A. J. GERRITSON, Publisher.}
SPEECH
()Fib
PRESIDENT JOHNSON.
WAsnmoTox, Feb. 22.
_
After the iajoninmeiit'of the meeting
at Grover's Theatre, the assemblage vis
ited the White House to serenade Presi
dent Johnson. The chairman of the met
ing at the theatre announced to the mul
titude that Mr. Johnson had consented to
address them. ,Mr. Tendall said :
Fellow-citirens, lam one of the com
mittee which, on behalf of- the people of
the District of Columbia, has just waited
on the President of the United States to
present to him the resolutions adopted by
the meeting held to-day. The committee
requested the President to present him-;
self to you to give expr ession to his sen
timents, and he has accordingly come out
to do so.
The President, as he appeared, was re
ceived with enthusiastic and long contin
ued applause. When it bad subsided, he
spoke as follows:
THE PRESIDENT'S SPEECH.
Fellow citizens, for I presume I have-a
right to address you as such, I come
to tender to you my sincere thanks
for the approbation expressed by your
Committee in their personal address and
in the resolutions submitted by them as
having been adopted by the meeting
which has been held in this city to-day.
These resolutions, as I understand them,
are complimentary to the policy which
has been adopted by the Administration,
and has been steadily pursued since it
came into power. I am free to say to youjt
is extremely gratifying to me to know that
on this occasion so large a portion of
my fellow citizens approve and indorse
the policy which has been adopted and
which it is my intention shall be carried
out. (Great applause.) That poliei is
one which is intended to restore all the
States to their original relations to the
Federal Government of the United States.
(Renewed applause.)
APPROPRIATENESS OF THE DAY.
This seems to be a day peculiarly ap
propriate for such a manifestation. It is
the day that gave birth to that man who,
more perhaps than any other, founded
this Government. It is the day that gave
birth to the Father of his country. It is
the day that gave birth to him who pre
sided over that body which formed the
Constitution under which all the States
entered into this glorious Confederacy.—
Such a day is peculiarly appropriate for
the enti.ir.emeut of a policy whose object
is the restoration of the Union of the
States as it was designed by the Father
of his country. (Applause.)
Washington; whose name thiscity b ‘ars
is embalmed in the hearts of all who love
free Government. Washington, in the
language of his eulogist, was first in war,
first in peace, and first in the hearts of his
countrymen. No people can claim him—
no nation can appropriate him. His rep
utation is commensurate with the civiliz
ed world, and his name is the common
property of all those who love free gov
ernment.
THE WASHINGTON MONUMENT.
To-day I had the pleasure of visiting an
association who have been devoting their
efforts to the completion of the monu
ment which is being erected to his name.
I was proud to meet them, and so far as I
could, to give them my influence and
countenance in aid of the work they have
undertaken. That monument which is be
ing erected to him who, I may say,found
ed the Government, is almost within the
throw of a stone of the spot from which
I now address you. Let it be completed.
(Applause.) Let those various blocks
which the States, and individuals, and as
sociations, and corporations have put in
that monument as pledges of their love
for this Union, be preserved, and let the
work be accomplished.
I, :4.3:#
In this connection let me refer to the
block from my own State, God bless her,
(applause,) which has struggled for the
preservation of this Union in the field and
in the councils ofthe nation;and which is
now struggling to renew her relations
with this Government, that were Inter
rupted by a fearful Rebellion. She is
now, struggling to renew those rela
tions,.. and to take her stand where
she had'ever stood since 1 . 196 until this
Rebellion' broke out. (Great applause.) .
Let me repeat the sentiment that that
State has inscribed upon the stone which
she has deposited- in that monument of
freedom which is being raised in com
memoration of Washington. She is strug
gling to get back into the Union, and to
stand by the-sentiment -which is there in
scribed, and- sh e is willing to sustain it.—
What is it ? It is .the sentiment which
was enunciated by her dietingnished son,
the immortal, the illtistidons ,Taekson:—
" The Federal I:Tnionit must bepreserv
ed !" (Great applause.) If it were possi=
ble for that old man *hose statue is now
before me, and. whose portrait is behind
me in the R,aeciltivelfftaision, • and *hose
sentiment-hi thuspreserved inthatAult!U•
in
mentyour vicmitY, toU Called fort
from the grave, or if it were possible to
communicate with the spirit of the illus
trious dead, and make him understand the
progress of faction and rebellion and trea
son, he would turn over in his coffin, and
be would rise, and shaking off the habili
ments of the tomb, would again stand
erect, and extend forth his long arm and
finger, and reiterate that sentiment, once
expressed by him on a memorable occas
ion : " The Federal Union—it must be
preserved." (Great applause.)
HISTORIC REMMISCENCEt3.
We have witnessed what has transpir
ed since his day. In 1833, when treason
and treachery and infidelity to the Goii
ernment and Constitution of the United
States stalked forth in the land, it was his
power and influence that crushed the ser
pent in its incipiency. It was then stopt
but only for a time. The same spirit of
disaffection continues. There were men
disaffected to the Government,both in the
North and in the South.
SLAVERY
There was, in a portion of the Union, a
pecnliar iustitution, of which some cora
plained,--atid to which others were attach
welled. One portion of cur countrymen
in the South advocated that institution,
while another portion in the North op
posed it.
TWO EXTREME PARTIES.
The result was the formation of extreme
parties, one especially in the South,which
reached a point at which it was proposed
to dissolve the Union of the States for the,
purpose, as was said, of securing and prey
serving that peculiar institution. There
was another portion of out countrymen
who were opposed to that institution, and
wh,:t went\ to such an extreme that they
were willing to break up the Government
in order to get clear of that peculiar iusti•
tution of the South.
I say these things because I desire to
talk plainly and in familiar phraseology.
I assume nothing here to-day beyond the
position of taAitizen ; one who has been
pleading for his country and the preserva
tion of the Constitution. (Immense cheer
ing.) These two parties, I say, were ar
rayed against each other,and I stand here
before you for the Union to-day, as I stood
in the Senate of the United States in
1800 and 1861.
BOTH WERE TRAITORS.
I met there those who were making
war ttpuit the Constitution, those who
wanted to tt,„ a„„,,,,,„ r
denounced them in my place l'Een and
there, and exposed their true character. I
said that those who were engaged in the
work of breaking up The Government
were f
_traitors.have never ceased, on
all proper occasions, to repeat that senti
ment, and as far as my effort could go, I
have endeavored to carry it out. (Great
applause.) I have just remarked that
there were two parties, one of which was
for destroying the Government and sepa
rating the Union, in order to preserve
slavery, and the other for breaking up the
Government in order to destroy slavery.
True, the objects which they sought to
accomplish were different, so far as slave
ry was concerned, but they agreed in the
desire to break up. the Government, the
precise thing to which I have always been
opposed, and whether disnnionists come
from the South or from the North; I
stand now as I stood then, vindicating
the Union of these States and the Consti
tution of my country. (Tremendous ap
plause.)
SECESSION
Rebellion and treason manifested them
selves in the South. I stood by the Gov
ernment. I said then that I was for the
Union with slavery—l was for the Union
without slavery. In either alternative I
was for my Government and its Constitu
tion. The Government has stretched
forth its strong arm, and with its physical
power has put down treason in the field.
The section of the country which then ar
rayed itself against the Government has
been put down by the strong arm. What
did weqlay when this treason originated?
We said, "No compromise; you your
selves in the South can settle this ques
tion in eight and forty hours. I said again
and again, and I repeat it now,"Disband
your armies in the South, acknowledge
the supremacy of the Constitution of the
United States, acknowledge the duty of
obedience to the laws, and the whole
question is settled." (Applause.) Ailhat
has been done since ?
TRE REBELLION CRUSHED.
Their armies have been disbanded, and ,
they come forward now in a proper spir-;
it and say, "We were mistaken. We
made an effort to carry out the doctrine
of Secession and to dissolve this Union.—
In that we have failed. We have traced
this doctrine to its logical and physical
results,. and we find that we, were
ken. We acknowledge the - ,flag, of our
country, and are willing to obey the Con
stitution and yield to the impreinney of the
laws." (Great applause.) Coining in
that spirit, I say to them, " When you
have complied itb the requirements of
the Constitution, when yon have yielded
'to the law i . Nihen - yoU hav,ci lektiowleilged
`yoor allegiance titi the . COnstitutiiM,l will,
so far as I can, open the door of the Un
ion to those 'wholiadcrred and Strayed
froth. the - fold of theiffethere foteiltne
(Great epplanse.) Who hue suffered more
by the Rebellion than I have ? I shall
MONTROSE, PA., TUESDAY, MARCH 6, 1866.
not repeat the story of wrongs and, suffer
ings inflicted upon me; but the spirit of
revenge is not the spirit in which to deal
with a wronged people. I know there
has been a great deal said about the exer
cise of the pardoning power, so far as
your Executive is concerned.
THE LEADING TRAITORS.
There is no one who has labored with
more earnestness than myself to have the
principal intelligent and conscious trait
ors brought to justice, the law vindica
ted, and the great fact judicially estab
lished that treason is a crime, (applause)
but while conscious, leading and intelli
gent traitors are to be punished, should
whole communities and States and peo
ple be made to submit to the penalty of
death ? No, no !
I have perhaps as much asperity and as
much resentment as men ought to have,
but we must reason in great matters of
government about man as he is ; we must
conform our actions and conduct to the
example'of Him who founded our holy re
ligion, not that I would make such a com
parison on this occasion in any personal
aspect.
BEGESNING OF THE ADMINISTRATION.
I tame into this place under the Con
stitution of the country, and by the ap
probation of the people, and what did I
find ? I found eight millions of people
who were in fact condemned under the
law, and the penalty was death. Was I
to yield to the spirit of revenge and re
sentment, and declare that they should all
be annihilated and destroyed ? How dif
ferent would this have been from the ex
ample set by the Holy Founder of our re
ligion, the extremities of whose divine
arch rest upon the horizon, and whose
van embraces the unixerse ! He who
founded this great scheme came into the
world and found man condemned under
the law, and Lis sentence was death.—
What was His example ? Instead of put
ting the world, or even a nation to death,
He died upon the cross, attesting, by His
wounds and his blood, that He died that
mankind might live. (Great applause.)
BIASSES OF THE SOUTH.
Let those who have erred repent, let
them acknowledge their allegiance, let
them become loyal, willing supporters and
defenders of our glorious Stars and Stripes
and of the Constitution of our country.—
Let the leaders, the conscious intelligent
Ibi t fl,fre ( l itgilgiiii,)" %tit
to the great mass who have been forced
into this Rebellion in many instances, and
in others have been misled, I say clemen
cy, kindness, trust and confidence. (Great
aplause.)
THE PRESIDENT'S POSITION
My countrymen, when I look back over
the history of the Rebellion, I am not
vain when I ask you if I have not given
as much evidence of my devotion to the
Union as some who croak a great deal
about it ; when I look back over the bat
tle fields of the Rebellion I think of the
many brave men in whose company I was;
I cannot but recollect that I was some
times in places where the contest was
difficult and the result most doubtful ; but
almost before the smoke has passed away,
almtiat before the blood that has been
shed has done reeking, before the bodies
of the slain have passed through the sta
ges of decomposition,what do we now find?
PRESENT STATE OF AFFAIRS
The rebellion has been put down by the
strong arm of the Government in the
field, but is that the only way in which
you can have rebellion ? Our strug
gle was against an attempt to dissever
the Union, but almost before the smoke
of the battle-field has passed away, before
oar brave men have all returned to their
homes mid renewed the ties of affection
and love to their wives and their child
ren, we find almost another rebellion in
augurated. We pat down the former re
bellion in order to prevent the separation
of the States, to prevent them from flying
off, and thereby changing the character
of our government and weakening its
power, but when that struggle on our
part has been successful, and that attempt
has been put down, we find now an effort
to concentrate all power in the bands of a
few at the Federal head, and thereby
bring about a consolidation of the Gov..
ernment, which is equally objectionable
with a separation. (Vociferous applause.)
WIIAT WE NOW FIND
We find that powers are assumed, and
attempted to be exercised, of .a mOst ex
traordiaary character. It seems that
Governments may be revolutionized. Gov
ernments; at least, may be changed' with
out going through the Wife of battle. I
believe it is i fact attested in history that
sometimes revolutions most disastrous to
- a people are effected without the shed;
ding of.blood. The substance of your
Government may be taken away, while,
the form and the shade* remain to you:
What is now beingpropOsed ?
• L,,
D/lIECTOBY IISURPA110:11;+
We find that in point of fact nearly alit
the p,owera of the Governmentare assnmi;
ed by an irresponsible central directo ry
whith does not even consult•lhe , legisl
tive or,tbegxecutive Departments of th .
Government; by.resplutionsreported fro
a committee, in whom it seems that pr
tically the legislative power of the Go
eminent is now vested; that great princi
ple of the Constitution which authorizes
and empowers each branch of the Legis
lative Department of the Senate and the
House of Representatives to judge for it
self of the election returns and qualifica
tions of its own members has been virtu
ally taken away from the two branches of
the Legislative Department of the Gov
ernment, and conferred upon a committee
who must report before either House can
aCt tinder the Constitution as to accept
ing the members who are to take their
seats as component parts of the respec
tive bodies.
By this rule it is assumed that there
must be laws passed recognizing a State
as in the Union, or its practical relations
to the Union as restored, before the re
.speotive houses, under the Constitution,
can judge of the election returns and qual
ifications of their own members. What a
position is that ? You struggled for four
years to put down a rebellion; you denied
in the beginning of the struggle that any
State could go out of the Union; you said
that it had neither the rightdlor the pow
er to do so. The issue was made, and it
has been settled that the State b ad nei
ther the right nor the power to go out of
thc Union; with what consistency, after it
has been settled by the military arm of
the Government, and by the public judg
ment, that the States bad no right to go
out of the Union, can any one now turn
round and assume that they are out, that
they shall not come in. I am free to say
to you, as your Executive, that I am not
prepared to take any such position.—
(Great applause.) I said in the Senate, in
the very inception of this Rebellion, that
the States bad no right to go oat ; I as
serted too that they bad no power to go
out; that quistion has been settled, and it
being settled I cannot turn around now
and give the lie direct to all that I have
professed, and all I have done for the last
five years. When those who rebelled
comply with the Constitution; when they
give sufficient evidence of loyalty; when
they show that they can be trusted; when
they yield obedience to the law that you
I
and acknowledge obedience to, I say
extend them the right hand of fellowship,
and let peace and:union be metered. .(Tre
mendons applause.)
TOR BORTHERN TRAITORS.
I fought traitors and treason in the
South. opposed the Davises, the Sli
-1,315H", vttte atd.afiang iist.4)Loth:
repeating the names. Now, when I turn
round and at the other end of the line
find men, I care not by what name you
call them, who still stand opposed to the
restoration of the Union of these States, I
am free to say to you that I am still in
the field. (Great applause .)
_ I am still
for the preservation of the Union. I am
still in favor of this great Government of
ours going on and on, and filling out its
destiny. (Great applause. Voices—give
us three names at the other end.)
THE 2,7OETHE.RN TRAITOB.S.
I am called upon to name three at the
other end of the line. lam talking to my
friends and fellow-citizens, who are inter
ested with me in this Government, and I
presume I am free to mention to you the
names of those to whom I look upon as
being opposed to the fundamental princi
ples of this Government, and who are la
boring to pervert and destroy it. (Voices,
"Name them !" " Who are they ?") The
President—Yon ask me who they are. I
say Thaddeus Stevens, of Pennsylvania, is
one ; I say Mr. Sumner, of the Senate, is
another; and Wendell Phillips is anoth
fn. (Long continued applause.) (Voices,
"Give it to Portrey !") The President—
Its reply to that, I will simply say I do not
whine my ammunition upon dead ducks.
(Great laughter and applause.) I stand
for my country; I stand for the Constitu
tion. There I have always placeemy feet
fiOm my advent to public hfe. They may
traduce, they may slander, they may vt
trerate me, but let me say to you, all
tis has no influence upon me. (Great
applause.)
HE IS NOT TO BE BULLIED.
Let me say further, that I do not in-
Ond to be overawed by real or pretend
-4d friends, nor do I mean to be bullied by
by enemies. (Tremendous applause.)
HE WILL STAND BY THE PEOPLE.
Honest conviction is my courage, the
onstitution is my guide, I know, my
otintrynien, that it has been insinuated,
o, not insinuated, it has been said direct
ly in high places, that if such a usurpation
)if power as I am charged with had been
r p e a rcis . :
u d la e r reeign. ,o i
t hund r edwotiwould
d haveco s t yearsago a
i n n
Individual his head. (Great laughter.)
Of what usurpation has Andrew Johnson
peen guilty ? None. None.
Is it a usurpation to stand between the
beople and the encroachments of power,
ecause In a conversation with a fellow
/citizen who, happened to be..a. Senator, I
,said that I ihqught aMendinents to the
Constitution oughtnattOcifiequentlyto be
• made; that if it-was continually tinkered
Iwith it would lose all its prestige and dig
-1(l the old instrument wcmldbe, lost
sight of altogether in a short time, and
because, in-the same uctnyersation I hap
pened to say that if it were , amended .at
all; such and such an amendment ought to
Ibe adopted, it was charged thatt was
guilty of usurpation of power that would
have cost a king his head, in a certain pe
riod of English history. (Great laughter.)
From the same source the exelanration
has gone forth that they were in the midst
of earthquakes ; that they were trenibling
and could not yield. (Langhvr.)
THERE IS AN EARTHQUAKE.
Yes, fellow citizens, there is an earth
quake, coming; there is a ground swelling
of popular judgment and indignation.
(Great applause.) The American people
will speak, and, b = y their instinct if not
otherwise, they will know who are their
enemies. I have endeavored to be true
to the people in all the positions which I
have oconpted, and there is hardly a posi
tion in this Government which I have not
at some time filled, I suppose it will be
said that this is vanity (laughter,) but I may
say that I have been in all of them.. I
have been in both branches of the State
Legislature. (A voice; " You commenc
ed a tailor.")
NO PATCH WORE
The President—A gentleman behind
me says that I began a tailor. Yes, Idid
begin a tailor (applause,) and that sug
gestion does not discomfit me in the least,
for when I was a tailor I had the reputa
tion of being a good one, and of making
close fits (laughter,) and I was always
punctual to my customers, and did good
work. (Applause.)
Voices—We will patch up the Union
yet.
The President—No, I do not:want any
patch work of it; 1 want-the original arti
cle restored. (Great applause.) But en
ough of this facetiousness. I know it may
be said, " You are President, and you
must not talk about these things;" but,
my fellow citizens, I intend to talk the
truth, and when principle is involved,
when the existence of my country is in
peril, I hold it to be my duty to speak
what I think and what I feel, as• I have
always done on former occasions. (Great
applause.)
I have said, it has been declared else
where that I was guilty of usurpation
which would have cost a king his head,
and in another placel have been denounc
ed for whitewashing. When and where
did I ever whitewash anything or any
body ? I have been an alderman of a
town, I have been in both branches of the
legislature of my State, I have been in
both Houses of the Na ongress, I
Inwt_been at the )2 , xecutive
Vice President of the 1• . tes, - Titia
lam now in the position .14. I occupy
before you, and during all this career
where is the man and what portion of the
people is there who can say that Andrew
Johnson ever made a pledge which he did
not redeem, or that he ever made a prom
ise whion he violated ? None. Now
point me to the man who can say that
Andrew Johnson ever acted with infidel
ity to the great mass of the people. (Ap
plause.)
THREATS OS ASSASSINATION.
Men may talk about beheading and
about usurpation, but when I am behead
ed I want the American people to be the
witnesses. Ido not want it, by inuendoes
and indirect remarks in high places, to be
suggested to men who have assassination
brooding in their bosom, there is a fit
subject. Others have exclaimed that the
Presidential obstacle must be gotten out
of the way. What is that but a make-use
of a strong word inciting tonssastination?
No doubt, I say, the intention was to in
cite assassination, so the obstacle which
the people had placed here could be got
out of the way. Are the opponents of
this Government not yet satisfied; are
thosewho want to destroy our institutions
and to change the character of the Gov
ernment, not satisfied with the quantity
of blood that has been shed? Are they
not satisfied with one martyr in this Place?,
Does not the blood of Lincoln appease
their vengeance ? Is their thirst stall un
slaked ? Do they still want more blood ?
Have they not honor and courage enough
to seek to obtain the end otherwise than
through and by the hand of an assassin.
I am not afraid of an assassin attacking
me where one brave and courageous man
will attack another. I only dread him
when in disguise and where his footstep
is noiseless. •
If they want blood let them have the
courage to strike like men. I knOw they
are willing to wound but afraid to strike.
If my blood is to be shed because I vindi
cate the Union, and insist on the presbr;
vation of this 'Government in its onginal
purity, let it be shed; but let au 'altar to'
the Union be first erected, and then; if
necessary, take me and lay ma upon it,
and the blood that now warms' 'and' ani
mates my existence shall be poured out as
the last libation, as a tribute to the Union
of these States. (Great applatise:) But
let the opponents of this Government re
member when it is poured out,that the blood
'of the martyrs is the seed of t he church.'
This Union will , grow, and ii will continue
to increase in
,strength and power; though
it may be cemented and cleansed in Wood.
I have already spoken to you lo,ngpt th9 .s
I intended when r 5 00 Out. (Go ori)
cosszthri;z9.4*
,rnerely intended to, make mylacknowl.
edgmenta,for the honor , your bate =dQrie
me; but before I close allow me to say a
word in regard to thequestiona of amend-
IVOLUME XXIII, NUMBER 10.
meats to the Constitution of thelTnited
States. Shortly after I reached Wash
ington, for the purpose of being inaugu
rated as Vice President of the United
States, I had a conversation with Mr. Lin
coln in regard to the condition. of -affairs.
We talked particularly in reference to
matters in my own - State. I told hirit
that we had called a Convention, that we
had amended the Constitution, and that
we had abolished slavery in that State,
which was not ineluded 'in his Emancipa
tion Proclamation. •
AR these things met hfs'appiobation,
and' he gave me words of ecieottragement.
We talked then about Weirs — generally,
and upon the subject of 'amendments 'to
the Constitution of the 'United States; he
said to me " When the amendmentothe
Constitution nbw proposed is adopted by
three fourths of the States, I ain pretty
near done or indeed quite done in favor
of amending the Constitutioaif there was
one other adopted."
I asked him, "What is that, Mr. Presi
dent ?" He said "I have labored to Rre ! ,
serve this ~I have toiled during
four years; I hal% been, subjected to
umny and misrepresentation. My great
and solo desire has beeato preserve these
States intact under the Constitu
tion as they were before." I asked him
again, " Mr. President, what amendment
is that which you would propose?"—
"Why," said
,he " it is that. there shopid
bean' amendthent added to' the. CODSUtn
tion which would compel the 'States to
send their Senators and Representatives
to the Congress of the United States.
(Great applause.) The idea was in his
mind that as a part of the doctrine of Se
cession one of the means to break up this
Government was that the States, if they
saw proper,
might withdraw 4heir Sena
tors, and Re presentatives, _ or refuse to
elect them. He wanted even to remove
that difficulty by a constitutional amend
ment, compelling the States to send Sen
ators and Representatives to Congress.
But what do we now find ? The Con
stitution of the country, even that portion
of it which allows amendments to the or
ganic law, expressly provides that no
State, without its consent, shall be de ;
prived of its equal . suffrage in the Scnate,
and it also provides that each State' shall
have at least one Representative' inthe
House of Representatives; but yet the po
sition is taken that cert* States shall not
bilAtirglieuttiL •
We impose taxes upon them"; we , send
our tax gatheres into every, region and
portion of the States.
These people are fit subjects of Govern
ment for the collection of taxes,
but when
they ask to participate in the legislation
of the country, they are, met at the door
and told no, you must pay taxes, you
must bear bupiens of Government. but
you cannot participate in its legislation
which is to affect you through all time to
come; is this justice, is it fair? , (No, no.)
ME UNION-TRUE LOYALTY-THE SOUTH
SHOULD BE ALLOWED nioassasrAwsubs.
I repeat I am for the Union, I am for
preserving all the States. lam for ad
mitting into • the Councils of the nation
all the representatives who are unmistak
ably and unquestionably loyal. A
who acknowledges allegiance to the Govern
ment, and who swears to support the Consti
tution, must necessarily be loyal. ,
A man cannot take that oath in good
faith unless he is loyal.
A mere amplification of the oath, makes
no difference as to the principle. What-
ever test is thought proper as evidence
and as proof of loyalty, is a. mere matter
of detail, about which I care nothing;
but let a man be unmistakably and unques
tionably loyal, let, him acknowledge alle-
Mance to the Constitution of the United
ates, and be'willing to support the Gov
ernment in its hourlof. peril and, its hour
of need, and I am willing to ;trust him.—
(Applause.)
I know that some, do not attach . as
much importance to this point as I dO,
but I regard it as a fundamental
The'principle that carried us thrciitgh the
revolution was that; there should.tie no
taxation with Out representation. 'I hold'
to that principle, which was laid dotin . as
fundamentalfathets.. If it was
good thin- it is - good no . w.-t If it was
worth standing by then, i t tiordi stand
ing by now. It islundamental, and should
be observed as long
~as free go' ernment
lasts. ,
THE, COSEuxi 110/4: - AOAIN TTIE , LAW.
I am aware that- in - the midst of the Re
bellion was said:by some that the Con ,
stitntion bad bben rolled tali as a.pieee of
parchment: and, laid away ; that in timeuf
war and rebellion there was no Constito-'
Lion. Weindw that sometimes, in gteat
neeessity, under great emeiginey,
'stitntional things must sometimes neces
sul l y be Acme i in airderto'.. preserve the:
Constitntion - itself ; 400 if; while_ the Re
hellion _was .going on the' Constitution
was rolled up and laid away; if it }artia
elated in some o'rib:salamis' order to ‘ sive
the government, which may be excused
end justified, Incense in saving the Gov
ernment you really saved the Constita-
TILE CONSTITUTION VIOLATED.
TICE TO THE SOUTH.
ZEST OATHS • ARE lIICELEt3I3
•L IPITITDABIEEMTAL PRINCIPLE.