A. J. GERRITSON, Publisher.}
For the Democrat.
The Great Conflict Between Democ
racy and Abolitionism—or be
tween Liberty and Despotism,
"The veto of the Civil Right's Bill by
President Johnson, is sweeping and goes
to the root of the matter. The civil
rights of four million of people are at
stake. All within the Union owe submis
sion to the government; by that fact the
Government is bound to protect them.
But Mr. Johnson steps between Congress
and the people and refuses this protection.
In seeking to protect our allies, Congress
trenches, he argues, upon the power here
tofore exercised by the respective States.
Ile is tenderly solicitous of the rights of
State Legislatures and of State courts.
Ile casts the freedmen where they were
before the war, into the absolute control
of their rebel masters. And all out of
regard for the abstraction of State rights.
This is put for ward as part of a policy for
taking from the American Congress its
supreme privilege. It is an excuse for
banding over our loyal allies to their old
masters. The appeal is now to the peo
ple, and the watch-word is Civil Rights
fur all men."
A volume might be filled with similar
denunciations of President Johnson. The
people who thus defame the Chief Magis
trate of the nation, in 1866, might just as
well use the name of George Washington,
the first President of the United States,
and cast these slanders against the Father
of our country, as to asperse the name of
Andrew Johnson. It was not. President
Johnson who took from the American
Congress its supreme privilege of looking
after the rights of the Southern negroes,
who are now the ALLIES of the Northern
Abolitionists, but Washington, whose
name is signed to the Constitution, and
the other patriots of America,who framed
it. These cruel statesmen took away all
power from Congress to meddle with the
blacks in the South, as the following doc
ument, put forth by the very first Congress
will show :
"The Committee in Congress, to whom
were referred sundry memorials from peo•
ple called Quakers, and also a memorial
from the Pennsylvania Socimy fur promot
ing the abolition of Slavery, submit the
following report :
"That, from the nature of the matters
contained iu these memorials, they were
ioduced to examine the power vested iu
Congress under the present Constitution,
relating to the abolition of slavery, and
are dearly of opinion:
"That Congress, by a fair construction
of the Constitution, are - restrained from
interfering in the emancipation of slaves,
Ri already are, or who may be, within
tmc period mentioned, (18080 imported
iat.i. or born within any of the said States:
" That Congress have no authority to
interfere in the internal regulations of
particular States, relative to the instruc
tion of slaves in the principles of morality
and religion ; to their comfortable cloth
ing, and subsistence; to the regulation of
their marriages, and the prevention of the
rights thereof; or to the separation of
children from their parents; for comfort
able provision in cases of sickness, age
or infirmity; or to the seizure, transporta
tion, or sale of free negroes; but have
the fullest confidence in the wisdom and
humanity of the Legislatures of the sev
eral States, that they will revise their
laws from time to time, when necessary,
and promote the objects mentioned in
the Memorials, and every other measure
that, may tend to the happiness of the
slaves."
That report received the sanction of
Clagress as early as 1790, and the resolu
tions were inserted in their journals. The
report was promulgated to the people of
the United States, and they were thusin
formed that Congress had rigidly exam
ined the powers vested in that body, un
der the new Constitution, and found that
they derived no authority from that in-
strurnent, to interfere in the internal af
fairs of these States, not even to prevent
the separation of children from theirpa
nts, or the sale of free uegroes into
slavery, but left them where President
Johnson leaves them, in the care of the
Southern people themselves through their
own Legislatures.
If the framers of the Constitution took
away, and withheld all power and author
ity from the Congress of 1790 to inter
fere in behalf of the negroes in the
bouthern States, and Congress itself de
clined having any power whatever to in
termeddle with them, even when they
were free, who gave the Congress of 1800
authority and power to take charge of
4 ,000,000 of the descendants of these same
African slaves? That great anti-slavery
party which announced its conspiracy to
overthrow the Government founded by
Washington, in 1833, and which General
Jackson warned the nation against in two
annual messages. The anti slavery Stand
ard of Jane 1805, says: "If the Presi
dent has featly made up his mind to leave
the fate of the negro in the hands of the
whites of each State, there is no hope
either for the negro or the Union. Every
where let protest and denunciation be
heard. Keep out the States this summer
and fall.. Keep them in military possess.
ion
. tall Congress can meet, armed with
the Indignat4Ca of the anti-slavory North,
to check and control the suicidal madness
of the Administration. Keep the bars
down, lest when once up, it need another
revolution to overthrow them and to give
again to the General Government the
power which it now possesses, to disre
gard and overule Statejights for the sake
of the Nation."
For the sake of the new consolidated
Nation of these Monarchists. Not a sin
gle member of Congress who voted for
the Freedman's Bureau and Civil Rights
bill, believed that the Constitution gave
any sanction to these laws. They knew
that they were overstepping the laws erect
ed by the founders of the government
for the preservation of the rights of the
States. In proof of this, we have only to
read their own interpretation of the Con
stitution upon that very point. By their
own arguments on the floor of Congress,
and in their various publications they have
annulled in advance, all their acts for the
protection of the freedmen in any of the
States. The arguments of Sumner, Wil
son, Chase and others will be brought
forward, as this history proceeds, to over
throw the whole of their legislation relat
ing to the negroes in the South; we will
first introduce the Hon. Anson Burling
ame, who, a member of Congress from
Massachusetts, just before the war, ad
dressing the Speaker, says:
"Sir, It is charged that Massachusetts
has passed a Personal Liberty bill ; well,
sir, I say that Massachusetts, for her local
legislation, is not responsible to this
House, nor any member of it. I say, sir,
that if her laws were as bad as these
atrocious laws of Kansas, you can do
nothing for her. I say, if her statute
books were filled like these of Alabama,
covering the State with whipping posts,—
I say, even then you could not do any
thing here with the local laws of Massa
chusetts. That State is the guardian of
the rights of her citizens, and of the in
habitants within her border lines. If her
citizens go beyond that line into distant
lands, then they look to the Federal arm
for protection. But, old Massachusetts
is the State which is to secure to her citi
zens their rights. These things must
come from her and not from the Federal
Government."
Where, then, is the authority for the
Federal Government to assume the guar
dianship of the citizens, either white or
black, residing in the Southern States?
Why is not old South Carolina, as well
as old Massachusetts, the State which is
to secure to her own citizens their rights?
If Congress could do nothing with Mas
sa,lhusetts, if her laws were ever so atro
cious, what can she do with Georgia. or
M:s4is ippi ? Members of Congress from
Massachusetts denied the riga of Con
gress to interfere with the local laws of
their own State, who gave to Sumner and
Wilson, members of Congress from Mas
sachusetts, the right to interfere with the
local laws of the Southern States? Did
this war give Congress any more power
to interfere with the local laws of Massa
chusetts than it, had before? Mr. Bur
lingame says, " Massachusetts is the guar
dian of the rights of her citizens within
her border line. If her citizens go beyond
that line into distant lands, then they look
to the Federal arm for protection."
Has Massachusetts surrendered the care
of her citizens to the Federal Govern
ment? If not, neither have the States of
the South. If Massachusetts chooses to
abdicate her rights, then it would be a
voluntary sacrifice, but if Congress gov
erns the South against its will, it is a
usurpation—a robbery—a despotism. It
is telling the Southern people: You are
no longer your own; you have no longer
the right of self government; you are our
subjects, and we shall rule you as our
slaves. Was this war waged th put die'
white people of this nation into the hands
of Abolition Despots? That we are to
have a despotism, if Congress triumphs,
is proven from one of the ablest anti
slavery papers, the National Era. In the
discussion upon the powers of the Fede
ral Government, that authority says:
"It has been shown in this decision
that we live under two distinct, indepen
dent governments—State and National.
On which of these two Governments do
the people depend to protect their person
al liberty ? • The State Government of
course. The people did not establish the
Federal Government to protnOt them
selves from the States. They found no
fault with their own State Governments,
in respect to personal liberty. And when
the Union was formed, the protection of
individual liberty was left where it was
before,—to the State Government. If
these are false to their trust, there is no
human tribunal to which appeal can be
made. This is the condition of all the
people, North and South.
"If. the ContifitutiOu had giVen the
Fe4eral Government power' to • inter&re
for the personal liberty of the people,
State sovereignty and independence would
have been annihilated. The National
Government would be clothed with des
potic powers, and the State Governments
become mere cyphers. The power to
protect liberty would 'become a pewer to
subvert it. That such was the design of
the people in framing tike Constitution, is
contrary to the dictates of common sense,
and not to be inferred from that instru
ment."
MONTROSE, PA., TUESDAY, SEPT. 25, 1866.
The amendment proposed by the Abo
lition Congress, clothes the National Gov
ernment with the despotic powers withheld
from it by Washington and the founders
of our Republic. All who sustain Con
gress aid in destroying the liberties of the
white race, in the vain pursuit of " Liber
ty, Equality, and Fraternity," for the
Negro. These were the syren words of
Robespiere, Denton, and Marat, which
lured the people of France into the vortex
of death and destruction !
The Radical Attempt to Blarney the
Irish-American Vote.
(From the BOA= Pilot.)
The Radical anti-Union, anti-Constitu
tional party, which goes before the coun
try and the world under the false but thin
guise of the " Union party," has been,
from the beginning, under all the many
names by which it has been known, the
constant, bitter, envenomed, and persist
ent foe of Irishmen, and the Irish charac
ter. Hatred of the Irish is the one dis
tinctive feature that characterizes it from
all other political parties. Its usual mode
of expression is an outspoken enmity
which is made manifest through false
charges, through vile insinnations,through
degrading comparisons,through contempt
uous and insulting illusions, and through
every species of mean and malicious op
position that their ever active hate and
opposition prompts them to bring into
exercise. That this is a correct exhibit of
the attitude of that party towards the
Irish American, any man who has watch
ed the course of events will readily admit.
It is, therefore, with feelings of intense
disgust that we have noticed the recent
mean but characteristic attempt of the
political adventurers, who give tone to
the party, to cajole the Irish vote in their
favor against President Johnson, because
of the course which the Administration
pursued in reference to the Fenian invas
ion of Canada and the enforcement of the
neutrality laws. With regard to that
coarse it is only necessary to say that any
Administration that might be in power
in such a juncture as the recent movement,
would be bound, in obedience to our own
laws and in respect to treaty obligations,
to pursue precisely similar measures.—
Not to have done so now, would have
been the most fatal mistake the President
could have committed—fatal, alike for the
honor of tho caulltry, for thy advautu
gious position we now stand in as regards
England, for the Irish cause itself, and
would have yielded, ingloriously, and to
no purpose, the strong hold we still have
upon England for her piracies, the viola
tion of her treaty obligations, and for the
manner of holding her neutrality. All
these things are yet to be settled for, and
the bill is to be paid with interest. Had
President Johnson suffered our laws to
be broken in the same way, our treaties
to be broken in the same shameful man
ner, we would have been just like Great
Britain, and could had henceforth nothing
to say against her. All this the Radical
Republican leaders know as well as any
one. But they think they see an oppor
tunity to pander to the feelings of some
disappointment and some anger which
they hope to fau into decided animosity
and antagonism, which feelings they pro
pose to take advantage of for themselves
at the polls. The daring to make such
an attempt is, in our judgment, the best
evidence that could be adduced to show
the low and contemptuous opinion they
entertain of the Irish character.
To suppose that they could success
fully cajole the Irish-American voters, is
to suppose that the voters of that class,
like mean curs and whipped spaniels, can
be made to lick the hand that smites them,
and to fawn upon the wretch whose dis
position is to degrade and outrage them ;
It is to suppose that a long series of of
fences and enmities against our people, as
a mass, can be atoned for and wiped out
by a condescending smile which is be
stowed upon them for a selfish, if not
treasonable, purpose. Such men as have
disgraced themselves by condescending
to turn a little natural feeling of disap
pointment in a timeof excitement, against
the Administration, for the ignoble pur
pose of cajoling votes by false pretences,
must surely suppose that the Irish-Amer
icans are all fools to forget so soon the
scandalous utterance of Radical newspa
pers against them—not once only, but
constantly and through months and years.
It is not so that we repay the insulting
comparisons of the New York Tribune,
the defamatory speeches of such men as
Boutwell, the undisguised sneers of the
whole pack of smaller papers and smaller
men, who take their cue from such enven
omed leaders. We don't disguise from
ourselves that there was a moment when
considerable numbers felt and expressed
an opposition to the .Administration for
What it had done. But the sober second
thought has come, and that feeling has
subsided. The truth is, the Irishmen
who have come here to plant their homes
here, who have been naturalized here, are
true to the country of their adoption, its
Constitution and its laws. They have
fought for the Union, they love It, and
they will defend it and its defenders
against all corners. The attempt to man
ufacture political capital Gut pf tempora
ry and not wide-spread alienation from
President Johnson and the principles be
represents, is worthy only of the • party
that made the attempt. No other would
have had the unblushing impudence to do
so. The Irish-American vote for the
Radical traducers of Ireland and Irish-
Americans, would be like throwing one's
self bodily into the jaws of a hyena. It
-would be a sacrifice the most infatuated
that sane men ever were guilty of. The
Radicals and principles they represent,
are the national enemies to everything
that is called, Irish. They hold up the
negro as our superior. They put us against
him in comparison, that they may justify
their course of high laudation of the ne
t gro, and they have heretofore omitted no
opportunity to load us with opprobrium
and scorn. We know where our true in•
terests lay; we know who represent the
principles we hold dear, and we recognize
Andrew Johnson as the exponent of those
principles., and so long as he is true to
himself and his emphatic declarations, so
long will the great body of Irish-Ameri
cans abide by and sustain him.
How the Word White is to be got out
of the Constitution.
THE RUMP AMENDMENT TO SUPERCEDE A
DIRECT VOTE OF THE PEOPLE
"The question of negro suffrage does
not and cannot enter into this campaign
for Governor. It is not before the peo
ple in any shape. Thee members of the
Legislature to be elected this year cannot
act on this subject. Gen. Geary, as Gov
ernor, will have no duty to perform in the
premises during his first term. The peo
ple themselves must first act before the
Governor can do anything on the subject.
Here, then, are the facts. Negro suffrage
is not an issue in this contest. The law
forbids the question being an issue."—
Harrisburg Telegraph.
The above tissue of falsehoods shows
how anxious the Gearyites are to avoid
the real issue in the present contest.
The question of negro suffrage can and
does enter into this campaign for Gover
nor, first, because it can be made an issue
at any time, and second, because it Las
been made an issue, by every speaker now
on the stump for Geary; by every news
paper in Geary's interest in Pennsylvania ;
by fully one-half of the Disunion nomi
nating conventions; by the mixed Brown
low-Douglass convention now in session
In rtittadetpLia ; and by the rump ampna
tnent to the Constitution, which proposes
to grant full political " privileges and im
munities" to all men born in the United
States, without regard to color or race.
The members of the Legislature to be
elected this year can act on the subject.
The Constitution was amended last in
1864, and five years thereafter, (in 1869,)
can be amended again. The members to
be elected this fall will constitute the Le
gislature of 1867. They can pass an
amendment—the parliamentary require
ment. The Legislature to be elected next
year for 1868 can ratify it and call a spe
cial election in January, 1869, to have it
ratified by the people before the assem
bling of the Legislature of 1869; or they
can submit it at a special or general elec
tion in 1868, and call an extra session on
the first of January, 1869, to count the
votes, and if adopted add. it to the Con
stitution. Thus State Senators, to be
elected this fall, for three years, can! vote
for a negro suffrage amendment in 1867,
and again in 1868. Even if the matter
should not be broached till 1868, the Sen
ators now to be elected would have to
act upon the preliminary passage. It is
clearly evident, therefore, that the mem
bers now to be elected can, act upon this
subject.
We are willing to grant that " General
Geary, as Governor, will have no duty to
perform in the premises," because there
is no probability whatever of his election.
Suppose, however, for illustration, that he
should be elected. His term would not
expire till after the 7th of January, 1870,
so that he could approve such an amend
ment, whether preliminary proceedings
were started in 1867 or 1868.
The statement that the " law forbids
the question being an issue," is a very
stupid falsehood. Where is there any
law forbidding it ? It would be a good
thing if there were a prohibitory law.
It is true that .a negro suffrage amend
ment to the Constitution of Pennsylvania
would have to be submitted to a vote of
the people after affirmative action of two
successive Legislatures, but such a ques
tion should never be allowed to go so for.
Men favorable to such a change in the
Constitution should not be elected as
members and Senators. They are not
trustworthy upon other questions, if fa
vorable to that. But, there is another
point, of graver importance. It is this:
The Legislature to. ba elected , this fall
will be called upon to ratify or reject the
amendment to the Federal Constitution
proposed by the late Rump. Congress.--:
One of its sections proposes to n”,lse_oiti
zone of all persons 'born in -theViiited
States ; to prohibit any State from abridg
ing the privileges and immunities ot the
citizens thus created, and to prevent any
State from depriving any person of life,
liberty, property, or equal protection of
the laws. All this is clearly intended for
the benefit of the blacks, for all men born
in the United States have ALWAYS enjoy
ed those natural, civil and political rights,
except the negroes. The proposed amend-
ment makes so clear a contradistinction
between the natural and civil rights (life,
liberty, property and protection), and po
litical "privileges and immunities," (the
privileges of
,voting, holding office, &c.,)
that there can he no reasonable -doubt
thrown against.. the linnet' that it is a well
concocted thoug,h covert scheme intended
to establish and enforce . negro suffrage
and equality in Ai the States without sub
mitting the question 'to a' direct vote of
the people! This amendment, when once
incorporated into the Federal Constitu
tion will be binding upon all the States.
The Federal Constitution says it shall - be
" the supreme haw of the land, and the
judges in every State - shall be bound there
by, anything in the Constitution or laws
of any State to the contrary notwithstand
ing." Thus the word "white" may be
, struck from the Constitution without a
legislative amendment, and without sub
mitting the question to the people!—
When the Rump amendment shall be
passed, the question then goes beyond the
jurisdiction of our State courts, our Le
gislature and the people. Salmon P.
Chase and his Radical, negro suffrage
Conrt will have exclusive authority to in
terpret and determine.
These facts show the great importance
of electing Representatives and Senators
at the coining election, pledged and sworn
against the issue of negro suffrage, (or
citizenship,) which is now before the coun
try in the shape of the Rump'amendment.
The Geary Disunionists fear to go before
the people upon a DIRECT VOTE to strike
out the word " white," and therefore they
are laboring to elect men who will ratify
the Rump amendment to the Federal
Constitution, and thereby override our
State Constitution and the will of the
people. It is- but a modification of the
game which the same school of politicians
played successfully upon the people of
Wisconsin.
People wake up.: White men, it' you
want to preserve the ballot-box pure, and
to bequeath to your children the same
white man's Government which you re
ceived from your ancestors, arouse and
defeat the tricksters, who, to subserve
their own base purposes, tell their adher
ents to " throw conscience to the devil ;"
who says that "it is numbers not intelli
gence we want;•" and who blasphemously
cry—"To hell with the Constitution !"
Now Is Ltrn time 60 strike ft, r ) e ..r
try.! The issue is clearly before you, and
if you fad to meet it now, and defeat Dis
union and Negroism the last hope will be
gone forever!!
The Case Well Put,
The President iu his speech at Niagara
Falls illustrates and demolishes the mon
strous position assumed by the Radicals
in clamoring for universal suffrage for the
negroes, in the following pointed and
unanswerable manner:
"The argument is that they, (the freed
men,) must have agents, that they must
have persons there to see that their con
tracts are rightly made, that they are in
competent, that they are our wards and
we must take care of them. I say free
them, give them a fair chance and a start
in the race of life. But they make an ar
gument that you must, have persons there
employed to see that advantage is not
taken of them in making their contracts,
that they are incompetent to do their bu
siness ; then they will turn around and
tell us that these indigent incompetent
persons who are not able to do without
agents to make their bargains for them,
they will turn round and say that they
aro " fit to be members of Congress, and
to have the ballot at once, and control the
elections."
From which appears the glaringly mon
strous idea of the Radicals { of giving
votes miscellaneously to the negroes and
making members of Congress of them,
when they hitve not sense euougkto buy
a jack knife or Make :in agreement - for a
month's labor without the assistance of
an agent or guardian.
The True Union Party.
The Gazette, an ultra-Radical sheet,
published at Pittsburg, declares "it is no
longer a secret that in Pennsylvania the
Conservatives are co-operating as abso
lutely with the Democrats as in New
York. They will all vote for Clymer, and
for the district and county Democratic
candidates. This is preliminary to a joint
effortto elect aPresident two years hence."
Just so. All true Union men are enlisted
for the campaign which is to end only
when the Radicals are banished from
power both in the State and nation—when
the Union is restored, and the people are
again prosperous and happy.
THE Two CoN - vtorrtoxs.—After review
ing the .proceedings of the Philadelphia
Convention—the National Convention of
the 14th of August, and the Radical Con
vention 'Which has juilt closed its proceed
ings,lbe." New York Sun (Rep.) tersely
sum§ fttp as follows:
"Taking the proceedings of the two
Conventions together, and banishing all
political prejudices, the only conclusion
to which a candid man can come to is
this : The Conservative Convention ig
nored party for the sake of the Uttion ;
and that the other party ignored thelln
ion for the sake of party."
VOLUME XXIII, NUMBER 39.
Mother Gallant Soldier Speaks".
PRILADELPHIA, Sept - I(3c 1868:'
Brevet Mojor-General Custer and Chairman
Committee, &e.
DEAR Silt?! It is impossible for me to
leave my business engagements here long
enough to accept your invitation.to attend
the Soldier's Convention at, Cleveland
nest wedk...
My convictionS, however - and my ear
nest hopes are with you and the objects
of the Convention. • .
The attempt of Southern politicians to
deStroy our Union in :1861, furnished an
opportunity for every loyal man to put
himself right on the record, which you
and I, and all our brother soldiers, em
braced, by enlisting " for the war."
The present attempt of certain North
ern politicians to commit certain rebel
lious acts, by keeping our Union in a
condition of hazard and danger, and com
pelling one portion of our countrymen to
submit without voice or representation to
the government of another portion—fur
nishes another opportunity for all loyal
Union soldiers to rally for the preserva
tion of the same Union for which we
fought as comrades during tour long and
eventful years. •
I wish to be considered as enlisted in
the same cause for this war also, and wil
ling to march under the same flag, shoul
der to shoulder with any and all who are
willing, to strike another blow for Peace
and Union, whe:ber veteran soldiers or
new recruits.
I would even trust a repentant rebel
soldier,
who fought on a fair field, but
is loyally disposed now, rather than the
politicians and contractors, who stayed at
home and robbed us and the government
thro'out the war, and now have the impu
deuce to ask us to share the government
we have preserved with negroes, in order
that they may continue to grow fat on
their verbal patriotism.
Let our old comrades all understand
the true issues which the President is
taking, in our behalf. Let them under
stand that the Union for which we fouoit
and suffered, after being, as we thought,
preserved by our arms, is now being tri
fled with and endangered by office-seekers
and politicians for their own selfish ends,
and I have no fear but that those glori ;us
lines of blue, which, in the cause and un
der the flag of the Union," swept tri
umphantly over the enemies - positions,
will again rally into another mighty Un
ion army, which will this fall sweep before
it all toes to our Union, whether traitors
of the North or South, or both together,
and thus finish with the ballot the great
work only commenced with the bayonet.
I am my dear sir, very truly yours,
ISAAC J. \VISTAIt,
Late Brigadier-Gen. Volunteers, U. S. A.
A great effort has been made to create
the impression that the men who fought
our battles are sustaining Congress against
the President. In the midst of the con
test it was a common thing for the sol
diers of the two armies to say, " We could
settle this thing in five minutes. It is the
infernal politicians who have ruined the
country." They would have shaken hands,
agreed that each should respect the laws
and the Constitution, and should be se
cure in his rights under that instrument,
and then gone their several- ways, and
you would never have heard the fighting
men pelting their old antagonists with
epithets. •
Many of them feel that way as it is.—
We received a letter from a gallant colonel
yesterday, ordering this paper. He says :
"I am aßepublioan ; have.been one since
my majo rity; cast my first vote for. Lin
coln; and as long as the politics of
,the
party were administered with honesty and
justice, I proposed remaining one; but
latterly the course that some of its lead
ers have pursued has become so intolera
ble that I can no longer support it as a
party and have the consciousness of doing
right.
I have served in the army four years ;
from a private I have come upithrough all
the different grades to the command of a
regiment; have been severely wounded
in one of our bloodiest battles. I think
I have discharged my duty with credit to
myself and honor to the cause and coun
try, and I cannot bear.to see my efforts,
with thousands of 'otherN, frittered away
for the sake of political advancement--in
short, usurpation. I think for myself. I
allow no person to control me politically
or dictate my politics. I lay some claims
to ordinary intelligence. In a word, lam
an Ath erieau .'—Nationa / leYigencer,Sep
ton ber 10.
Durant, a - New Orleans fellow;
who has. been •imported into Philadelpha
to help.put.Geary stock up to average in
*ho market, declared at , u speech in the
League House, on the 31st, that 'f until
the'negroes are allowed to vote there can
be no peace in the country."—Age.
tar'Tliaddetis Stevens has taken the
stump in Pennsylvania for "General Goa
-Iry and negro equality." Ho recently
spoke at Bedford, and in reference to ice
partial suffrage he said that " popular or
enpopular, lie would standby it, until re
-1 lieved of the unprofitable labcirs of earth."
A Soldier on the Issue:
IMEI=I