A. J. GERRITSON Publisher. }
gal; CONGRESS, .ORALS. DENISON
.
Charles Denison is a clear-beaded pat
riotic statesman—a gentleman who has
made the Constitution and the laws of his
country the study of his life. He comes
of s stock that was reared amid the per
ils incident to the establishment.of a free
government, and consequently knows how
to value the perpetuation of our liberties.
Besides, he is a gentleman of irreproach
able character, of modest demeanor, of
experience as a legislator, of mature judg
ment and of undoubted ability and iuteg
rity. He knows the wants of the people,
and knowing, he has both the desire and
the ability to supply them.
James Archbald is a clever old gentle
man, the part owner .and agent of rail
roads, and is not posted in public affairs.
If elected he would not represent the peo
ple or their interests ; but would vote for
the exclusive interests of corporations at
the expense of the people. Besides this,
he is the candidate of the Thad Stevens
radicals, and would vote to force negro
suffrage upon the State against the wish
es of white men.
General Grant's Position
This noble soldier has taken so firm a
stand in support of the President, as to
put to confusion the radicals upon all
sides. They threw out their skirmishers,
they resorted to artifice and strategem to
elpture him ; and failing finally in all such
feeble efforts, they determined to carry
him by storm, and chose as a convenient
opportunity the occasion of his appear
ance at Cincinnati in advance of the Pres
idential party. They knew he would not
give them audience, and it was determin
ed, therefore, to surprise him in the the
atre whither he had gone for the express
purpose of avoiding them.
But when the leader of the band enter
ed his bo; he said bluntly:
"Sir, I am no politician ; the President
of the United States is my Commander
in•Chief; I con , ider this demonstation in
opposition to the President of the U nit ed
'States, Andrew Johnson. If you have
any regard for me you will take your men
away. I am greatly annoyed at this
demonstration. I came here to enjoy the
theatrical performance. I will be glad to
see you to-morrow when the President at
rims."
This refusal to receive any honors un
less they were shared by the President
waq n sad blow to the radicals; so they
resorted to lying, and had a newspaper
Triter get up a nameless article saying
Grant had expressed an opinion favorable
to Geary and hostile to Hiester Clymer.
Of course this was intentionally false ;
hut they hoped Grant would not contra
dict it. But lo! the General wail) flanks
them, as will appear from the 'following
&patch sent. to Philadelphia:
" WAstrillovoN, Sept. 22.—Gen. Giant
denies the reports put in circulation con
cerning his preferences as re g ards a vote
in your State. The Genera l says, 'his
word is that of a soldier, and he has con
demned the practice of officers •making
political capital off the records of the
luny.' It is not in accordance with his
way of doing things.
"The General regrets exceedingly that
his name has been mixed up with local
politics. The report as published, is a Ha
nle of
,falsehoods. General Grant never
made use of the language attributed to him.
lie is a warm supporter of the President's
policy, and is doing all in his power to
Influence every one to the same way of
thinking."
Ur At a Geary meeting in Bedford,
a few nights ago, Aleck McClure, of the
Chambersbnrg Repository, said : "This
nation cannot survive this shameless dis
crimination on account of color and race;
there must be perfect equality before the
law."
Geary and his party advocate wo dis
tinction on account of color or race—all
must be perfect equality. Archbald would
vote for this doctrine if electO to Con-
gress.
White men note these facts and vote
fur Clymer and Denison.
The Oregon Legislature.
SAN FRANasco, Sept. 23.—A despatch
from Salem, Oregon, dated yesterday,
says:
The Democratic contestants from Grant
County have been admitted to seats in
the House_, andlthe two [bogus] Republi
can members ousted. The House now
stands twenty-four Democrats to twenty
three radicals.
It was through the aid of these ousted
members that the negro constitutional
amendment was passed in the House. It
had been previously passed by the Sea
ete.
Reidy Ward Beecher's Letters.
Rev. Henry Ward Beecher has written
a second political letter. Mr. Beecher
says he deems his first letter "BOUND IN
rrs virws," and he is not sorry he wrote
it. His second letter goes into a criticism
of some of the acts of the President, but
on the great question, vir,: the admission
of the South, it reaffirms the views taken
in the Cleveland letter and is patriotic
and unequivocal. Mr. Beecher says :
"Either the advantages of a Union are
fallacious or the continuous seclusion of
the South froth it, tvill breed disorder,
make the future reunion more difficult,
mid especially subject the freedmen to the
very worst conditions of society which
can well exist. No army, no government,
and no earthly power can compel the
South to treat four millions of men justly
if the inhabitants, whether rightly or
wrongly, regard these men as the cause,
or even the occasion, of their unhappy
disfranchisement. But no army, or gov
ernment, or power will be required when
Southern society is restored, occupied and
prospering in the renewed Union."
Toward the close of his letter, Mr.
Beecher urges the election to Congress of
men " who will seek the early admisson
of Recreant States." These are the opin
ions and desires of all good Conservative
Union men, and M. Beecher's reiteration
of, them will, gratify all who regarded his
first letter as one of the ablest efforts of
a strong, but somewhat erratic mind.
Geary for Negro Equality.
One of the most favored and popular
speakers in the late negro-equality Con
vention which assembled in Philadelphia,
was Frederick Douglass, a colored dele
gate from Rochester, New York, who sat
in the Northern wing in company with
General Geary. He was received by his
Republican brethren at the League House
and at National Hall with great enthusi
asm, and in one of his speeches he thus
addressed the faithful :
"The question then comes to us. Shall
the presence of this vast black population
in our mid ft nandft hip " 6 l enl h ''"
serves, a b easing to us, and a bl ess ing to
the whole country, or a curse to them
selves, a curse to us, and a curse to the
whole country ? Statesmanship bas but
one answer. It was given this morning
from the eloquent lips of Senator Yates.
Philanthropy has but one answer, and it
is given from a thousand pulpits and a
thousand platforms to-day. It is this:
A thorough and complete incorporation
of this whole black element into the
American body politic—(cries of "Good,")
—anything less than this will prove an
atter failure, in my judgment—with a
right to the jury -box, the witness-box,
and the ballot box."
Yes, a thorough incorporation of the
Week element into the American body
politio•ia the doctrineiof Geary and Arch
bald.
Vote for Clymer and Denison.
"Facts for the Fontana"
The Radical journals with an unblush
ing effrontery unparalleled in partizan
warfare,. are appealing to our adopted cit
izens for votes for Geary, who was at one
time the most proscriptive Know Nothing
in Pennsylvania. Let any candid man ex
amine the record of the Radical leaders
in this State, and he cannot fail to see
the shameles hypocrisy of the disunionists
who-are now vainly attempting to secure
the support of men whom they once so
fearfully persecuted and whose temples of
worship they so ruthlessly consigned to
the flames. Pollock, Curtin, Kelley, Gea
ry, Cameron, Myers, O'Neill, and nearly
every oue of their present managers, gave
vitality to the Know-Nothing organization
and by secret oaths swore to deprive our
adopted citizens of the rights which they
now claim for the negro.
Significant and Important Endorsement
_ .
of the President.
The letter of Henry Ward Beecher fell
like a thunderbolt into the camp of the
Radicals, filling them with amazement and
fear. Following close upon it comes an
other letter from another clergyman—a
calm, temperate, patriotic letter, from one
of the ablest, if not the ablest, and most
powerful of. all the orthordox clergymen
in the United States. The Rev. Stephen
H. Tvng unequivocally and fully endorses
the Restoration Policy of President John
son.
Mr. Tyng has for many years enjoyed
the distinction of being one of the very
ablest, profoundest, and soundest divines
in the Republic; and has always been a
radical Republican.
I==
WELL SUNPAIED Up.—The boys in blue
fully comprehend the extra bounty busi
ness. A one-armed veteran pithily sum
med it up the other day at a meeting in
Philadelphia, as" one hundred dollars for
the white man, three hundred dollars for
the nigger, and two thousand dollars for
the member of Congress." The soldier
evidently appreciates Radical generosity
at its exact value.
MONTROSE, PA., TUESDAY, OCT. 2, 1866.
A Radical's Opinion of the Rump
Congress.
The Republican party, at the-close of
the war, had a great meet open to it.—
Its leaders had only to show that they
comprehended and valued the sound prin
ciples-of constitutional liberty, and they
might have ruled for years to come. If
they lose the support of the country, that
•is their own fault. It was their duty and
policy to show that if in a war they knew
how to use with etibet the enormous pow
er of the central government, in peace
they were equally ready tore-establish as
quickly as possible that local self-govern
ment,on which, as the balance-wheel in
in our political system, our true and safe
progress in liberty depends. As the party
in power, during the war they bad used
force to an unlimited extent; it was the
more necessary that on the restoration of
peace they should show a readiness to re
turn at once to strict constitutional forms,
practices and limitations.
But the policy imposed upon the party
by those men who unhappily have seized
the leadership of it has been just the con
trary of this. Their whole political the
ory and practice tend dangerously toward
a consolidation of power and authority in
the bands of the central government.—
They have aimed to leave nothing to the
States, nothing to that local government,
which is our greatest safeguard against
despotism. They will make of the Federal
government, if they have their way, as
overshadowing and all devouring a mon
ster as the government of Napoleon is
in France. They proceed upon the prin
ciple that Congress is to legislate upon
all matters whatever; is to interfere in
all the relations of society and life, and
to establish rules and laws for every event
under heaven.
Not only do we see a useless and absurd
Bureau of Agriculture established, at an
expense of hundreds of thousands of dol
lars per annum to prepare reports which
are published three years after date, and
which, when they are fresh have not half
the value of a good agricultural paper;
and to distribute seeds to farmers who
are quite intelligent enough to buy them;
bureaus of education, of mining, of in
surance, of statistics, are proposed and
urged. Thus patronage is increased,
office-holders grow more numerous, the
NW . Nri m c; n oWas'iq Eirn774„ idlers—the po
litical agents of those who appoint them,
corrupting the morals of the nation and
robbing its industry. This is not all. In
pursuance of the same false and perilous
theory of consolidation, these men seek
to make the general government the pa
tron and supporter of all manner of pri
vate enterprises and schemes. Not only
are steamship lines and other private en
teprises legislated on. Not only are
steamship lines and other private under
takings subsidized; not only are certain
branches of manufacture selected as the
object of special favoriteism at the ex
pense of the general public, and to the
impoverishment of the treasury; the evil
extends much further. If a mining com
pany needs capital, Congress at once
makes it a grant of public lands • if an
other set of speculators appeal for land to
plant trees—which Mr. Bayard Taylor in
forms the Tribune nature does much bet
ter—Congress hastens to do their bidding.
Nor should we wonder, for the men
who aim to make the Freedman's Bureau
a permanent institution go upon the prin
ciple that the office of the general gov
ernment is not merely to do justice, brit
to feed the poor, to clothe the ragged, to
shelter the houseless, provide employment
to the unemployed, to tell the people what
to buy and where to sell, what to make
and how to spend---in short, to surround
their lives on all sides with its " fostering"
arms, and by making them helpless pre
pare them to become the victims of des
potism. How perilous such a policy is
we may see by reviewing the huge steps
already taken on this downward road.—
The President has done his utmost to
check the attempts of Congress to con
centrate and centralize all power in Wash
ington. With all his mistakes in other
respects, be has shown a true and states
manlike comprehension of this danger:
he made haste to put out of his own
hands all extraordinary power and patron
age growing out of the war ; he has by
his vetoes prevented the consummation of
some of the most mischievous measures.
But the centralizers have not heeded his
warnings; and it is high time for the
country to awaken to the dangers of their
course. Already we see this false policy
bearing fruit.
If a citizen now-a-days suffers wrong he
no longer appeals to the laws—he turns
to the central government to protect him.
The Civil night Act has been several
months in force, but instead of requiring
those who need it to set the courts in mo
tion Congress continues the Freedman's
Bureau in operation another year. Thus,
by steps which are no less imperceptible,
the citizens are trained to undervalue and
disregard the laws, and to oast all the re
sponsibilities of life from their own shoul
ders upon that of the central government.
The road leads as surely to ruin as the
one called 4 .‘ secession," which has fright
ened so many inconsiderate people from
the middle path. We have no fear but
that the country will see and escape one
danger as well as it did the other. But
in doing so it will drop the men who are
leading it into unsafe paths. If the Re
publican party chooses to go with those
men, it goes straight towards ruin. It
will lose inevitably the best part of its
followers, nor will it need a 7'riAune to
read these out of the party. The country
is now at peace; the condition of affairs
is such that men need no longer set aside
all other interests to unite upon a single
point. Slavery has gone down ; the re
bellion has been crushed, and American
citizens may once more turn their attention
to other and equally important questions.
It is a mistake to suppose that one party
can now rule by the stale cry that the
Union is in danger from either slavery or
rebellion.—N. Y. Evening Post.
How the late Rebel Soldiers Feel.
While the great Union Soldiers' Con
vention was in session, the following des
patch was received from a meeting of the
late rebel soldiers, at Memphis :
" MEMPHIS, Sept. 17 :—To the Presi
dent of the Soldiers and Sailors' Conven
tion, Cleveland, Ohio :
" The soldiers of the late Confederate
army, met here to-day, and deputed the
undersigned to congratulate your Con
vention on its effort to restore peace and
quietude to the country, and to eipress
their deep sympathy with your purpose,
and further to assure you that the Con
federate soldiers are entirely willing to
leave the determination of their rights as
citizens of States, and of the United
States, to the soldiers of the Union. On
our part, we pledge security of life, per
son and property, and freedom of speech
and opinion to all. A mass meeting will
be held here to-morrow night to give for
mal expression to their purpose and sen
timents. Signed, N. B. Forrest., Leon
Trnesdale, M. C. Galloway, M. Jordon,
M. Jones, R. Chalmers and L. J. Dupsie."
A recess was taken till 3p. m. On
re-assembling a response to the Memphis
dispatch was read and approved as fol
lows:
" CLEVELAND, Sept. 18.—To N.B. For
rest and others, Memphis, Tenn.:
"The National Union Convention of
soldiers and sailors assembled here are
profoundly grateful for the patriotic sen
tarivitpipressed in your dispatch. We
peace, prosperity and brotherly affection
throughout oar entire country. War has
its victims, but peace and Union are bless
ings for which we will manfully contend
until harmony and justice are restored tin
der the Constitution.
" Signed.—Gordon Granger, G.A. Cus
ter, J. B. Steadman, John E. Wool, Thom
as Jr., Thomas Crittenden, Thos.
Bramlette, Committee."
Statement of Rev. John Laughlin Cath
olic Priest of Archbald, Lnzerne Co.
" I was drafted and wished to avail my
self of the act of Congress entitling per
sons of religious scruples to exemption
on payment of commutation of three hun
dred dollars; but thinking that in Scran
ton, for me at least, there was not much
chance for fair play, I applied direct to
the Secretary of War, and was by him
referred to Provost Marshal Fry, received
a letter from him to the Provost Marshal
of the District empowering him to ex
empt me on payment of three hundred
dollars. In the absence of Provost Brad
ford I was seized by order of a Dr. Moody
who acted in the absence of Bradford.—
I was most shamefully abused by parties
in the office, by being stripped naked,
caused to walk about the room in that
plight, and otherwise insulted. I was
told by Dr. Moody that I was no better
than a negro; was cast into the lock-up
with, very probably, bounty-jumpers and
others of no better repute, then clad in
uniform and marched before a picket with
fixed bayonets to the depot, and from
thence to Philadelphia, to the great joy,
as I have good reason to think, of the
Radicals of Scranton, as neither Mr.
ARCHBALD, Mr. Scranton, Dickson,
nor any other of them interfered to pre
vent the wanton outrages to which I was
exposed. I say wanton, because, when
offered the commutation, they should as
directed have let me go, but the opportu
nity of insulting a Catholic Priest was
too good a thing to be lost by them."
In the face of such things, these Know-
Nothings arc asking Irish Catholics to
vote for Geary and Archbald, who would
take the right to vote and hold office
from the Irish, and give it to the negro.
Vote for Denison and Clymer,
Slandering the Soldiers.
The Radicals are sneering at the sol
diers and sailors who took•part in the im
mense demonstration of the gallant de
fenders of the Republic at Cleveland. In
the same spirit John W. Geary, the dis
union candidate for Governor, spoke of
them at Baumgardner's woods, near York.
Upon that memorable occasion ho de
nounced all " the boys in blue" who met
in convention at Harrisburg, as " shys
ters, cowards, skulkers,
and hospital bum
mers." They will not fail to remember
"the hero of Snickerville" at the ballot
box !
GEN. GRANT " A ITILITARY AD
VENTURER."
The Harrisburg Telegraph, Geary's cen
tral organ, of the Bth inst„ attacks Gen.
Grant in the following insidious and cow
ardly manner:
"We do not believe that the intelli
gent masses of the country will permit
themselves 4p be led from the right by
any man, however distinguished may be
his position in a civil or military sense.
We must not forget that Ulysses S.
Grant is only a man, with no larger capa
city to form opinions on such subjects as
the rehabilitation of the South, than two
thirds of the respectable men of the na
tion. He has no right * to lug in his
military reputation to sway the judgment
of the people in deciding a civil issue. If
Gen. Grant, or any soldier, attempts such
a movement, it is the beginning of the
end of his military glory. That moment
such soldiers would cease to great men,
terminating what would otherwise have
been immortality of glory on the historic
pages of the country's history. If this
would not be the case, the destiny of the
country must be put entirely in the hands
of irresponsible military adventurers.
" What applies to Gen. Grant is appli
cable to all other soldiers. * The sol
dier who attempts thus to mislead the
people, puts a poor estimate upon a
nation to which he is indebted for his
most substantial honors, and should al
ways hold himself in readiness to be hurl
ed from his high position."
If there be any truth in the foregoing
in relation to Gen. Grant, with how much
greater force may it not be applied to
Gen. Geary ? If Gen. Grant is " only a
man," is it possible for Geary to be more
than Grant? If Grant, illimitably the
superior of Geary in everything, has "no
larger capacity to comprehend the ques
tion of re-establishing the Union "than
two-thirds of the respectable men of the
nation," how much less must be the ca
pacity of the Thad Stevens candidate ?
If Grant " has no right to lug in his mili
tary reputation to sway the judgment of
the people in deciding a civjl issue," has
Geary any right to make a "military rep
utation" for himself by declaring from the
stump that he "set squadrons in the
field ;" that "he never met defeat," etc.;
and to use that fictitious military reputa
tion as tkorei cian - -
But, accepting as true the assertions of
Geary's supporters that he has a " milita
ry reputation" (inferior to Grant's, how
ever, of course,) the moment he attempts
to use that reputation "to sway the judg
ment of people in deciding a civil issue,"
as he is doing every day in his election
eering trips through the State, that mo
ment. "is the beginning of the end of his
militarl glory."
At this moment, therefore, Geary stands
divested, by the confession of his central
organ, of "an immortality of glory." He
has ceased to be a great man, and is a
mere " irresponsible military adventurer."
We leave the reader to pursue the ap
plication.
LAST HOURS OF CONGRESS,
Among the last acts of the last session
of the Radical Congress are some that de
serve notice :
By a resolution the pay of members of
Congress was increased sixty-six per cent.
and the employees of the two Houses 25
per cent.
The bill to allow pensions to the old
soldiers of 1812 was defeated. Reason
given—" want of money."
A resolution was adopted which appro
priates ten thousand acresl of " good
land" to the orphan children of eolored
soldiers, and is to be called the " Nation
al Farm for Orphans." These orphans are
to live on this farm, and-it is to.be man
aged and worked •by a Bureau, whose offi
cers aro to be white men. An amend
ment was offered to appropriate a Na
tional Farm to the orphans of white sol
diem. Not agreed to. Reison—" want
of money."
Ten thousand bushels of limo were do
nated to the colored ladies of Washing
ton, who were politely, requested to white
wash the houses in which they are living
at Government expense.
• A joint resolution was adopted direct
ing the Secretary of the Interior to con
tract with Miss Vinnie Ream, a maid of
Massachusetts, for a life-size model and
statue of the late President Lincoln, to
be executed by her, the price not to ex
ceed 810,000. An amendment was of
fered appropriating $lO,OOO to aid in the
erection of the monument to Geo. Wash
ington. Voted down. Reason—" want
of money."
Mr. Schenck offered a resolution, which
was adopted, appropriating $50,000 to a
Massachusetts schoolmaster to write out
a history of the rebellion !
Another resolution was adopted au
thorizing the Secretary of War to con
tract with a Massachusetts Yankee for
the use of his slimed discovery of the
mode of treatment of the disease of hor
ses' feet, and his services for one year.—
Some $lO,OOO, it is supposed, is to be be
stowed upon this Massachusetts disun
ioniqt for this humbug liniment!
The hill making an additional appropri
ation of eleven millions of dollars to the
i VOLUME XXIII, NUMBER 40.
negro Freedmen's Bureau was adopted,
Mr. Banks presented the conference re
port on the civil rights bill, which was
thereupon read by the clerk. It retains
the provisionlorthe increase of the com
pensation of members and senators, with
an additional amendment fixing the pay
of the Speaker_at $B,OOO per annum.
A resolution- was then adopted in both
Houses appointing a committee on Re
trenchment and Reform!—after which the
Rump Congress adjourned.
The Negro Radicals for Disunion.
Frederick Douglass was a regularly
chosen delegate to the late disunion Con
vention in Philadelphia. He walked arm
in arm with the white radicals in their
procession, was feasted and petted by the
League, and delivered more than one
speech, which was enthusiastically ap
plauded by them. To show what Doug
lass thinks of the Union, in what estima
tion he holds Washington, Jefferson,Hen
ry, and the soldiers and sages who achiei
ed our independence and laid the founda
tions of this Republic, we present the fol
lowing extracts from a speech delivered
by him 'at Syracuse, New York, Jan. 15,
1850 :
"I believe that the slaves would be
more than a match for the enslavers, if
left to themselves. Let the Union, then,
be dissolved. I wish to see it dissolved
at once. It is the Union of the white
people of this country, who can be sum
moned in their whole military power to
crush the slave, that perpetuates slavery.
Dissolve the nion, and they will raise
aloft their arms, and demand freedom;
and, if resisted, would hew their way to
liberty, despite the pale and puny opposi
tion of their oppressors. In review of
the oppression of this Union, I welcome
the bolts, whether from the North or the
South—from Heaven or from hell—which
shall shiver this Union in pieces. Did our
fathers think of holding on to the Union
with the British ? Did they look for the
ories or precedents to ascertain what were
their rights ? No. They laid down the
doctrines of equality, consent, and that
resistance to tyrants is obedience to God.
But after they had achieved indepen
dence, they attempted to unite in holy
wedlock with the dead body of slavery,
and the whole was tainted. Let this un
holy thin nnrint tonna I Tninn hn disanlved.
of our ancestors. I know that they were
slaveholders. This one fact is enough for
me. Talk to me of the love of liberty of
your Washingtons, Jeffersons, and Hen
rys. They were strangers to any great
ideas of liberty He who does not lovo
justice and liberty for all, does not love
justice and liberty. They wrote of liber
ty in the Declaration of Independence
with one hand, and with the other clutch
ed their brother by the throat ! These
are the men who formed the Union !
cannot enter into it. Give me no Union
with slaveholders. I wish to dissolve the
Union of these States, and to do it in a
direct way."
The Radicals endorse Fred Douglass,
and thus endorse his platform—hatred to
the Union, and such men as Washington,
Jefferson and Henry.
This is the issue which must be met by
white men.
Most of the
. States keep an agent, at
Wai3bingten.City, , to lOok after -the - inte
rests of their soldiers. We gee it; an
nounced in the papers that ; the 'agents
from N'ew York, Illinois and other Statei
arc required to attend to ; the
soldiers' extra bounty and' other natters
free.of charge: to the soldiers. Pennsyl
vania -also -has an agent, , Frank
Jerdon,, who draws a large salary .from
the tax-payers of the State, but instead
of attending to his legitimate business -- be
is and has seen for some time at Philadel
phia, as the chairman of the radical State
committee, figuring for Geary—for Radi
cals, and in favor of disunion and negro
suffrage; and the soldiers have to divide
the pittance prom ised them with the law
yers to try to get it collected. Isn't IL
time we had a change ?
• The chief hope of the Radicals in the
pending contest is their ability to colon
ize votes, and perpetrate a great fraud at
the ballot-box. They are now filllg'satia
fied that they cannot carry the election:by
fair means. , They know that the popular
current is against them. 'Their ranks-are
gradually giving way in every section of
the Commonwealth. Defection stares
them in the face at every point. To coun
teract this, they are importing votes into
the State, and throwing , them into locali•
ties where they can control the election
boards. Lot the Democracy be vigilant,
and they will certainly foil these dark po
litical gamesters in their oraanizect con.
spiraey to cheat and defraud the people.
—Age.
I===l
Pennsylvania State Agent.
Radical Colonization.
gar Another Republican journal—the
" Union Republican," at Williamapitort,
has taken Geary's name from the bead of
its columns. It.eannot go for disunion,
negro suffrage and negro equality.