A. J. GERRITSON, Publisher.t
For the Democrat.
The Great Conflict Between Democ
racy and Abolitionism—The
meaning of Copperhead.
What is the meaning of the odious
name which the Republican party applies
wits political enemies 4 The copperhead,
as all knoW, is a species of serpent. In
mythology, the serpent is a symbol of the
ma. The serpent was adored in Egypt
as the emblem of the divine nature. In
Elephants, almost all the deities either
grasp serpents in their hands, or are envi
roiled with them, which can only be in
tended as a mark of their divinity. In the
hieroglyphic sculpture of Egypt, their
wreathed bodies represent the course of
the stars, while the same bodies in a
circle, were an emblem of eternity, and
the serpent or dragon was one of the most
conspicuous of the forty-eight great con
stellations into which the ancients divided
the visible heavens.
The brazen serpent lifted up by Moses
in the wilderness was a.tytie of Christ.
Where is the key which unlocks the
mysteries contained in the name by which
a great political party in our country are
called? Let ns search the lore of the past
for an answer. What vile principles do
they cherish, and what crimes have they
committed deserving the odious name of
copperhead ? One of the organs of their
enemies makes the following accusations
against them. It says:
"The copperheads are making great la
mentations over the trentendous power
which is placed in the hands of President
Lincoln, a power greater perhaps than
that wielded by any other potentate on
earth. The 37th Congress has vested
more power in his bands than was ever
before vested in the hands of any one man
since the days of the Caesars. Some of
the copperheads can hardly find language
adequate to express their despair."
Another organ says : " There can be no
ipiesiion of the Anti y of the copperheads
of 1863 with the tories of the Revolution
of 1776."
Before proceeding to other accusations
let us search the history of that Revolu
tion for an answer. The copperheads
dreaded arbitrary power in the hands of
one man or a few men, and are alarmed
at the encroachments made by the Repub
lican party upon the liberties of America.
Let us hear what one of the signets of
the Declaration says about arbitrary pow
er. Samuel Adams wrote in 1773, as fol•
lugs:
" The !Topie are alarnica at tl.e large
strides that are made, and are making to
u:trds an absolute tyranny. Are not the
,istry lost to all sensibility ? Do they
it •like the Egyptian tyrant, harden
Ihvir heart against the just complaints of
ti:e people ? If it should ever become a
practicable thing to impeach a corrupt ad
ministration, I hope that minister who ad
vised the introduction of an arbitrary
gol , ernment into America, will not be
overlooked. He would make a figure
equal to Lord Strafford in the reign of
Charles. The conspirators against our
liberties are employing all their influence
to divide the people, partly by intimida
ting them, and partly by arts aid in
trigues. henever they shall have com
pleted their system, our condition will be
more humiliating and miserable than that.
of the people of England in the infamous
reigns of the Stuarts, which blacken the
pages of hiStory.
Ambition saw that stooping Rome could bear
A inflater, nor had virtue . to "be free.'
"Had not, Caesar seen that Rome was
ready to stoop, he would not have dared
to make himself the master of that brace
people. He was indeed, as a great wri
ter observes, a smooth and subtle tyrant,
who led them gently into slavery. By
pretending to be the people's greatest
lriond, he gained the ascendancy over
them. By beguiling arts, hypocri.y, and
flattery, which are often more fatal than
the sword, he obtained that supreme con
trol which his ambitious soul had long
thirsted for. The people were finally pre
'ailed upon to consent to titer own ruin.
Is minions had taken pains to paint to
their imaginations the godlike virtues of
Casar, and then to sacrifice to him those
rights and liberties which their ancestors
bad so long maintained with their blood
end treasure. By this act they fixed a
precedent fatal to posterity. They volun
tarily and ignominiously surrendered their
own liberty, and exchanged a free consti
tution for a tyranny.
"It is not my design to form a com
parison between the state of this country
and the Roman empire—the comparison
to all its parts would not hold good. The
tyrant of Rome had great abilities. It
behooves us, however, to awake to the
dange r we are in. The tragedy of Amer
ican freedom, it is to be feared, is nearly
Completed. A
tyranny seems to be at the
Very door. Our enemies would fain have
us lie down on the bed of sloth, and per
suade ourselves that there is no danger.
But is theio no danger when the very
foundations of oureivil Constitution trem
ble? Is it a time for us to sleep when
our free government is essentially chang
ed,and a new one is forming upon quite
different system? What difference is
tiler° between the present state of this
Province, which in course will be the de
plorable condition of America, than that
of Rome under the law befote mentioned?
The difference is only this, that they gave
their formal assent to the change, which
we have not yet done.
"There seems to be a system of tyran
ny and oppression already begun. It is
therefore the duty of every honest man to
alarm his fellow citizens, and awaken in
them the utmost vigilance. Tyrants
alone,' says the great Vattel, will treat
as seditious those brave and resolute citi
zens who exhort the people to preserve
themselves from oppression, in viudica
lion of their rights and privileges.' A
good prince,' says he, will commend
those virtuous patriots, and will mistrust
the selfish suggestions of a minister who
represents to him as rebels all those citi
zens who do not hold out their hands to
chains—who refuse tamely to suffer the
strokes of arbitrary power.' "
Is not this good copperhead oratory ?
Does it not read like hundreds of their
speeches and writings during the last four
years? What did the Tory party say to
these writings of Samuel Adams, which
accorded with the principles of all the pat
riots of the Revolution, as they are found
on the persusal of their works. As the
patriots began to rouse to activity, and
the strength of their party increased, a
Tory writer named Leonard, said:
" This is the foulest, subtlest, and most
venomous serpent ever issued from the
ego. of sedition. It is the source of re
bellion. I saw the small seed when it
was planted. I have watched the plant
until it has become a great tree. The vil
est reptiles that crawl upon the earth are
concealed at the root; the foulest birds
of the air rest upon its branches. I now
would induce you to go to work immedi
ately with axes and hatchets and cut it
down, for a two-fold reason : Because it
is a pest to society, and lest it be felled
sud lolly by a stronger arm, and crush its
th insauds in its fall."
This was the tree of Liberty planted in
America by our patriotic ancestors, and
watered with their blood. The patriots
who have watched over it for the last five
years, and gave the alarm when they saw
the old monarchists trig fo_cut ivdown;
were i ecognized by them' at once us the
same class of serpents and reptiles that
first planted it, and the instinctive cry of
those old Tories was, •• copperheads:—
copperheads!"
tie Tories of the Revolution said of
Samuel Adams, that •' every dip of his
pen stung like a horned snake."
" Goodrich says: " When the news
that the stamp act had received the royal
signature reached New England, the CO IL
runt was i,•sued with a frontispiece, bear
ing a snake cut in pieces, with the initial
names of all the Colonies to each piece,
and abate them the words, 'Join or
Die !' "
This act was passed in 1765, so that
just one hundred years ago, the patriots
of America selected a serpent as their em
blem of Liberty. Ten years later all the
Colonies bad joined against the tyranni
cal power of England ; and Bancroft gives
an account of an agent of France in Amer
ica, who wrote the French minister that
" everybody in the Colonies appeared to
have turned soldier ; that they bad given
up the English flag, and bad taken for
their devices a rattle-snake with thirteen
' rattles, and a mailed arm holding thirty
arrows."
History also says, John Marshall and
Patrick Henry formed military compan
panies and drove Lord Dunmore from the
soil of Virginia. Their companies wore
green hunting shirts; with " Liber•
ty or Death," in white letters on the
bosom, and their banners displayed a
coiled rattlesnake, with the motto, "Don't
tread on me !"
What were all lb( ae serpents of the
Revolution of 1776 but types of the cop
perhead of this second Revolution ? Du
riug the second war with Great Britain,
the Tories called Madison and Jefferson
and the Democratic party " Reptiles."
Serpents are reptiles.
When the amendments to the Consti
tution were debated in the Convention,
Fisher Ames, a Federal member, ridi
culed Mr. Madison for insisting upon giv
ing the people so much liberty. He says,
"Mr. Madison has inserted in his
amendments the rights of conscience ;
freedom of the press, of juries, &c. There
is a prodigious great dose for a medicine.
The anti-federalists accuse the eastern
people with despotic principles. Consol
idation is a bugbear that scares them. We
have near twenty of these dragons watch
ing the tree of Liberty, lest it should be
robbed of its fruit."
A dragon is a fiery serpent. When the
Democracy of our country can no longer
protect the Tree of Liberty against the
so-called " Union Republican party,"who
are out with their "axes and hatchets to
cut it down," then the tyranny which
Washington overcame, after eight years
of blood and toil, will resume its sway
over the people of America—Liberty be
exchanged for Slavery.
Further proof will be found in the next
number.
IM'''Subscribe for the Democrat.
MONTROSE, PA., TUESDAY, SEPT. 18, 1866.
National Restoration.—lmportant Let
ter from Henry Ward Beecher.
NEw Yowl, Wednesday,
Aug. 28, 1868. t
To Rev. Henry Ward Beecher :
DRAB AND REVEREND SlR:—The un
dersigned have been appointed by the Ex
ecutive Committe of the National Con
vention of Soldiers and Sailors who
honorably served during the late war for
the Union, as a Special Committee to
wait upon you, and request your consent
to serve as Chaplain of the Convention,
which will be held at Cleveland, Ohio, on
the 17th of next month.
Your name has been selected by the
Executive Committee from sincere admi
ration of your character, and as the only
tribute within their power to pay in ack
nowledgment of your noble devotion to
the cause of the Union, and your earnest
and unceasing efforts iu behalf of our
soldiers and sailors during the recent war.
The Executive Committee also find in
your course since the termination of the
struggle substantial harmony with the
views to which they desire to give effect
in the Convention—your eloquence and
the just weight of your name being em
ployed to enforce upon the country a gen
erous and magnanimous policy toward the
lately rebellious States, and a prompt re•
construction of the Union under the Con
stitution as the best means of regaining
the national tranqiiility which the country
so much needs, and readjusting the rights
of all sections, under the new order of
things, on a basis of law, order, Christian
brotherhood and justice.
In the call for the Convention, which
the undersigned have the honor to trans
mit herewith, you will see fully set forth
the motives which actuate the military
and naval defenders of the Union in their
present unusual course of taking a part in
a political movement; and it is our hope,
as we have always looked to you in the
darkest days of the war for inspiration,
aid and the cheering sympathy of a noble
heart —never failing to find_ them—that
you will consent to invoke , . the Divine
Blessing upon the Convention of the Sol
diers and Sailors of the United States
who served during the rebellion and who
approve tho restoration policy of Presi
dent Johnson and the principles announced
by the recent National Convention of
Philadelphia—the first Convention since
1.8(1U.1a wialen all 4LO Ztates or our witty
ed Union were reOesented.
Hoping an early and favorable reply,
we have the honor to be, with very pro
found respect for your character, and sin
cere gratitude for your powerful gen
erous efforts in behalf of the military and
naval servants of the country during the
late war. Your obedient friends and ser
vants, CHAS. G. HALPINE,
Brevet Brig.-Geueral.,
Chairman.
H. NV. Sr.ocum, Major-General,
GoßnoN GRANGER., Major-General,
Committee.
REY. lIENET WARD BREMER'S REPLY.
PEEKSKILL, Aug. 30, '66.
Clarke G. Halpin, Brevet Brigadier Gen
eral ; H. W. Slocum, Major General ;
Gordon Granger, Major General, Com
mittee :
GENTLEMEN :-I am obliged to you for
the invitation which you have made to me
to act as Chaplain to the Convention of
Sailors and Soldiers about to convene at
Cleveland. I cannot attend it, but rhearti
ly wish it and all other conventions,of what
party soever, success, whose object is the
restoration of all the States late in rebel
lion to their Federal relations.
Our theory of Government has no place
for a State except in the Union. It is
justly taken for granted that the duties
and responsibilities of a State in Federal
relations tend to its political health, and
to that of the whole nation. Even Ter
ritories are hastily brought in, often be
fore the prescribed conditions are fulfilled,
as if it were dangerous to have a commu
nity outside of the great body politic.
Had the loyal Senators and Represnta
tives of Tennessee been admitted at once
on the assembling of Congress, and in
moderate succession, Arkansas, Georgia,
Alabama, North Carolina, and Virginia,
the public tnind of the South would have
been far more, healthy than it is, and those
States which lingered on in probation to
the last would have been under a more
salutary influence to good conduct than
if a dozen armies watched over them.
Every month that we delay this health.
ful step complicates the case. The ex
cluded population, enough unsettled be
fore, grows more irritable ; the army be
comes indispensible to local government,
and supercedes it; the government at
Washington is called upon to interfere in
one and another difficulty, and this will
be &Me inaptly, and sometimes with great
injustice—tor our government, wisely
adapted to its own proper functions, s
utterly devoid of those habits, and un
equipped with the instruments which fit
a centralized government to exercise au
thority in remote States over local affairs.
Every attempt to perform such duties
has resulted in mistakes which have ex
cited the nation. But whatever impru
dence there may be in the method, the
criticism should be against the requisition
of such duties of the general government.
The federal government is unfit ( to ex
ercise minor police and local government,
and will inevitably blunder when it at
tempts it. To keep a half a score of States
under federal authority, but without na
tional ties and responsiblities; to oblige
the central authority to govern half the
territory of the Union by Federal civil
officers and by the army, is a policy not
only uncongenial to oar ideas and princi
ples, but preeminently dangerous to the
spirit of our government. However hu
mane the ends sought and the motives, it
is, in fact a course of instruction, prepar
ing our government to be despotic, and
familiarizing the people to a stretch of
authority which can never be other than
dangerous to liberty.
• lam aware that good men are withheld
from advocating the prompt and success
ive admission of the exiled States by the
fear, chiefly, of its effect upon parties and
upon freedmen.
It is said that if admitted to Congress,
the Southern Senators and Representa
tives will coalesce with Northern Demo
crats and rule the country. Is this nation,
then, to remain dismembered to serve the
ends of parties ? Have we learned no
wisdom by the history of the last ten
years, in which just this course of sacri
ficing the nation to the exigencies of par
ties plunged us into rebellion and war?
Even admit that the power would pass
into the hands of a party made up of
Southern men, and the hitherto dishonor
ed and misled Democracy of the North,
that power could not be used just as they
pleased. The war has changed, not alone
institutions, but, ideas. The whole coun
try has ; advanced. Public sentiment is
exalted ,far beyond what it has been at
any former period. A new party would
like a river, be obliged to seek its channels
in the air( aly existing slopes and forms
of the continent.
We have entered a new era of liberty.
The style of thought is freer and more
noble. The young men of our times are
regenerated. The great army has been a
school, and hundreds of thousands of men
are gone home to preach a truer and no
bler view of human rights. All the in
dustrial interests of society are moving
with increased wisdom toward intelligence
and liberty. Everywhere, in churches,
in literature, in natural science, in physi
cal industries, in social questions, as well
as in politics, the nation feels that the
inriumerc nod oEasy. - 4317.4.4...er
in the horizon and works through all the
elements. In this happily changed and
advanced condition of things no party of
the retrograde can maintain itself. Every
thing marches and parties must march.
I hear with wonder and shame and
scorn the fear of a few that the South
once more in adjustment with the Fede
ral Government will rule this nation!—
The North is rich—never so richi the
South is poor, never before so poor. The
population of the North is nearly double
that of the South. The industry of the
North, in diversity, in forwardness and
productiveness, in all the machinery and
education required for manufacturing, is
half a century in advance of the South.
Churches in the North crown every hill,
and schools swarm in every neighborhood;
while the South has but scattered lights,
at long distances, like light-houses twink
ling along the ege of a continent of dark
ness. In the presence of such a contrast,
how mean and craven is the fear that the
South will rule the policy of the land!
That it will have an influence, that it will
contribute, in time, most important influ
ences or restraints, we are glad to believe.
But if it rises at once to the control of
the government it will because the North
demoralized by prosperity, and besotted
by groveling interest, refuses to dicharge
its share of political duty. In such a case
the South not only will control the Gov
ernment, but it ought to do it.
2. It is feared, with more reason, that
the restoration of the South to her full
independence will be detrimental to the
freedmen. The sooner we dismiss from
our minds the idea that the freedmen can
be classified, and separated from the white
population, and nursed and defended by
themselves, the better it will be for them
and us. The negro is part and parcel of
Southern society. He cannot be prosper
ous while it is unprosperons. Its evils
will rebound upon him. Its happiness
and reinvigoration cannot be kent, from
his participation. The restoration of the
South to amicable relations with the North
and the reorganization of its industry,
the reinspiration of. its enterprise and
thrift will all redound to the freedman's
benefit. Nothing is so detrimental to the
freedman as an unsettled state of society
in the South. On him comes all the spite
and anger and caprice and revenge. He
will be made the scapegoat of lawless and
heartless men. Unless we turn the gov
ernment into a vast military machine there
cannot be armies enough to protect the
freedmen while Southern society remains
insurrectionary. If Southern society is
calmed, settled, and occupied, and sooth
ed, with new hopes and prosperous indus
tries, no armies will be needed. Riots
will subside, laWless hangers-on will be
driven off or better governed, and a way
will be gradually opened up to"the freed
man, through education and industry, to
full citizenship, with all its honors and
duties.
Civilization is a growth. None can es-
cape that forty years in the wilderness
who travel from the Egypt of ignorance
to the promised land of civilization. The
freedmen must take their march. I have
full faith in the results. If they have the
stamina to undergo the hardships which
every civilized people has undergone in
their upward progress, they will in due
time take their place among ns. That
place cannot be bought, nor bequeathed,
nor gained by slight of hand. It will
come to sobriety, virtue, industry, and
frugality. As the nation cannot be sound
until the South is prosperous, so on the
other extreme, a healthy condition of civil
society in the South is indispensable to
the welfare of the freedmen.
Refusing to admit loyal Senators and
Representatives from the South to Con
gress will not help the freedmen. It will
not secure for them the vote. It will not
protect them. It will not secure any
amendment of our Constitution, however
just and wise. It will only increase the
dangers and complicate the difficulties.—
Whether we regard the whole nation, or
any section of it or class in it, the first
demand of our time is, entire reunion!
Once united, we can, by schools, ch arch
er, a free press and increasing free speech,
attack each evil and secure every good.
Meanwhile, the great chasm which re
bellion made is not filled up. It grows
deeper and stretches wider! Out of it
rise dead spectres and threatening sounds.
Let that gulf be closed, and bury in it
Slavery, sectional animosity and all strifes
and hatreds!
• It is fit that the brave men, who, on sea
and land, faced death to save the nation,
should now, by their voice and vote, con
summate what their swords rendered pos
sible.
For the sake of the•freedman, for the
sake of the South and its millions of our
fellow-countrymen, for oar own sake, and
for the great cause of freedom and civili
zation, I urge the immediate reunion of
all the parts which rebellion and war have
shattered. lam truly yours,
llEsnv NV ARD tEECIIER.
General Gordon Granger on the South
em Situation.
WASHINGTON, August 24.
To His Excellency 4ntireta.Johmon 3 Presi
dent of the Untied b'fates: -
Sia:—ln obedience to instructions, dat
ed May 9, 1866, directing me, while car
rying out a specific mission, " to examine
carefully into the disposition of the peo
ple of the Southern States through which
I might pass, toward the Government of
the United States," I have to report,
That in all the States I visited I found
no sign or symptom of organized disloyal
ty to the General Government. I found
the people taking our currency, and glad
to get it ; anxious for Northern capital
and Northern labor to develope the re
sources of their wasted country, and well
disposed toward every Northern mari
who came among them with that object
in view.
In some localities I bear rumors of se
cret organizations, pointing to a renewal
of the rebellion. On investigating these
secret societies, I could discover in them
nothing more than charitable institutions,
having for their principal object the re
lief of the widows and orphans of the
confederate soldiers who had fallen in the
war.
During the whole of my travels I found
it to be as safe and convenient to mingle
with the people of the South, freely dis
cussing any and every topic that came
up, as in any other section of the United
States. I was often among them unknown,
and the tenor of their acts and conversa
tion was then the same as when my name
and official postion were thoroughly un
derstood.
The people of the South may be divid
ed into two classes. There is the indus
trious class, laboring earnestly to build
up what has been broken down, striving
to restore prosperity to the country, and
interestedbmainly in the great question of
providing food and clothing for themselves
and families. These form the great ma
jority of the people. Then there is an
other class, an utterly irresponsible class,
composed mainly of young men who were
the " bucks" of Southern society before
the war, and chiefly spent their time in
lounging round the court rooms and bars,
in chicken fighting and gambling. These
have been greatly broken up by the war,
many of them have been killed ; but those ,
who remain are still disturbing elements
in the community, and are doing much
mischief. It is this class of men and a
number of the poor whites, who have
formed gangs of horse stealing. It is
they who in some instances have made
attacks on the officers of the Freedmen's
Bureau, and have illtreated the freedmen.
It is they 'who afford the main pretext for
saying that there is among the people of
the South a. feeling of hostility against
the tithed States Govertment. But they
are not the representatives of the South
ern people. They form but aninsignifi
cant minority in the community, and oven
they are aetuated,not so larch by a feeling
of opposition to the Government as by a
reluctance to earn their own livelihood by
honest labor and individual exertion.
VOLUME XXIII, NUMBER 38,
That cases- of authentic outrage.
'BO
occurred in the South is patent ,to every
one familiar with the current news of the
day. Bat these cases are few and far.be
tweet!, and it is both unjust and 'llo4ook
row to charge the responsibility Rif. snub,
act of lawlessness upon the Whole n 4
,So;
ern people. For some malicione
accounts of less isolated disorders lisria
been collected and grouped together ;*1
sown broadcast over the Xorth, so as . to
give the public mind an utterly erroneous
impression as to the condition-of Southern
society. The fact is that - whereVer' dis
affection and turbulence have manifested
themselves outside the class to whOln
have alluded, there has been some loci'
or specific cause to account fbr it. Laws
lessness, like an epidemic, has extended
over particular belts of the country, alid•
like an epidemic, is equally traceable kr
some initiatory cause. Chief among these
causes must be termed bad government.
pillage and oppression.
For five years the Southern people Into
been the subjects of gross misrule. Dur
ing the war their government was a. mat
tary despotism, dependent solely upowthe
dictum of an individual. Since the war
they have been left more or less in a
chaotic state—their government semi
civil, semi-military, or rather a division of
rule between the military, the freedman's
bureau and.the provisional governmentili
What might have been the reseltof.a
different policy it is not altogether idl e . to
speculate. Every military man who serv
ed in the South during the war will agree
that the great mass of .the people was not
thoroughly in the struggle. The number
of desertions from the rebel armies abun
dantly establishes this fact. Had a poficy
of wise and statesmanlike conciliation ,
been followed out immediately atter the
close of the war, it is more than,pron.s.
ble that the condition and disposit ion ~of
the people would now be far better. than
they are. But on the subjugatiOir 'Of the
South the national authority in the lota,
rebellious States was divided and broken
up into opposing.factions, whine. •actioti
greatly hindered the re-establishment of
civil law and good order so !Push needed
among a people demoralized by the
demoralizing of all agencies—civil trith
The country was flooded with treasury
agents, who with their accomplices. und
imitators, fleeced the people right aottlet),
returning into the United States Treasu
for all the enortnotia amount of
: V e t t er
they seitedana coninsuatecroai..a
to pay the cost, of confiscationvp Agent"
of the freedman's bureau steppedbetween
the planter and the laborer, stirring tqr
strife, perpetuating antagonism, and often'
adding to their quota of extortion .and
oppression. On every hand the .people
saw themselves robbed and wronged;:,by
agents and self appointed agents•prcifese,
ing to act under the sanutiou of ..,the
United States Government. it , be
Wondered at that among the eutiiiiitinity
thus dealt with, powerless to resist add'
too weak and prostrated for 'successful
complaint, some bitterness and_ ill feeling
should. arise ? Done. -but fbribli . *;, and
well-meaning people could have endured
unresitingly all that the South htis undelSß
gone.
In prosecuting this inquiry T herff&
deem it fair to ask more than *het hit&
been the actions of the people of the
South toward the General Government.
With their private opinions, their sympa r ,
thies and their prejudices, liad nothing'
to do. Yet for a more thorough 'ti dere
standing of the question I made it 'a Fart
of my mission to investigate evert , thew
I found they had universally oomplied
with the conditions granted and tupopted
at the final surrender of their armies and
cause. I found that they were eitritillit
out with good faith and alacrity the 're ,
quirements of the Constitutional' amend:
ment abolishing slavery, and thatiin,,ell
the States, except Mississippi and Teittt l / 2 ,
the famous Civil Rights bill bad been an
ticipated by the action of the &site Le
gislatures previous to its passage by Coo.
gress. Further than this, I found thane
the repudiation of every dollar linOnen as
the Confederate debt, the same prompt
notion had been taken by the State he;
thorities, and had been universally
domed by the people ; and I neither Bair
nor heard any disposition, or anythint
that pointed toward a disposition, to' re
pudiato the National debt, or to tevivo
the institution of slavery.
But while the Southern people nre Aar
loyal, and have fulfilled all the :requite.
went asked of them by the Feder id G.
eminent, it is impossible to dis i gaise, the
fact, and the better class or otivia's do
not attempt to disguise it, = that thereei
among them a deep feeling and -iltichig•
apprehension as to the cause of their long
continued exclusion from Congress: They;
believe that is part of a set plan, flior
perpetuating the existence Of , a political
party now in the ascendant, and thet.the
question of suffrage, readjustmentocrep
resentation and taxation,
are but exettBea
for still longer delay. Thus °regard*"
of the great interests, not only of tkln
suffering South, but of the whole country,
burdened with debt and laboring dear
severe embarrassment, I found thespre,
vailing opinion among the most
gent citizens, as well as among .the moat
anxious for au early restored= of the
t7nion, to be that, if representation and ,
an equal and just co-operation in the ad-