to
perform. If we cannot support the Con
stitution with the cheerful alacrity of
those who love and believe in it•, we
must give to it, at least, the fidelity of
public servants who act under solemn
obligations and commands which they
dare not disregard. The constitutional
duty is not the only on64vhich requires
the States to be restored ; there is anoth
er consideration, which, though of minor
Importance, is yet of great weight.
OBJECT OF THE LATE WAR
On the 22d day of July, 1861, Congress•
declared, by an almost unanimous vote
of both Rouses, that the war should be
onduOted solely for the purpose of pre
serving the Union and maintaining the
supremacy of the Federal Constitution
and laws, without impairing the dignity,
eivality, and rights of the States or of
individuals, and that when this was done
the. war should cease. Ido not say that
this:declaration is-personally binding on
those whojoinediti making it,.any more
thank individual members of Congress are
MONTROSE, PA., TUE S DAY, DEC. 40, 1867.
personally bound to pay a public debt
created under a law for which they vot
ed. Bnt it was a solemn public official
pledge of the national honor, and I can
not imagine upon what grounds the re
pudiation of it is to be justified.
If it be remembered, this promise was
not made to Rebels only. 'Thousands of
true men in the South were drawn to oar
standard by it, and hundreds , of thous
ands in the North gave their lives in the
belief that it, would be carried out. It
was made on the day after the first great
battle bad been fought and lost. All pat
riotic and intelligent men saw the. neces
sity of giving such an assurance, and be
lieved that without it the war would end
iu disaster to our cause. Having given
that assurance in the extremity of our
peril, the violation of it now, in the day
of our power, would be a rude rending of
that good faith which bolds the moral
world together. Our country would
cease to have any claim upon the confi
dence of men. It would make the war
not only a failure but a fraud.
Being sincerely convinced that these
views are correct, I would be unfaithful
to my duty if I did not recommend the
repeal of the acts of Congress which
place ten of the Southern States under
the domination of military masters. If'
calm reflection shall•sitisfy a majority of
your honorable bodies that the acts re
ferred to are not only a violation of the
national faith, but in direct conflict with
the Constitution, I dare not permit my
self to doubt that you will immediately
strike them from the statute book. To
demonstrate the unconstitutional charac
ter of those acts, I need do no more than
refer to their general provisions.
It must be seen at once that they are
authorized to dictate what alterations
shall be made in the constitutions of the
several States; to control the elections of
State legislators and State officers, mem•
bers of Congress and electors of Presi
dent and Vice-President by arbitrarily de
claring who shall vote and shall be ex
cluded from that privilege; to dissolve
State legislatures or prevent them from
assembling ; to dismiss judges,and other
civil functionaries of the State and ap
point others without regard to State
law ; to organize and operate all the
jMr V.I. YCG. 1.0 regu
late the whole administration of their do
mestic and local atlairs according to the
mere will of strange and irresponsible
agents sent among them for that purpose.
These are powers not granted to the
Federal Government or to any one of its
branches; not being granted, we violate
in the face of a positive interdict, for the
Constitution forbids us to do whatever
it does not affirmatively authorize even
by express; words or by clear implication.
If the authority we desire to use does not
come to us through the Constitution, we
can exercise it only by usurpation, and
usurpation is the most dangerous of po
litical climes. By that crime the ene
mies of free government in all ages have
worked out their designs against public
liberty and private right. It leads direct
ly and immediately to the establishment
of absolute rule, for undelegated power
is always unlimited and unrestrained.
Tue acts of Congress in question, are
nut only objectionable for their assump-.
tion of ungranted power, but many of
their provisions are in conflict with the
direct prohibitions of the Constitution.—
The Constitution commands that a re
publican form of government shall be
guarantied to all the States; that no
person shall bedeprived of life, liberty,
or property, without due process of law ;
arrested without a judicial warrant, Aar
punished without a fair trial before an
impartial jury; that the privilege of ha
beas corpus shall not be denied in time of
peace, and that no bill of attainder shall
be passed even against a single individu
al. Yet the system of measures estab
lished by these acts of Congress does to
tally subvert and destroy the form as
well as the substance of republican gov
ernment. In the ten States to which
they apply it binds them hand and foot
in absolute slavery, and subjects them to
a strange and hostile power more unlim
ited than any other now known among
civilized men.
It tramples down all those rights in
which the essence of liberty consists, and
which a free government is always most
careful to protect. It denies the habeas
corpus and trial by jury. Personal free
dom, property, and life, if assaulted by
the passion, the prejudice, or the raci
ty of the ruler, have no security whatev
er. It has the effect of a bill of attaind
er, or bill of pains and penalties, not pp
on a few individuals only but up
on whole masses, including the millions
who inhabit the subjected States, and ev
en their unborn children. These wrongs
being expsessly forbidden, cannot - be con
stitutionally inflicted upon any portion of
our people, no matter how they may
have come " - within our jurisdiction, and
no matter whether. they, live in States,
Territories, or Districts.
I have no desire to save from the prop
er and just consequences of their great
crime, those _who engaged in rebellion
againsttbe government; but as a mode of
punishment, the measures under,consider.
ation are the most ,unreasonable that
couldle invented: - Many of those people
are perfectly innocent. (Many kept their
fidelity to the Union untainted to the last)•
Many were incapable of any legal offence.
A large proportion even of the persons
able to bear arms were forced to rebellion
against their will,.and of those who are
guilty with their own consent, the degrees
of guilt are aavarious as the shades of their
character and temper. •
But these acts of Congress confound'
them all together in one doom. Indiscri
minate vengeance upon classes, sects, and
parties, or upon whole communities for of
fences committed by a portion of them
against the government to which they
owed obedience, was common in the bar
barous., age of the world. But Christi
anity and civilization have made such pro
gress, that recourse to a punnishment so
urge' and unjust would meet with the con
demnation of all unprejudiced and right
minded men. The positive justice of this
age, and especially of this country, does
not consist in stripping whole States of
their liberties and reducing all their peo
ple, without distinction, to the condition
of slavery. It deals separately with each
individual, confines itself to the forms of
law, and vindicates its own purity by an
impartial examination of every case before
ti competent judicial tribunal.
If this clod not satisfy all our desire
with regard to Southern Rebels, let us
console ourselves by reflecting that a free
Constitution, triumphant in war and un
broken in peace, is worth far more to us
and our children than the gratification of
any present feeling.
TEMPORARY AND PERPETUAL EVILS
I am aware it, is assumed that this sys
tem of government for the Southern
States is not to be perpetual. It it.true
that military government is to be only
provisional, but it is through this tempor
ary evil that a greater evil is to be made
perpetual. If the guaranties of the Con
stitution can be broken provisionally to
serve a temporary purpose, and in a part
only of the country, we can destroy them
everywhere, and for all time. Arbitrary
measures often change,but they generally
change for the worse.
It is the curse of.despotism that it has
no halting place. The intermitted exer
cise of its power brings no sense of seenri
ly for its subjects, for they can never
Lo
Vnow Alia more then will be called upon
enu.fe AL, • xsa... o•ut..<4
armed to plague them again. Nor is it
possible to conjecture how or where
power unrestrained by law may seek its
next victims. The States that are still
free may be enslaved at any moment, for if
the Constitution does not protect all it
protects none.
NEGRO btFFRAGE
It is manifestly and avowedly the ob
ject of these laws to confer upon negroes
the privilege of voting, and to disfranchise
such number of white citizens as wpfgive
the former a clear majority at all elections
in Southern States. This, to the minds
of some persons. is so important, that a
violation of the Constitution is justified as
a means of bringing it about.
The morality is always 'false which
excuses a _wrong because of its purposes to
accomplish a desirable end. We are not
permitted to do evil that good may come.
But in this case the end itself is evil as
well as the means. The subjugation of
States to negro domination would beworse
than the military despotism under which
they are now suffering. It was believed
beforehand that the people would endure
any amount of military oppression for any
length of time, rather than degrade them
selves by subjection to the negro race.—
They have been left Without a choice.
Negro suffrage was established by act
of Congress, and the military officers were
commanded to superintend the progress
of clothing the negro race with political
privileges torn from the white man.
NEGRO SUPREMACY
Fhe blacks in the South are entitled to
be well and humanely governed, and to
have the protection of just lawS for all
their rights of person and property. If it
were practicable at this time to give them
a government exclusively their own, un
der which they might manage their own
affairs in their own way, it would become
a grave question whether we ought to do
so, or whether common humanity would
not require us to save them from them
selves.
But, under the circumstances, this is
only a speculative point. it is not propos
ed merely that they shall govern them
selves, but that ditty shall rule the white
race,makeand administer State laws, elect
Presidents and menbers of Congress, and
shape, VI a greater or less extent, the fu
tures destiny of the whole country.
Would such a trust and power be safe in
such hands ? The peculiar qualities which
should characterize any people, who are fit
to decide upon the management of public
affairs for a great State, have seldom been
combined.
- A, WRITE MAX'S GOVERNMENT.
It is the , glory of white men , to know
that they have had these qualities id suf-;
Eclat measure to build upon this condi'•
era a great political fabric,and to preserve
its stability for more than ninety , years,
while in every other part of the world all
similar experiments have failed. But if
anything can be proved by known facts;
if all reasoning upon evidence is not
-abandoned, it most be acknowledged that
in the progress of DatiOiff Degrees have
shown less capacity tor government than
any other race of people. No indepen
dent government of any form has ever
been successful in their hands. On the
contrary, wherever they have been left to
their own devices they have shown a
constant tendency to relapse into barbar
ism.
In the Southern States, however, Con
gress has undertaktrito confer upon them
the privilege of thetallot. Just released
from slavery, it may be doubtful whether
as a class they know•more than their an
cestors how to organize and regulate civ
il society. Indeed, it is admitted, that
the blacks of the South are not only re
gardless of the rights of property, but so
utterly ignorant. of public affairs that
their voting can consist in nothing more
than carrying a ballot to the place where
they are directed to deposit it.
I.IiPOBTANCE OF THE BALLOT
I need not remind you that the exercise
of the elective franchise is the highest at
tribute of an American citizen, and 'that,
when guided by virtue, intelligence and
patriotism, and a better appreciation of
oar free institutions, it constitutes the
true basis of a democratic forni of govern
ment, in which the sovereign power is
lodged in the body of the people—a trust
artificially created, not for its own sake,
but solely as a means of promoting the
general welfare ; its influence for good
must neeessarily depend upon the eleva
ted character and true allegiance of the
elector; it ought therefore to be reposed
in none except those who are fitted, mor
ally and mentally, to administer it well,
for if conferred upon persons who do not
justly estimate its value, and who are in
different as to its results, it will only serve
to place power in the bands of the unprin
cipled and ambitions, and must eventual
ly end in the complete destruction of that
liberty of which it should be The most
powerful conservator.
I have, therefore, heretofore urged up
on your attention the great danger to be
apprehended from an untimely extension
of the elective franchise to any new class
in out country, especially when the large
majority of that class in wielding the pow
er thus placed in their hands, cannot be
expected to comprehend the duties and
responsibilities 11,,,L v a g, rta l i,i j a u t o ihrificari
persons were held in a condition of slave
ry that had existed for generations. To
day they are freemen, and are assumed
by law to be citizens. It cannot be pre
sumed from their previous condition of
servitude that as a class they are as.well
informed as to the nature of our govern
naent as the intehigent foreigner who
makes our land the home of his choice.
In the case of the latter, neither a resi
dence of five years nor the knowledge of
our institutions which it gives, nor at
tachment to the principles of the Consti
tutiot. are the only conditions upon which
he can be admitted to citizenship. He
must prove in addition a good moral
character, and thus to:give reasonable
ground for the belief that be will be faith
ful to the obligations which he assumes
as a citizen of the Republic.
'Where a people, the source of all polit
ical power, speak by their suffrage thro'
the instrumentality of the ballot box,- it
must be carefully guarded against the con
trol of those who are corrupt in principle
and enemies of free institutions, for it can
only become to our political and social
system a safe conductor of healthy popu
lar sentiment when kept free from demor
alizing influences. Controlled through
fraud and usurpation by the 4esi g nin g' an
archy and despotism must inevitablyfol
low.
In the hands of the patriotic and wor
thy, our government will be preserved up
on the principles of the Constitution in
herited from our fathers.
It follows, therefore, that in admitting
to the ballot box a new class of voters,not
qualified for the exercise of the elective
franchise, we weaken onr system of gov
ernment instead of adding strength and
durability.
UNIVERSAL SUFFRAGE
I yield to no one in attachment to that
rule of general suffrage which distinguish.
es our policy as a nation. But there is a
limit, wisely observed hitherto, which
makes the ballot a privilege and a trust
which requires of some classes a time sui
table for probation and preparation.
To give it indiscriminately to a new
class, wholly unprepared by previous ha
bits and opportunities to perform the trust
which it demands, is to degrade it, and
finally destroy its power, for it may be
safely assumed that no political truth is
better established than that such indis
criminate and all-embracing extension of
popular suffrage must end ttt last in its
overthrow and destruction.
cv I repeat my willingness to join in any
plan within the scope of our Constitution-
al authority which promises to,better, the
condition of the negroes in the South, by
encouraging them 'in industry, enlighten
ing their minds, improving their morals,
and giving protection to all their just
rights as freedmen. Bat the transfer of
our political inheritance to them, would in
my opinion be an-abandonment of the du•
ty which we owe alike to the memory of
our fathers and to the fights of our child
ren. •
The plan of putting the Southern States
VOLUME XXIV, NUMBER 50.
wholly, and the general government par
tially Into the hands of negroes, is propos
ed at a time peculiarly unpropitious. The
foundations of society have been broken
up by civil war. Industry Must be reor
ganized, justice re-established,public cred
it maintained, and order brought out of
confusion.
To accomplish all these ends would re
quire all the wisdom and virtue of the
great men who formed our Constitution
originally. I confidently believe that their
descendants will be equal to the arduous
task before them ; but it is worse than
madness to expect that negroes will per
form it for us. Certainly we ought not
'to ask their assistance until we despair of
our own competency.
The great difference between the two
race's in physical,. mental, and moral char
acteristics, will prevent au amalgamation
or fusion of them in a homogenous masa.
If the inferior obtains ascendency over
the other, it will govern with reference
to only its own interes ts — for it will re
cognize no common nterest—and create
such a tyranny as this continent has never
yet witnessed. Already the negroes are ,
influenced by promises of confiscation and
plunder ; they are taught to regard as an
enemy every man who has any respect
for the rights of his own race.
If this continues it must become worse
and worse until all order will be subvert
ed, all indpstry cease, and
_the fertile
fields of the South grow up iatib a wilder
ness. Of all the dangers which our na
tion has yet encountered, none are equal
to those which must result from the suc
cess of the effort now making to African
ize half of our country.
I would not put considerations oT mon
ey in competion withlustice and right,but
the expenses incident to reconstruction
under the system adopted by Congress
aggravate what I regard as the intrinsic
wrong of the measure itself.
It has cost uncounted millions already,
and it' persisted in will add largely to the
weight of taxation already too oppressive
to be borne without just complaint, and
may finally reduce the treasury of the na
tionto bankruptcy.
We must not delude ourselves. It will
I n . u . ir v e,,.. ? s,tr,o,rig kr ajV cl
‘ Embably morsi
Luc uvg
governments after they' are establisheT.
Thesum thus thrown away would if pro
perly used, form a sinking fund large en ,
ough to pay the whole national debt in
less than 15 years.
It is vain to hope that negroes will
maintain their ascendancy t hemselvcs.—
Without military power they are wholly
incapable of holding in subjection the
whitelpeople of the &mat. I submit to
the judgment of Congress whether the
public credit may not be injuriously af
fected by a system of measures like this.
With our debt, and the vast private in
terests which are complicated with it, we
cannot be too cautious of a policy which
might, by possibility, impair-the confi
dence of the world in our government.—
That confidence can only be retained by
carefully inculcating the principles of jus
tice and honor in the public mind, and
by the most scrupulous 'fidelity to all our
engagements of every sort.
Any serious breach of the organic law,
persisted in for a considerable length- of
time, cannot but create fear~ fit the sta
bility of our institutions. Habitual viola
tions of prescribed rules; which we bind
ourselves to observe, must demoralize - the
people.
Our only standard of civil liberty being
set at naught, the sheet anchor of our po
litical morality is lost, the public can
science swings from its moorings, and
yields to every impulse of passion and in
terest. If we repudiate the Constitution
we will not be expected to care much for
mere pecuniary obligations.
- The violation of such a pledge as was
made on the 22d day of July, 1861„will
assuredly diminish the market value of
our promises ; besides, if wo now acknowl
edge that the national debt was created
not to keep the States in the Union, as
the tax-payers were led to suppose, but to
expel them from it and hand them over
to be governed by regroes, the moral du
ty to pay it may seem much less clear.
I say it may seem so, for I do not ad
mit that this or any other argument in
favor of repudiation can be entertained as
sound; its influence on some classes of
minds may well be apprehended. The Op
uncial honor of a great commercial nation,
largely indebted, and with a republican
form of government administered by
agents of the popular choice, is kthing of
such delicate texture, and the destruction
oe it would be followed by such unspeak
able calamities, that every' true patriot
iust desire to avoid whatever might ex-
Pose it , to the Slightest danger.
The great interests' of the country re
quire immediate relief from these,enaet
meals. Business in the South is paralyz
ed by a sense of general insecurity, b3r a
terror of conflication and the,ikead of ne
gro supremacy.
From which the North would 'lave' de
rived so great a profit under a govern
ment of lbw, still languishes, and can nev
er be revived until it warm to be Yet
tared by tbe arbitrary 'power: which
makes all its operations "unilafe. 'That
ItIiSTAEY RECONSTRIICTION
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