- with Ahem, that.-will bring into your halls
j
of legislation, upon your judicial . benches
and Into every place and appointment in
the Commonwealth, men whom you will
not receive at your tables or in your hou
ses as friends or acquaintances. Will not
this be a strange state of things ? What
must it lead to ? Can it possibly exist
without very serious consequences to
both parties ? Let, us pause on the
threshold."
And so I say to my friend, the Senator
from Bradford, and to the Senator from
Indiana, and to every Senator here : "Let
us pause on the threshold.". This propo
sition before us is avowed to be " a mere
entering wedge ;" but as surely as histo
ry will ever repeat itself under like eir
'cumstances, so surely will this train of
- evils, set forth in letters of living light by
the man . who wrote the song of our land,
come upon us. These evils will follow as
surely as night follows day and light fol
lows darkness.
TO BE TOTED FOE A POLITICAL NOT A NAT-
URLL RIGHT.
I have said, Mr. Speaker; that this is a
political, not a natural right. I have en
deavored to show it by the action of our
State on this question. I might illustrate
the fact by the action of every State in
this Union. I could show it by reference
to the provision in the Constitution of
the United States which describes the
qualifications of voters for members of
Congress. But, sir, it is unnecessary.
These are political truths with which ev
ery man is acquainted; and I should be
but wasting the time of this body did I
fill my remarkt with quotations from these,
our text books of political knowledge. I
will merely add, in order to strengthen
the argument, that I have endeavored to
make, if the argument should require
strength, that if it be a natural right to
vote it is a natural right to be voted for;
and yet the latter is limited by the Con
stitution of the United States, because
certain qualifications are , required before
a man can become President of the Uni
ted. States. He must be native born; he
must be thirty five years of age; he must
have resided within the United States
fourteen years. So, the Vice President of
the United States must be of a certain age;
Senators must be of a certain age; mem
bers of Congress must be of a certain age.
So with your own State; your Governor
must be of a certain age, and for a certain
time a resident of your State; the mem
bers of your Senate must be of a certain
age; the members of your House of Rep
rszsentatives must be of a certain age.
Therefore I say the right to vote and the
right to be voted for has ever been treat
ed as a political and not a natural right.
THE - OBJECT OF THE RESOLUTIONS
Mr. Speaker, I now propose to briefly
allude to what I believe to be the object;
what, indeed ; the Senator from Bradford,
(Mr. Landon) with a candor peculiar to
him, has admitted to be the object of this
resolution. He admits that it is to be
" art entering wedge" to the establish
ment of negro suffrage in the eleven states,
which he says, are still in rebellion, and
which certainly are treated .as if they
were, and which we know are debarred
from representation in Congress. He
says it, is to be an entering wedge for the
doctrine that Congress may, by mere leg
islative enactment, force upon them this
requirement. of negro suffrage, and may,
against the wishes, the rights and the in
terests of the people inhabiting those
States, put the power of control over them,
in the hands of the black population. I
thank him for the admission. He does
not blink it; he does not deny it; he looks
it squarely in the face. Now, sir, I pro
pose to ask him by whom, by what power,
that thing is to be done ? He says that
it is to be done by the Congress of the
United States, as I understand him. I
may be in error, but I understand him to
say that the Congress of the United S.
has the right to day to say what, shall be
the qualifications of electors in the differ
ent States. To me, sir, this doctrine
would be startling, had it not been enun
ciated elsewhere as plainly 'and boldly.
But I tell the Senator that I thank my
God that this is still a Government of law;
that the Constitution is yet the embodied
will of the American people; and, that it is
higher; stronger and more powerful than
the will of the leaders of the Republican
party, here and elsewhere. [Renewed
applause] Aye, sir we have a Govern
ment of law; and as long as the Constitu
tion of the United States stands as the
embodied will of the American people—
and, sir, until the hour comes when it shall
be torn in pieces, dragged in the dust and
destroyed, by the men wbo are now back
ing at it—until that hour, no matter what
the Senator from Bradford, the *Senator
from Indiana, or -any other Senatoi, may
say here, neither he, nor they, nor the
party at their back, can give the Con
gress of the United States the power to
say what shall be the qualifications of the
electors in the several States. That ques
tion is defined by the Constitution of the
United States; but I know it is not popu
lar to quote from the instrument here.
Mr. Stevens said, "we do not know any
thing about the Constitution in Congress,"
and I fear,there is very little known about
it here.
TUE POSITION OF THE- PRESIDENT.
But I say that that power,' by the Con
stitution of the United States, has been
committed to the several States. Read
it yourselves for yourselves, and say
whether it ba not so. And, sir, in this
hour of darkness and of gloom, when
there are men in high places who deride
the provisions of that instrument, who
will not be bound by its obligations—in
`such an hour, I thank God that He has
raised up to take the helm of State a man
who does believe that this is Govern
ment of law and who does not conceive
that he is vested with any higher or great-
Ai authority than that given him by that
instrument_whickhe its_swornlo !tuepprt..
.Thiniiiin dairthlit ilifesti on of
suffrage is one which cannot and shall not
be taken from the States by any act of
Congress or any mere decree of the Ex
ecutive, that the organic law has left the
question to the States and it may not be
—aye, and with his consent, shall not be
tampered with. But the Senator may re
ply to me; " what we cannot do by an
act of Congress we may do by an amend
ment to the Constitution of the United
States." And, I believe, that this was
what the Senator from Indiana, (Mr.
White,) was driving at in his speech al
most two hours long, for I confess to you,
sir, I could gather no clear idea of what
were his opinions or conclusions. I
thought that this question of negro suf
frage in the District of Colombia was to
be the subject of his speech, but it was
only the tail end of it. But this Con
gress, in which but twenty five States are
represented, this, (for I may call it by no
more appropriate name) Rump Congress
—this Congress, in defiance of justice, iu
defiance of right, in defiance of Constitn
tinal obligations, aye, sir, standing in an
attitude most revolutionary, denies ad
mittance to eleven Southern States ! This
Ramp Congress. with but 182 members
in it, is . going to propose amendments to
the Constitution of the United States !
Under peculiar circumstances, by fraud
and misrepresentation, upon issues that
do not exist to day, and which convulsed
the country when those men were elec
ted to that Congress the Republicans hap
pened to get a two thirds majority of that
body; therefore they are going to change
the organic law and to shingle over the
Constitution with Yankee ideas. Is that
possible ? Will it be endured ?
WHAT SHOULD BE THE .O RELATIVE STRENGTH
IN CONGRESS
Let me inquire what should be the rela
tive strength of the two great parties in
Congress, and then show you what it is.
In the twenty six States that voted for
Presiderkin 1864, Mr. Lincoln received,
2,203,831 votes; George B. M'Clellan re
ceived 1,797,019 votes; giving Mr. Lin
coln, under all the extraordinary circum
stances of the case, with his war power,
with all the powers and patronage of the
Government to aid him, with thousands
of honest men voting for him because
they believed that not to do so might im
peril the country ; (mistaken they were,
it is true, but they did so on that account,)
yet, sir, in that contest be had but, four
hundred and six thousand majority. How
many Congressmen should the Republi
can party be entitled to ? How many
would you have had if you had not jerry
mandered all the States as you did this ?
Out of the one hundred and eighty two
members, according to the votes for Pres
ident, there ought to be eighty one Demo
crats and one hundred and one Republi
cans. That would be your fairproportion
in this Congress, if the people were fairly
represented, if the intention of the Con
stitution was carried out. You ought to
have but one hundred one members, and
the Democratic vote for M'Clellan ought
to be represented by eighty one members.
But you have 142, and there are but 40
Democratic votes in that House. Having
then, by these means, more than two
thirds in your Rump Ccingress, and deny
ing admission to eleven States, which, the
President of the United States says, have
a right to be represented there to day,
you wish, do you, under those circum
sta,nces, with power thus acquired, and
power which you are determined to hold,
although you are in a state of rebellion,
to submit an amendment to the Constitu
tion of the United States ? Was there
ever such effrontery ? Was the common
sense and the sense of common justice in
the minds of the people ever so outraged
since the Government, was founded ?
Aye, sir, I trust to God you will main
tain that attitude of rebellion. I trust
that from now till the dog days you will
stand there, and when the frost comes
that it will be over your political graves.
[Applause.]
REMINISCENCE
Now, Mr. Speaker, I propose to inquire
a little further, as to the object of this
proposed amendment to the Constitutidh
of the United States. We are told to
day, in language glowingly eloquent., of
the natural rights of men and of eleva
ting them to a condition which is to be
happiness and prosperity to all of them.
Is there nothing selfish, nothing of a per
sonal or partizan character in all this ?
Sir, if this right to vote is a natural right,
if every man should have it, and if that
doctrine was ever truly and honestly held
by those who are asking us to day to vote
for it, is it not a most astounding reflec
tion that but twelve short years ago a
great political party was organized in this
State, and elsewhere throughout the Un
ion, who denied this " great natural
right," not to negroed, not 'to men of a
lower caste, but to men who happened to
serve God in a manner different from
themselves; to men who happened to be
born under another sun and in other
climes ? Did you not rear a party—
Know Nothing by name—that weneinto
power in this Commonwealth on that is
sue, which would, could it have retained
its power, have excluded every race ex
cept the native born, and would have ex
cluded those froth the elective franchise
from whose loins you yourselves bad
sprung ? What was your object then ?
Answer me, you Senators. Was it not
that you feared if they voted they would
put yon out of power ? Now, with like
hypocrisy, do you, not wish to get the ne
gro s vote to keel{ you in after you have
got there ? Is not that the reason ? Is
it any high or generous motive to do
good for the country's good by which you
are actuated ? Is it any other than to
save your Republican party from going
to destruction, where it should have gone
long ago ?
Mr. Lowry. We would have gone
there 19 . a.g.agizifibe_rebels had-got us:-
lEr. Clymer. There are some boys, not
far from here now (referring to soldiers
in the galleries,) who saved you and all of
us from going there; and they are not
black either. (Applause.)
WHERE WILL THE REPUBLICAN LEADERS
STAND WHEN THE WAR OF RACES
BEGINS.
Mr. Speaker, I have alrrady occupied
iwre of the time and attention of the Sen
aTe than I designed. I will close my re
marks by merely adverting to what will
be the condition of the race for which you
profess so much admiration. And again
I thank the Senator front Bradford for
what he has admitted. He has said that
these men are becoming educated—that
they are going to demand their rights;
aye, sir, he mentioned it as the greatest
evidence of their enlightenment and their
prog4ess that they read the New York
Tribune—sir, the first paper north of Ma
son &, Dixon's line that talked secession
—and said that that was the test, the
standard, by which their elevation was to
be considered. And he tells you that un
less you give them political rights there
will be slaughter ;that there will be a war
ofraces. Aud, sir, I ask the Senator now,
when that hour comes, which side will be
be on ? Will be be with his own breth
ren ? or will he be with those whom he
and those who are with him have taught
to do that very thing ? Will you be
found fighting against blood of your own
blood—against your own little ones ? or
will you rightfully stand where you and
others who teach your doctrines ought to
stand—behind those whom you and your
damnable doctrines have driven on to
their own destruction ? There is where
you ought to stand and where you belong.
But I tell you that against you will be
'the great heart, white though it may be,
of this nation. And when that war of ra
ces comes, woe be to those who brought
it about. I shall regret it; but before
God and before the country, you and all
others who preach those doctrines will be
responsible for it. History will point you
out, and history will be but repeating it
self, when those deeds are done.
A PARALLEL
Now, sir, in my readings I have come
across the remarks of a historian, which
I intend to reproduce hero to show Re
publican Senators and those who sympa
thize with them, what is likely to oceur.
Speaking of the liberation of the slaves in
the islands by the act of the French Con
vention, in 1792,he says :
" Decrees had been passed for granting
liberty to slaves, and they bad not only
been brought from the iniquitous bond
age, but their uninformed minds had im
bibed, within about two years, as many
crude notions about liberty and equality
as would have requited a whole century
to digest. The poor creatures were not,
simply informed that their masters were
tyrants and oppressors, but they were left
without any guide as to the moral obli
gatious imposed on them by their new
condition, and it never occurred to them
that in the recovery of their rights ;they
were still bound to the performance of du
ties, they conceived freedom from service
to mean freedom labor; and by a literal
construction of the doctrines they were
taught, they expected to share land as
well as liberty with their masters. Idle
ness and want soon spread themselves
through all the black tribes in the West
Indies ; and then they proceeded to pil
lage the whites, while being resisted ma
ny dreadful ravages and slaughters took
place; the repetition of which the consti
tuted authorities were incapable of pre
venting. Various applications were made
to the mother country bor the planters,
but the commissioners appointed by Gov
ernment were equally as fanatic in their
notions of liberty as the legislators them
selves, so that the planters saw no proba
bility of an equitable system being estab
lished, and at last the Convention learned
that the colonies had invited the English
to take possession of them."
I say, sir, that if' any one was to write
the facts concerning affairs to day in our
Southern country, he could not in more
graphic terms, with less circumlocution,
describe exactly the condition of affairs
which there exists ; and he would at
tribute to the teachings of men
in Congress and men here who ad
vocate your doctrines, the existence of the
results which occurred in the West In
dies, seventy years ago.
Mr. Speaker, I do not know what is to
be the fate of this resolution in this Sen
ate. I feel that I have endeavored to dis
charge my duty—not, I confess, as fully,
not as connectedly, not as ably as I would
have wished. I say that Ido not know
what is to be the fate of the resolution,
but I assert that, even if it shoal pass here
and pass in the other House, it will not
be an expression of the sentiments and
views of a majority of the people of Penn
sylvania, but that it will be in flat defi
ance of those views and sentiments, and
will be passed by the votes of men who
got their seats here by denying that they
were in favor of any such doctrines.
WILL THE RESOLUTIONS BE APPROVED BY
THE EXECUTIVE OF THIS STATE OR OBEY
ED BY OUR SENATORS ?
You may pass it; yet, Senators, I do not
know what our Executive will do. I trust
that be will rise to the height of the occa
sion, and that he will be true to the his
tory and the memories of this grand old
Commonwealth over which he rules. I
trust that he may refuse to sanction the
madness of your folly. I trust that he
may do so, I do not know that he will, I
could pray that he would; and if he does,
it will be a fitting act and the crown
ing glory of his administration. It would
place him high upon the records of fame
as a statesman who knew his duty, and
knowing it dared to fulfil it in defiance of
a usurped expression of opinion. He may
not do it. You may send it 'to your Sen
ators at Washington. I do not know.
what they will do; butl will tell you now
that did I occupy a seat in that body you
might send it a thousand times and I
would say, Gentlemen it bears a fraud up
on its face; the people of Pennsylvania are
ever just, and they do not ask me to do to
this people what they would not allow to
be done to themselves.
THE PRESIDENT HAS SPOKES
But, sir, it may pass the Senate of the
United States. It has, under the leader
ship of the member from Lancaster [Mr.
Stevens,] been driven through the House
of Representatives. Ido not know wheth
er his co driver, Mr. Sumner, will not lash
it through the United States Senate. He
may do it , but, sir; I believe as I live,
that that will be the end of it. I believe
that the President of the United States,
in his conversation with Mr. Dixon, a Sen
ator from Connecticut, has intimated what
he will do with it. He conceives himself,
I doubt not, to be the representative of
the whole people, of the whole Union; and
I say that, despite the fact that a revolu
tionary. Congress refuses to restore this
Union, after the soldiers have crushed
out all Southern opposition to it, be con
siders himself the President of the whole
Union; and-I believe that his hand will be
palsied before he signs it. [Applause.]
I trust in God, sir, I may be right. It
will be like a bugle blast, that will waken
up the Northern heart and make all men
teel that this war was not in vain, and that
there are such things as the rights of
white men left, or that, at least, they are
not forgotten by the Executive.
That, I think, will be the result. I trust
it will. And if it is done, when 'tis done,
the hour of redemption for this State, for
this. Northern land and for this whole
country, from ocean to ocean, from gulf
to river, will have come, and the people,
who have been so long oppressed by the
insolence of party, will fly to their aims
and rally to the support of that Execu
tive, who will not do the bidding of mere
party, but act for the whole country—
who labors to preserve the Constitution
of our fathers and to restore the Union
once cemented by their blood. [Applause.
Vlntrost pemirtrat.
A. J. GERRITSON, - - - - Editor.
TUESDAY, MAIZCII 20, 1806
FOR GOVERNOR
HIE S TER CLYMER,
OF BERKS COUNTI
The Democratic Platform.
The Democracy of Pennsylvania In Convention met,
recognizing a crisis in the affairs of the Republic, and
esteeming the immediate restoration of the Union par
amount to all other is,nes, do resolve :
1. That the States. whereof the people were lately in
rebellion, are entegral parts of the Union. and are enti
tled to representation in Congress by men duly elected
who bear true faith to the Constitution and Laws. and
in order to vindicate the maxim that taxation without
representation is tyranny, such representatives should
be forthwith admitted.
2. That the faith of the Republic Is pledged to the pay
ment of the National debt, and Congress should pass all
laws necessary for that purpose.
3. That we owe obedience to the Constitution of the
L'..iten States (11/eluding the amendment prohibiting
slavery.) and under Its provisions will accord to those
emancipated all their rights of person and property.
4. That each State has the exclusive right to regulate
the qualifications of its own electors.
5. That the white race alone is entitled to the control
of the Gov eminent of the Republic, nod we are unwil
ling to grant to negroes the right to vote.
0. That the hold enanciatiou elf the principles of the
Constitution and the policy of restoration contained in
the recent annual message and freedmen's bureau veto
message of President Johnson enti:le him to the confi
dence and support of all who respect the Constitution
and love their country.
7. That the nation owes t o the brave men of our ar
mies and navy a debt of lasting gratitude for their hero
ic services in defence of the Constitution and the Un
ion ; and that while we cherish with tender affection
the memories of the fallen, we pledge .0 their widows
and orphans the nation's care and protection.
8. That we urge upon Congress the duty of equalizing
the bounties of soldiers and sailors.
Senator Clymer's Speech.
We publish the speech of Hiester Cly
mer in this paper, to the exclusion of
some other matters, and trust that it will
be read and circulated with interest by
every friend of the white race. The reso
lutions quoted in the speech, favoring ne
gro suffrage, were "twice endorsed in the
Senate by a party vote—Republicans for
negro voting, Democrats against it. Two
or three Republicans refused to swallow
the negro, and declined to vote ; and this
aptly illustrates the position of parties :
Most of the Republicans for negro equal
ity ; some Republicans and all the Demo
crats are against it. The white men
will win at the polls.
Radicals vs. Johnson.
The Republican State Convention, un
der control of the radicals, not only did
not endorse the President, but it de
nounced Senator Cowan because he sus
tains the President! No man who en
dorses the President can act with the Re
publican party, for it is hostile to him ;
and every vote for Geary for Governor,
is a vote to rebuke the President, as Gea
ry was nominated by the influence of For
ney & Co., the bitter enemies and villifl
ers of Andrew Johnson.
Pr*ln both New Hampshire and Con
necticut the Republican platforms en
dorse President Johnson in strong terms.
Tho Pennsylvania platform utterly repu
diates hint and his friends, and endorses
his enemies. The veto, 415 c., has produced
this change of front.
—The radical postmaster at Forestville,
Conn., bas just been removed. There is
reason to believe that more of the same
sort will, ere long, be invited to retire.
Increasing the Taxes.
An-effort is being made by shoddy pol
iticians to make the people believe that
their taxes are about to be lessened, be
cause the two mill tai on real estate is re
pealed. They neglect to state the fact
that an indirect tax, equal to four mills is
already provided for, and must be borne
by the farmers, laboring and producing
classes. Besides this, a bill is now pend
ing to levy a new two-mill tax for school
.purposes. So that the great "Republi
can Relief Measure" boasted so much
about, consists in taking off two mills and
putting on six mills I And to make sure
that there shall be some way to use up
the increased taxes, bills are being passed
to again increase the pay of,office-holders.
nV'Forney's Press, in attempting to
show that Hiester Clymer ought not to
be elected Governor, says that "he places
himself broadly upon the platform of An
drew Johnson, Presiden t of the United
States—in fact, it isaas the Andrew John
son candidate he proposes to run for the
suffrages of the people."
The Other Side.
We present the argument of Senator
Clymer, to-day; against negro suffrage ;
and as the negro equality organs here
are afraid to publish the speeches of their
Senators, it is proper that we give all we
have room for from the Republican side,
in the same debate. Landon argued that
if the freed negro is not allowed to vote
ho " will begin to feel that he who would
be free must himself strke the blow; and
he may strike it, and then will come the
war of races in the Southern States; then
will it be the black against the white and
white against the black. Each clutching
at the throat of the other, there will come
a renewal of the fierce scenes of St. Do
mingo, fires upon the bills and blood in
the vales. This will he called a negro in
surrection, and the Government will be
summoned to the pleasant task of sup
pressing it. You will be called upon to
butcher off " the MACK" republicans!
Lowry, the Republican leader in the
Senate, said, for his party :
"We must have the loyal votes•of all
men on this continent, white or black, or
with him we perish. Our country—her
currency, religion, law, order, justice, hu
manity—will go down in blood if we re
fuse to enfranchise the negro. Deny the
negro suffage, keep him uneducated, and
every drop of blood shed in this war has
been shed in vain."
What Does it mean ?
• Senator Wilson, of Mass., dosed his
speech in opposition to the President, a
few days since, as follows :
"Two years ago, in a trying hour of
the country, we placed a great soldier at
the head of all our armies, and he lead
the armies to victory, and the country to
peace. Perhaps a patriotic and liberty
loving people, if disappointed in their as
pirations and their hopes, may again turn
to that great captain and summon him to
marshal them to victory."
It means that this abolition leader
threatens that his party will try to do
what Jeff Davis failed in—the overthrow
of the Government. Davis wanted to di
vide the Union ; Wilson & Co. want to
destroy it and build up a negro despo
tism.
I=l
The Loan Bill.
In Congress, March -1 6t h , the House re
sumed the consideration of the loan bill.
The entire evening was spent in debate
on the part of a number of members. A
vote was finally taken, which resulted in
a failure of the bill by a tie vote. Gar
field changed to the negative, so as to
move a reconsideration, which brings the
bill up again. The bill seems to look to
a return to specie payments, and was de
feated by shoddy.
Senator Clymer on 'Negro Suffrage.
Hon. Mester Clymer, the very able and
eloquent Senator from Berks county,
made a most powerfl speech in the State
Senate, on the Ist inst., against the reso
lutions instructing our United States Sen
ators to vote for negro suffrage in the
District of Columbia. A correspondent
says the speech came down on the Abo
litionists like the rolling thunder of Old
Berks' election returns. He mauled them
right and left, and raked them fore and
att. He did not speak to the-crowded
lobbies, but his burning words went thro'
them and they responded. In vain did
the Speaker rap and yell for "order." A
white man was speaking for his own rate,
and the white men who had gone there to
hear both sides of the discussion cheered
him on in his glorious fight by thunders
upon thunders of applause! If the Dem
ocratic Convention nominates Clymer for
Governor and he goes out before the peo
ple and makes such speeches as he has to
day made in the Senate, he will carry ev
erything before bite.--Easton Sentinel,
Feb. 8.
—lt is reported that the President will
issue an order shortly to muster out about
forty thousand negro troops, now sta
tioned in various parts of the South. It
is known that the presence of negro sol
diers in that section has a very damaging
effect on the cause of the government,and
serves to keep alive that animosity which
otherwise-would aeon die out.
The President vs. They Traitors.
Both before and during the war, A n .
drew Johnson denounced the abolitionists
and secessionists alike as traitors. W e
have published two of his recent speech.
es in, which he brands the late Southern
rebellion and the present Northern radi
calism as equally treason ; and we now
quotelrom a speech made last week to a
Kentucky delegation, in which he re-as
serts that the armed rebels were no worse
than the present revolutionark majority
in Congress : - -
THE PRESIDENT'S REPLY.
The President responded in substance :
It is not needful that a formal or extend.
ed reply to what you have said should be
made. I tender _you, and through you,
the people Whom you , represent, and of
the State, my tinfeignetlllan . ks for these
kind expressions and ratunfiestation of
confidence inine personally, and the en.
dorsement of the policy which shall con.
trol my administration. It is peculiarly
gratifying to receive these assurances at
this particular time. I trust the results
will show the confidence thus reposed is
not misplaced, and will never become a
matter of regret on the part of those who
give expression thereto. The present is
regarded as a most critical juncture in
the affairs of the nation—scarcely less
than when an armed and organized force
sought to overthrow the Government.—
To attack and attempt the disruption of
the Government by armed combination
and military force te no more dangerous to
the life of the nation than an attempt to rem.
lutioniie and undermine ii by a disregard
and destruction of the safeguards thrown
around the liberties of the people in the Con
stitution. Oar stand has been taken ; our
course is marked. We shall stand by and
defend the Constitution against all who
may attack it, from whatever quarter the
attack may conie. We shall take no step
backward in this matter. No other or
higher evidence of our purpose in this re
gard can be given than has already been
furnished. In the future, as in the past,
we shall endeavor in good faith, to make
the administration of the affars of the
Government conform to the Constitution
in its letter and spirit ; therein is the
guaranty to the liberties of the people.—
It is hoped by an adherence to this rule
to remedy ere lung all the irregularities
and annoyances to which the people have
been subjected.
Again do we asure you that these de
monstrations of confidence and assurances.
of support on the part of the people aril
exceedingly cheering to us ; that we are
grateful for and properly appreciate them,
and that our wish is to so discharge the
trusts confided to us as to merit them. I
need not say more at present.
Vie The election in' New Hampshire
has resulted, as was expected, in the suc
cess of the Republicans, by a reduced ma
jority. For many weeks previona.to.the
election, swarms of officeholders 'fioat
Washington overran that State, and
large fund was raised by assessment of
government'officers to educate its voters.
Aid now, after using " government" pa
tronage to accomplish their ends, the
Rumps claim a victory over " the govern
ment." Can impudence go further ?
—The federal office holders in Pennsyl
vania will not be allowed to contribute
money to carry the election against the
President.
Democratic Victories.
Harrisburg, March 16.
The election here to day resulted in a
glorious victory for the Democracy. Last
year the Republicans carried the city.
Now Oliver Edwards (Dimeerat,) for
Mayor, has 147 majority, and the entire
Democratic ticket is elected by` the same
vote.
York, Pa.; March
The vii torious Democracy are filling
the town with shouts of exultation at the
election of David Small, Chiet Burgess,
by three hundred and seventy five major
ity; and a large Democratic gain.
—The government warehouses at Fort•
Riley, Arkansas,were burned on Wednes
day. Loss $1,000,000.
—A Northern preacher, agent for the
Freedmen's Bureau 911 St. Simon's Island,
Georgia, has been swindling the freed
men outrageously. He was from New
York, but very " loyal."
—The Canadian excitement has nearly
disappeared in the interior towns, but ra
ges on the frontier in all its force. oca.
—Secretary Seward is preparing . a
proclamation in regard to the Fenian
movements.
—The President has appointed General
F. P. Blair, Jr., Collector of Customs for
the port of St. Louis. There will no doubt
be some opposition to his confirmation by
the Senate.
—The Democratic State Convention of
Indiana met on the 15th, and nominated
candidates for Secretary,- , Auditor and
Treasurer of State, and endorsed the
President's veto and restoration policy.
—Eleven stores and several other bull
ings, all wooden, were burned at Ottawa,
on Friday.
—We learn that the old veteran Gen.
Scot; who is at, present in New Orleans,
unhesitatingly endorses all that President
Johnson uttered in his speech on the 22d
ult.
—Assistant Secretary Chandler reports
that the federal office-holders in the
South have stolen $100,000,000 within
the past few months.
—The Juniata Sentinel (Republican)
lately refused to publish the proceedings
of a meeting of radical Republicans of
Mitilintown,who resolved. to sustain the
Republicanmajority in Congress: •