- with Ahem, that.-will bring into your halls j of legislation, upon your judicial . benches and Into every place and appointment in the Commonwealth, men whom you will not receive at your tables or in your hou ses as friends or acquaintances. Will not this be a strange state of things ? What must it lead to ? Can it possibly exist without very serious consequences to both parties ? Let, us pause on the threshold." And so I say to my friend, the Senator from Bradford, and to the Senator from Indiana, and to every Senator here : "Let us pause on the threshold.". This propo sition before us is avowed to be " a mere entering wedge ;" but as surely as histo ry will ever repeat itself under like eir 'cumstances, so surely will this train of - evils, set forth in letters of living light by the man . who wrote the song of our land, come upon us. These evils will follow as surely as night follows day and light fol lows darkness. TO BE TOTED FOE A POLITICAL NOT A NAT- URLL RIGHT. I have said, Mr. Speaker; that this is a political, not a natural right. I have en deavored to show it by the action of our State on this question. I might illustrate the fact by the action of every State in this Union. I could show it by reference to the provision in the Constitution of the United States which describes the qualifications of voters for members of Congress. But, sir, it is unnecessary. These are political truths with which ev ery man is acquainted; and I should be but wasting the time of this body did I fill my remarkt with quotations from these, our text books of political knowledge. I will merely add, in order to strengthen the argument, that I have endeavored to make, if the argument should require strength, that if it be a natural right to vote it is a natural right to be voted for; and yet the latter is limited by the Con stitution of the United States, because certain qualifications are , required before a man can become President of the Uni ted. States. He must be native born; he must be thirty five years of age; he must have resided within the United States fourteen years. So, the Vice President of the United States must be of a certain age; Senators must be of a certain age; mem bers of Congress must be of a certain age. So with your own State; your Governor must be of a certain age, and for a certain time a resident of your State; the mem bers of your Senate must be of a certain age; the members of your House of Rep rszsentatives must be of a certain age. Therefore I say the right to vote and the right to be voted for has ever been treat ed as a political and not a natural right. THE - OBJECT OF THE RESOLUTIONS Mr. Speaker, I now propose to briefly allude to what I believe to be the object; what, indeed ; the Senator from Bradford, (Mr. Landon) with a candor peculiar to him, has admitted to be the object of this resolution. He admits that it is to be " art entering wedge" to the establish ment of negro suffrage in the eleven states, which he says, are still in rebellion, and which certainly are treated .as if they were, and which we know are debarred from representation in Congress. He says it, is to be an entering wedge for the doctrine that Congress may, by mere leg islative enactment, force upon them this requirement. of negro suffrage, and may, against the wishes, the rights and the in terests of the people inhabiting those States, put the power of control over them, in the hands of the black population. I thank him for the admission. He does not blink it; he does not deny it; he looks it squarely in the face. Now, sir, I pro pose to ask him by whom, by what power, that thing is to be done ? He says that it is to be done by the Congress of the United States, as I understand him. I may be in error, but I understand him to say that the Congress of the United S. has the right to day to say what, shall be the qualifications of electors in the differ ent States. To me, sir, this doctrine would be startling, had it not been enun ciated elsewhere as plainly 'and boldly. But I tell the Senator that I thank my God that this is still a Government of law; that the Constitution is yet the embodied will of the American people; and, that it is higher; stronger and more powerful than the will of the leaders of the Republican party, here and elsewhere. [Renewed applause] Aye, sir we have a Govern ment of law; and as long as the Constitu tion of the United States stands as the embodied will of the American people— and, sir, until the hour comes when it shall be torn in pieces, dragged in the dust and destroyed, by the men wbo are now back ing at it—until that hour, no matter what the Senator from Bradford, the *Senator from Indiana, or -any other Senatoi, may say here, neither he, nor they, nor the party at their back, can give the Con gress of the United States the power to say what shall be the qualifications of the electors in the several States. That ques tion is defined by the Constitution of the United States; but I know it is not popu lar to quote from the instrument here. Mr. Stevens said, "we do not know any thing about the Constitution in Congress," and I fear,there is very little known about it here. TUE POSITION OF THE- PRESIDENT. But I say that that power,' by the Con stitution of the United States, has been committed to the several States. Read it yourselves for yourselves, and say whether it ba not so. And, sir, in this hour of darkness and of gloom, when there are men in high places who deride the provisions of that instrument, who will not be bound by its obligations—in `such an hour, I thank God that He has raised up to take the helm of State a man who does believe that this is Govern ment of law and who does not conceive that he is vested with any higher or great- Ai authority than that given him by that instrument_whickhe its_swornlo !tuepprt.. .Thiniiiin dairthlit ilifesti on of suffrage is one which cannot and shall not be taken from the States by any act of Congress or any mere decree of the Ex ecutive, that the organic law has left the question to the States and it may not be —aye, and with his consent, shall not be tampered with. But the Senator may re ply to me; " what we cannot do by an act of Congress we may do by an amend ment to the Constitution of the United States." And, I believe, that this was what the Senator from Indiana, (Mr. White,) was driving at in his speech al most two hours long, for I confess to you, sir, I could gather no clear idea of what were his opinions or conclusions. I thought that this question of negro suf frage in the District of Colombia was to be the subject of his speech, but it was only the tail end of it. But this Con gress, in which but twenty five States are represented, this, (for I may call it by no more appropriate name) Rump Congress —this Congress, in defiance of justice, iu defiance of right, in defiance of Constitn tinal obligations, aye, sir, standing in an attitude most revolutionary, denies ad mittance to eleven Southern States ! This Ramp Congress. with but 182 members in it, is . going to propose amendments to the Constitution of the United States ! Under peculiar circumstances, by fraud and misrepresentation, upon issues that do not exist to day, and which convulsed the country when those men were elec ted to that Congress the Republicans hap pened to get a two thirds majority of that body; therefore they are going to change the organic law and to shingle over the Constitution with Yankee ideas. Is that possible ? Will it be endured ? WHAT SHOULD BE THE .O RELATIVE STRENGTH IN CONGRESS Let me inquire what should be the rela tive strength of the two great parties in Congress, and then show you what it is. In the twenty six States that voted for Presiderkin 1864, Mr. Lincoln received, 2,203,831 votes; George B. M'Clellan re ceived 1,797,019 votes; giving Mr. Lin coln, under all the extraordinary circum stances of the case, with his war power, with all the powers and patronage of the Government to aid him, with thousands of honest men voting for him because they believed that not to do so might im peril the country ; (mistaken they were, it is true, but they did so on that account,) yet, sir, in that contest be had but, four hundred and six thousand majority. How many Congressmen should the Republi can party be entitled to ? How many would you have had if you had not jerry mandered all the States as you did this ? Out of the one hundred and eighty two members, according to the votes for Pres ident, there ought to be eighty one Demo crats and one hundred and one Republi cans. That would be your fairproportion in this Congress, if the people were fairly represented, if the intention of the Con stitution was carried out. You ought to have but one hundred one members, and the Democratic vote for M'Clellan ought to be represented by eighty one members. But you have 142, and there are but 40 Democratic votes in that House. Having then, by these means, more than two thirds in your Rump Ccingress, and deny ing admission to eleven States, which, the President of the United States says, have a right to be represented there to day, you wish, do you, under those circum sta,nces, with power thus acquired, and power which you are determined to hold, although you are in a state of rebellion, to submit an amendment to the Constitu tion of the United States ? Was there ever such effrontery ? Was the common sense and the sense of common justice in the minds of the people ever so outraged since the Government, was founded ? Aye, sir, I trust to God you will main tain that attitude of rebellion. I trust that from now till the dog days you will stand there, and when the frost comes that it will be over your political graves. [Applause.] REMINISCENCE Now, Mr. Speaker, I propose to inquire a little further, as to the object of this proposed amendment to the Constitutidh of the United States. We are told to day, in language glowingly eloquent., of the natural rights of men and of eleva ting them to a condition which is to be happiness and prosperity to all of them. Is there nothing selfish, nothing of a per sonal or partizan character in all this ? Sir, if this right to vote is a natural right, if every man should have it, and if that doctrine was ever truly and honestly held by those who are asking us to day to vote for it, is it not a most astounding reflec tion that but twelve short years ago a great political party was organized in this State, and elsewhere throughout the Un ion, who denied this " great natural right," not to negroed, not 'to men of a lower caste, but to men who happened to serve God in a manner different from themselves; to men who happened to be born under another sun and in other climes ? Did you not rear a party— Know Nothing by name—that weneinto power in this Commonwealth on that is sue, which would, could it have retained its power, have excluded every race ex cept the native born, and would have ex cluded those froth the elective franchise from whose loins you yourselves bad sprung ? What was your object then ? Answer me, you Senators. Was it not that you feared if they voted they would put yon out of power ? Now, with like hypocrisy, do you, not wish to get the ne gro s vote to keel{ you in after you have got there ? Is not that the reason ? Is it any high or generous motive to do good for the country's good by which you are actuated ? Is it any other than to save your Republican party from going to destruction, where it should have gone long ago ? Mr. Lowry. We would have gone there 19 . a.g.agizifibe_rebels had-got us:- lEr. Clymer. There are some boys, not far from here now (referring to soldiers in the galleries,) who saved you and all of us from going there; and they are not black either. (Applause.) WHERE WILL THE REPUBLICAN LEADERS STAND WHEN THE WAR OF RACES BEGINS. Mr. Speaker, I have alrrady occupied iwre of the time and attention of the Sen aTe than I designed. I will close my re marks by merely adverting to what will be the condition of the race for which you profess so much admiration. And again I thank the Senator front Bradford for what he has admitted. He has said that these men are becoming educated—that they are going to demand their rights; aye, sir, he mentioned it as the greatest evidence of their enlightenment and their prog4ess that they read the New York Tribune—sir, the first paper north of Ma son &, Dixon's line that talked secession —and said that that was the test, the standard, by which their elevation was to be considered. And he tells you that un less you give them political rights there will be slaughter ;that there will be a war ofraces. Aud, sir, I ask the Senator now, when that hour comes, which side will be be on ? Will be be with his own breth ren ? or will he be with those whom he and those who are with him have taught to do that very thing ? Will you be found fighting against blood of your own blood—against your own little ones ? or will you rightfully stand where you and others who teach your doctrines ought to stand—behind those whom you and your damnable doctrines have driven on to their own destruction ? There is where you ought to stand and where you belong. But I tell you that against you will be 'the great heart, white though it may be, of this nation. And when that war of ra ces comes, woe be to those who brought it about. I shall regret it; but before God and before the country, you and all others who preach those doctrines will be responsible for it. History will point you out, and history will be but repeating it self, when those deeds are done. A PARALLEL Now, sir, in my readings I have come across the remarks of a historian, which I intend to reproduce hero to show Re publican Senators and those who sympa thize with them, what is likely to oceur. Speaking of the liberation of the slaves in the islands by the act of the French Con vention, in 1792,he says : " Decrees had been passed for granting liberty to slaves, and they bad not only been brought from the iniquitous bond age, but their uninformed minds had im bibed, within about two years, as many crude notions about liberty and equality as would have requited a whole century to digest. The poor creatures were not, simply informed that their masters were tyrants and oppressors, but they were left without any guide as to the moral obli gatious imposed on them by their new condition, and it never occurred to them that in the recovery of their rights ;they were still bound to the performance of du ties, they conceived freedom from service to mean freedom labor; and by a literal construction of the doctrines they were taught, they expected to share land as well as liberty with their masters. Idle ness and want soon spread themselves through all the black tribes in the West Indies ; and then they proceeded to pil lage the whites, while being resisted ma ny dreadful ravages and slaughters took place; the repetition of which the consti tuted authorities were incapable of pre venting. Various applications were made to the mother country bor the planters, but the commissioners appointed by Gov ernment were equally as fanatic in their notions of liberty as the legislators them selves, so that the planters saw no proba bility of an equitable system being estab lished, and at last the Convention learned that the colonies had invited the English to take possession of them." I say, sir, that if' any one was to write the facts concerning affairs to day in our Southern country, he could not in more graphic terms, with less circumlocution, describe exactly the condition of affairs which there exists ; and he would at tribute to the teachings of men in Congress and men here who ad vocate your doctrines, the existence of the results which occurred in the West In dies, seventy years ago. Mr. Speaker, I do not know what is to be the fate of this resolution in this Sen ate. I feel that I have endeavored to dis charge my duty—not, I confess, as fully, not as connectedly, not as ably as I would have wished. I say that Ido not know what is to be the fate of the resolution, but I assert that, even if it shoal pass here and pass in the other House, it will not be an expression of the sentiments and views of a majority of the people of Penn sylvania, but that it will be in flat defi ance of those views and sentiments, and will be passed by the votes of men who got their seats here by denying that they were in favor of any such doctrines. WILL THE RESOLUTIONS BE APPROVED BY THE EXECUTIVE OF THIS STATE OR OBEY ED BY OUR SENATORS ? You may pass it; yet, Senators, I do not know what our Executive will do. I trust that be will rise to the height of the occa sion, and that he will be true to the his tory and the memories of this grand old Commonwealth over which he rules. I trust that he may refuse to sanction the madness of your folly. I trust that he may do so, I do not know that he will, I could pray that he would; and if he does, it will be a fitting act and the crown ing glory of his administration. It would place him high upon the records of fame as a statesman who knew his duty, and knowing it dared to fulfil it in defiance of a usurped expression of opinion. He may not do it. You may send it 'to your Sen ators at Washington. I do not know. what they will do; butl will tell you now that did I occupy a seat in that body you might send it a thousand times and I would say, Gentlemen it bears a fraud up on its face; the people of Pennsylvania are ever just, and they do not ask me to do to this people what they would not allow to be done to themselves. THE PRESIDENT HAS SPOKES But, sir, it may pass the Senate of the United States. It has, under the leader ship of the member from Lancaster [Mr. Stevens,] been driven through the House of Representatives. Ido not know wheth er his co driver, Mr. Sumner, will not lash it through the United States Senate. He may do it , but, sir; I believe as I live, that that will be the end of it. I believe that the President of the United States, in his conversation with Mr. Dixon, a Sen ator from Connecticut, has intimated what he will do with it. He conceives himself, I doubt not, to be the representative of the whole people, of the whole Union; and I say that, despite the fact that a revolu tionary. Congress refuses to restore this Union, after the soldiers have crushed out all Southern opposition to it, be con siders himself the President of the whole Union; and-I believe that his hand will be palsied before he signs it. [Applause.] I trust in God, sir, I may be right. It will be like a bugle blast, that will waken up the Northern heart and make all men teel that this war was not in vain, and that there are such things as the rights of white men left, or that, at least, they are not forgotten by the Executive. That, I think, will be the result. I trust it will. And if it is done, when 'tis done, the hour of redemption for this State, for this. Northern land and for this whole country, from ocean to ocean, from gulf to river, will have come, and the people, who have been so long oppressed by the insolence of party, will fly to their aims and rally to the support of that Execu tive, who will not do the bidding of mere party, but act for the whole country— who labors to preserve the Constitution of our fathers and to restore the Union once cemented by their blood. [Applause. Vlntrost pemirtrat. A. J. GERRITSON, - - - - Editor. TUESDAY, MAIZCII 20, 1806 FOR GOVERNOR HIE S TER CLYMER, OF BERKS COUNTI The Democratic Platform. The Democracy of Pennsylvania In Convention met, recognizing a crisis in the affairs of the Republic, and esteeming the immediate restoration of the Union par amount to all other is,nes, do resolve : 1. That the States. whereof the people were lately in rebellion, are entegral parts of the Union. and are enti tled to representation in Congress by men duly elected who bear true faith to the Constitution and Laws. and in order to vindicate the maxim that taxation without representation is tyranny, such representatives should be forthwith admitted. 2. That the faith of the Republic Is pledged to the pay ment of the National debt, and Congress should pass all laws necessary for that purpose. 3. That we owe obedience to the Constitution of the L'..iten States (11/eluding the amendment prohibiting slavery.) and under Its provisions will accord to those emancipated all their rights of person and property. 4. That each State has the exclusive right to regulate the qualifications of its own electors. 5. That the white race alone is entitled to the control of the Gov eminent of the Republic, nod we are unwil ling to grant to negroes the right to vote. 0. That the hold enanciatiou elf the principles of the Constitution and the policy of restoration contained in the recent annual message and freedmen's bureau veto message of President Johnson enti:le him to the confi dence and support of all who respect the Constitution and love their country. 7. That the nation owes t o the brave men of our ar mies and navy a debt of lasting gratitude for their hero ic services in defence of the Constitution and the Un ion ; and that while we cherish with tender affection the memories of the fallen, we pledge .0 their widows and orphans the nation's care and protection. 8. That we urge upon Congress the duty of equalizing the bounties of soldiers and sailors. Senator Clymer's Speech. We publish the speech of Hiester Cly mer in this paper, to the exclusion of some other matters, and trust that it will be read and circulated with interest by every friend of the white race. The reso lutions quoted in the speech, favoring ne gro suffrage, were "twice endorsed in the Senate by a party vote—Republicans for negro voting, Democrats against it. Two or three Republicans refused to swallow the negro, and declined to vote ; and this aptly illustrates the position of parties : Most of the Republicans for negro equal ity ; some Republicans and all the Demo crats are against it. The white men will win at the polls. Radicals vs. Johnson. The Republican State Convention, un der control of the radicals, not only did not endorse the President, but it de nounced Senator Cowan because he sus tains the President! No man who en dorses the President can act with the Re publican party, for it is hostile to him ; and every vote for Geary for Governor, is a vote to rebuke the President, as Gea ry was nominated by the influence of For ney & Co., the bitter enemies and villifl ers of Andrew Johnson. Pr*ln both New Hampshire and Con necticut the Republican platforms en dorse President Johnson in strong terms. Tho Pennsylvania platform utterly repu diates hint and his friends, and endorses his enemies. The veto, 415 c., has produced this change of front. —The radical postmaster at Forestville, Conn., bas just been removed. There is reason to believe that more of the same sort will, ere long, be invited to retire. Increasing the Taxes. An-effort is being made by shoddy pol iticians to make the people believe that their taxes are about to be lessened, be cause the two mill tai on real estate is re pealed. They neglect to state the fact that an indirect tax, equal to four mills is already provided for, and must be borne by the farmers, laboring and producing classes. Besides this, a bill is now pend ing to levy a new two-mill tax for school .purposes. So that the great "Republi can Relief Measure" boasted so much about, consists in taking off two mills and putting on six mills I And to make sure that there shall be some way to use up the increased taxes, bills are being passed to again increase the pay of,office-holders. nV'Forney's Press, in attempting to show that Hiester Clymer ought not to be elected Governor, says that "he places himself broadly upon the platform of An drew Johnson, Presiden t of the United States—in fact, it isaas the Andrew John son candidate he proposes to run for the suffrages of the people." The Other Side. We present the argument of Senator Clymer, to-day; against negro suffrage ; and as the negro equality organs here are afraid to publish the speeches of their Senators, it is proper that we give all we have room for from the Republican side, in the same debate. Landon argued that if the freed negro is not allowed to vote ho " will begin to feel that he who would be free must himself strke the blow; and he may strike it, and then will come the war of races in the Southern States; then will it be the black against the white and white against the black. Each clutching at the throat of the other, there will come a renewal of the fierce scenes of St. Do mingo, fires upon the bills and blood in the vales. This will he called a negro in surrection, and the Government will be summoned to the pleasant task of sup pressing it. You will be called upon to butcher off " the MACK" republicans! Lowry, the Republican leader in the Senate, said, for his party : "We must have the loyal votes•of all men on this continent, white or black, or with him we perish. Our country—her currency, religion, law, order, justice, hu manity—will go down in blood if we re fuse to enfranchise the negro. Deny the negro suffage, keep him uneducated, and every drop of blood shed in this war has been shed in vain." What Does it mean ? • Senator Wilson, of Mass., dosed his speech in opposition to the President, a few days since, as follows : "Two years ago, in a trying hour of the country, we placed a great soldier at the head of all our armies, and he lead the armies to victory, and the country to peace. Perhaps a patriotic and liberty loving people, if disappointed in their as pirations and their hopes, may again turn to that great captain and summon him to marshal them to victory." It means that this abolition leader threatens that his party will try to do what Jeff Davis failed in—the overthrow of the Government. Davis wanted to di vide the Union ; Wilson & Co. want to destroy it and build up a negro despo tism. I=l The Loan Bill. In Congress, March -1 6t h , the House re sumed the consideration of the loan bill. The entire evening was spent in debate on the part of a number of members. A vote was finally taken, which resulted in a failure of the bill by a tie vote. Gar field changed to the negative, so as to move a reconsideration, which brings the bill up again. The bill seems to look to a return to specie payments, and was de feated by shoddy. Senator Clymer on 'Negro Suffrage. Hon. Mester Clymer, the very able and eloquent Senator from Berks county, made a most powerfl speech in the State Senate, on the Ist inst., against the reso lutions instructing our United States Sen ators to vote for negro suffrage in the District of Columbia. A correspondent says the speech came down on the Abo litionists like the rolling thunder of Old Berks' election returns. He mauled them right and left, and raked them fore and att. He did not speak to the-crowded lobbies, but his burning words went thro' them and they responded. In vain did the Speaker rap and yell for "order." A white man was speaking for his own rate, and the white men who had gone there to hear both sides of the discussion cheered him on in his glorious fight by thunders upon thunders of applause! If the Dem ocratic Convention nominates Clymer for Governor and he goes out before the peo ple and makes such speeches as he has to day made in the Senate, he will carry ev erything before bite.--Easton Sentinel, Feb. 8. —lt is reported that the President will issue an order shortly to muster out about forty thousand negro troops, now sta tioned in various parts of the South. It is known that the presence of negro sol diers in that section has a very damaging effect on the cause of the government,and serves to keep alive that animosity which otherwise-would aeon die out. The President vs. They Traitors. Both before and during the war, A n . drew Johnson denounced the abolitionists and secessionists alike as traitors. W e have published two of his recent speech. es in, which he brands the late Southern rebellion and the present Northern radi calism as equally treason ; and we now quotelrom a speech made last week to a Kentucky delegation, in which he re-as serts that the armed rebels were no worse than the present revolutionark majority in Congress : - - THE PRESIDENT'S REPLY. The President responded in substance : It is not needful that a formal or extend. ed reply to what you have said should be made. I tender _you, and through you, the people Whom you , represent, and of the State, my tinfeignetlllan . ks for these kind expressions and ratunfiestation of confidence inine personally, and the en. dorsement of the policy which shall con. trol my administration. It is peculiarly gratifying to receive these assurances at this particular time. I trust the results will show the confidence thus reposed is not misplaced, and will never become a matter of regret on the part of those who give expression thereto. The present is regarded as a most critical juncture in the affairs of the nation—scarcely less than when an armed and organized force sought to overthrow the Government.— To attack and attempt the disruption of the Government by armed combination and military force te no more dangerous to the life of the nation than an attempt to rem. lutioniie and undermine ii by a disregard and destruction of the safeguards thrown around the liberties of the people in the Con stitution. Oar stand has been taken ; our course is marked. We shall stand by and defend the Constitution against all who may attack it, from whatever quarter the attack may conie. We shall take no step backward in this matter. No other or higher evidence of our purpose in this re gard can be given than has already been furnished. In the future, as in the past, we shall endeavor in good faith, to make the administration of the affars of the Government conform to the Constitution in its letter and spirit ; therein is the guaranty to the liberties of the people.— It is hoped by an adherence to this rule to remedy ere lung all the irregularities and annoyances to which the people have been subjected. Again do we asure you that these de monstrations of confidence and assurances. of support on the part of the people aril exceedingly cheering to us ; that we are grateful for and properly appreciate them, and that our wish is to so discharge the trusts confided to us as to merit them. I need not say more at present. Vie The election in' New Hampshire has resulted, as was expected, in the suc cess of the Republicans, by a reduced ma jority. For many weeks previona.to.the election, swarms of officeholders 'fioat Washington overran that State, and large fund was raised by assessment of government'officers to educate its voters. Aid now, after using " government" pa tronage to accomplish their ends, the Rumps claim a victory over " the govern ment." Can impudence go further ? —The federal office holders in Pennsyl vania will not be allowed to contribute money to carry the election against the President. Democratic Victories. Harrisburg, March 16. The election here to day resulted in a glorious victory for the Democracy. Last year the Republicans carried the city. Now Oliver Edwards (Dimeerat,) for Mayor, has 147 majority, and the entire Democratic ticket is elected by` the same vote. York, Pa.; March The vii torious Democracy are filling the town with shouts of exultation at the election of David Small, Chiet Burgess, by three hundred and seventy five major ity; and a large Democratic gain. —The government warehouses at Fort• Riley, Arkansas,were burned on Wednes day. Loss $1,000,000. —A Northern preacher, agent for the Freedmen's Bureau 911 St. Simon's Island, Georgia, has been swindling the freed men outrageously. He was from New York, but very " loyal." —The Canadian excitement has nearly disappeared in the interior towns, but ra ges on the frontier in all its force. oca. —Secretary Seward is preparing . a proclamation in regard to the Fenian movements. —The President has appointed General F. P. Blair, Jr., Collector of Customs for the port of St. Louis. There will no doubt be some opposition to his confirmation by the Senate. —The Democratic State Convention of Indiana met on the 15th, and nominated candidates for Secretary,- , Auditor and Treasurer of State, and endorsed the President's veto and restoration policy. —Eleven stores and several other bull ings, all wooden, were burned at Ottawa, on Friday. —We learn that the old veteran Gen. Scot; who is at, present in New Orleans, unhesitatingly endorses all that President Johnson uttered in his speech on the 22d ult. —Assistant Secretary Chandler reports that the federal office-holders in the South have stolen $100,000,000 within the past few months. —The Juniata Sentinel (Republican) lately refused to publish the proceedings of a meeting of radical Republicans of Mitilintown,who resolved. to sustain the Republicanmajority in Congress: •
Significant historical Pennsylvania newspapers