A. J. GERRITSON, Publisher.'
FOR TUE DEMOCRAT.
A True and Complete History of the
Great Con'Het between Democracy
and Abolitionism, and of the
War between the Wm*
and the South.
Great have been the rejoicings of a por
tion of the American people over the
downfall of Democracy and the triumph
of Abolitionism ! Whether these rejoic
ings will yet be turned into mourning, is
not for the historian of the past to fore
tell. But when a republic, a dynasty, or
any form of government is overthrown,
and a new one erected in its place, it is
customary for the historian, who gives an
account of its rise and fall to the world,
to give a history also of the characters
who led the revolution, or gave principal
aid to the downfall, or the victory.
Following then the example of other
historians, we will introduce the reader to
a scene in a principal city in the year
1815;
"The whole square around the City
Hall, and the streets leading to it, were
lined with people. An arch was erected
in the middle of the grand square, oppo
site the entrance to the cathedral Two
lines of battalion lined both sides of the
way, from the entrance of the square to
ward the river to the church: The bal
conies of the windows of the City Hall—
the parsonage house, and all the adjacent
buildings were filled with spectators. The
triumphal arch was supported by six col
umns. Among those on the right was a
young lady representing Justice, and on
the left another representing Liberty.—
Under the arch were two young children,
each on a pedestal, holding a crown of
laurel. From the arch in the middle of
the square to the ohurch, at proper inter
vals, were ranged young ladies, represent.
ing the different States and Territories
composing the American Union, all dress
ed in white, covered with transparent
veils, an( wearing a silver star on their
foreheads. Each of these young ladies
held in her right hand a flag, inscribed
with the name of the State or Territory
she represented, and in the left a basket
trimmed with blue ribbons and full of
flowers; Behind each, was a shield, sus
pended on a lance stuck in the ground, in
scribed with the name of a State or Ter
ritory. The intervals had been so calcu
lated, that the shields, linked together
with verdant festoons, occupied the dis
tance from the triumphal arch to the
church. The hero of the scene, accom
panied by the officers of his staff, arrived
at the entrance of the square, and walked
to the church by the walk prepared for
him. As he passed under the arch, he
receivc.l the crowns of laurel from the
children, and was congratulated in an ad
dress qn,ken by A young lady, who rep
resented the State. He then proceeded
to the church, amidst the salutations of
the young ladies, representing the differ
ent States, who strewed his passage with
flowers. At the church he was received
by the Abbe Dubourg, who addressed
him in a suitable speech, and conducted
him to a seat prepared for him near the
altar. Te Deum Laudamus was chanted
with impressive solemnity, after which a
guard of honor attended him to his guar:
ters, and in the evening the City with its
suburbs:was magnificently illumitiated."—
Parton.
What , City .is this which presents so
gorgeous a pageant ? and who is the per
sonage whose head is thus crowned with
the laurels of honor, and his pathway
strewn with flowers? This is the City
of New Orleans—and that crowned hero
is the champion of Democracy—the de
fender of the people of the South in after
years from the incendiary torch of aboli
tionism ; the patriot who declared that
the Union there represented by the young
females, with silver stars in their fore
heads, must be preserved against the con
spirators who denounced it as an unholy
alliance; the President of the United
States, who warned his people in two an
nual messages against the party which
now bears rule over the once happy Re
public of America.
What were the circumstances which
brought this illustriims character to that
fu-off City in the South, where even in
the " temple of the Most High," praises
were chanted to Almighty God for victo
ries vouchsafed by his band ? The fol
lowing ballad will be the first answer,
and let it be here observed,that these ver
ses were printed in a Federal newspaper ,
an or gan of the party which has labored
f o r sixtyyears to overthrow the princi
ples of this Old Hero, and which was
then so hostile to Democrac, -that when
the nation desired to reward ' the valor of
this patriot warrior by elevating him to
the n-ftideney, they detracted from his
merits, denounced and persecuted him, as
they denounced and persecuted mother
illustrious hero during this war, - because
he wouldicot renounce the principles. of
Democracy, bow his knee at the shrine'of
Abolitionism, throw aside the timer of
Washington and Jackson, and raise the.
dark and bloody bannerol the great
spirator, Wm. Lloyd Garrison and his
first officer, Capt. dohs Bfollll2 l senior.
The Mattis of New Orleans—Written for
the Gleaner, Feb. 1815.
Bold Packenham Caine, with Gibbs and with Keane,
And thousands of warriors—the heroes of Spain ;
New Orleans to capture they thought would be play,
"Come on," cried their Chief,"l wi l lend you the way."
"Behold yonder steeples and bonne so one—
They nand, my brave boys, bat a league from ottrilna ;
Storm their works and the City shall be your reward.
Remember that' Beauty and Booty's' the word r'
Disgrace to thy country ! Thou monster accursed !
To inflame the foul soldiers with avarice and lust.
Was honor and courage extinct In each breast?
To rouse them, must passions like these be addrest
But lo they approach ; In their columns they come.
The red cross files high ; hark, the are and the dran4,
Meanwhile In the fort, all prepared for the strife,
Brave Jackson rewires to yield only with
Surrounded by freemen, all hearty and bold,
Who fight not for booty, or rapine, or gold;
But who to the conflict have cheerfully tome,
In defence of their altars, wives, sweethearts and home
" Protect us. 0 God! from these merciless bands,
Inspire us with courage, and strengthen our bands,"
Thus Jackson, to Heaven sent up a short prayer,
And then to the battle directed his care.
Our thirty-two pounders then blaredon the foe ;
Lo ! beeps upon heajls by oar fir* were laid low;
"They falter," cries Jackson, "behold they retire;
Again, boys, they rally—haste, pour in your tire !"
Behold in their ranks what con.ftuilon is spread ;
Three times have they rallied,three times have they led;
A thousand and more of their best troops have bled—
Gibbs falls badly wounded, and Piekenham's dead!
New Orleans Is safe i Tet see on beauty's cheek
The Bowing tears, which strong emotion speak ;
Bat oh : those tears are not to sorrow given—
They flow from Joy and gratitude to Maven.
While old Missiul9o to Ocean shallflow,
The laurels of Jackson shall Boarish andgrow ;
Future ages with transport shall publish his rams.
And mingle his praises with Washington's name."
Washington achieved the first victory
over the British crown, and when Eng
land attempted the second time to subju
gate America, Jackson, imbued with the
spirit. of Washington, delivered his coun
try again from the British yoke. When
Washington was fighting for his country,
a scene occurred in Boston similar to this
in New Orleans, where the aged, the in
firm, the matrons, the daughters and the
children of the City all went out to meet
their deliverers—to receive with felicita
tions the saviours of their country.
Every countenance was expressive of
gratitude, joy sparkled in every feature,
on beholding fathom, brothers, husbands,
sons, who had so recently saved the lives,
fortunes and honor of their families, by re
pelling an enemy come to conquer and
subjugate their country—and all were
present to see their hero crowned with
laurels.
After Washington had compelled the
British army to evacuate the City of Bos
ton, " the exiled people and their friends
streamed in, and all hearts were touched
at witnessing the tender interviews and
fond embraces of those who bad been long
separated. The select men of Boston ad
dressed Washington in the name of the
liberated inhabitants : Next to the di
sine power we ascribe to your wisdom
that this acquisition has been made with so
little effusion of blood,' and words . of grat
itude bung on the faltering lips of all the
people."
Washington and Jackson did not be
lieve with the Abolitionists of the pres
ent day that the life-blood of a man was
not more precious than so much water.—
Washington drove the British from Mas
sachusetts, with the loss of but twenty
American soldiers, while Gen. Jackson
drove them from New Orleans with a loss
inferior even to that. And let it be here
remembered that both these saviours of
our country were Southern born men—
that we are indebted to the South for our
own independence from the tyranny of
Great Britain ; that both these patriot
warriors who achieved these great victo
ries were slaveholders—that they were
Christians—whose last of earth will be
described, and that so far from believing
in negro equality, they both aided in
founding a government which excluded
the African race from any share therein.
The following letter was addressed to the
Earl of Liverpool, in England, upon the
arrival, of the intelligence of the victory
of Nesy Orleans, by Wm. Cobbet, who
had resided sometime in America, which
will give a further view of that achieve
ment :
"My lord, within the last week I re
ceived a bundle of American newspapers,
for which lam indebted to a gentleman
of that country, which I immediately pe
rused, and hasten to inform your lordship
of their contents. The first paper I laid
my eyes upon was headed in large capi
tals, ' Glorious Newel Unparalleled
tory obtained by the American. arms un
der Generaldackson, at. New Orleans!'
"Should I tell you that it was with as
tonishment that I read of the unexampled
defeat and carnage of the forces under
Major General Packenham, brother-in
law of our immortalized living General,
the Duke of Wellington, and. Marquis of
Talavera ; should .I say I, who Iwo so of
ten told you--so often forewarned you of
what would be the fate of the armies
you . should send to. America--should I.
own, to you my astonishment at their be-•
ing•beaten and driven off: the field by a
yankee %general, what would your lord
ship think I But, my lord, I was amazed !
I was under the agony of au ague, and
MONTROSE, PA., TUESDAY, FEB. 27, 1866.
the very highest paroxysm of a fever. I,
who had ever said from the very day of
the sailing of the regiments under Gen.
Ross that they only went to meet dis
grace; 1, who have ever been repeating
to you that your sappers, your miners,
and your rocketmen were nothing at all
in comparison to a Kentucky rifle in the
hands of a backwoodsman—shah I aKain
own to you that I was amazed. Yon
must recollect, my lord, that I deprecated
the cruelty of sending men to America
who were just panting from their fights
and fatigues in Spain and in France, yet,
although I calculated on their being beat
en, I did not expect to see them shot
down, one hundred men, rank and file,for
one of the enemy.
"This military miracle, for I can call it
nothing else, really places all of Bona
parte's former victories in the shade ;
they bear no comparison; in a word, it
has not its parallel anywhere. The strong
est fortress that was ever besieged--Gits.
raltv itself—refer to history, my lord, I
beg of you, for three hundred years, and
see if you find anything like it. Gracious
God I it is too shocking for animadver
sion. Half a dozen snore such expedi
tions, and I fear we should have scarcely
men left to walk the parade. of St. James,
or to change duty at the Horse Guards.
"And here I must not omit to mention
the reward the American Congress be
stowed upon their gallant officer, General
Jackson. Gallant I am forced to call him,
although be has been our severest enemy.
A resolution was passed that 'the thanks
of Congress be presented to General Jack
son and to the brave offieers and men
under his command ; and that the Presi
dent be requested to cause a 'gold medal
to be struck and presented to him.' This
is the reward which the American gov
ernment is in the habit showing to brave
ry; and the bravest man an it neither
looks for or expects a greater remunera
tion. But alter the position, and let us
suppose that Sir Edward Packenham bad
been successful, what, would you and the
British parliament have done for Sir Ed
ward ? Would a dukedom have been too
much for him had he gained possession of
the great key to all the commerce of the
western States, even to the heart of Penn
sylvania, the Mississippi river? Would
the dukedom of Orleans in revendonmith
tbOtumndloWrling ae
there are starain the firmament, been too
much, in your imagination, for the man
who would have possessed himself of this
magical padlock and key, which opened
or closed at pleasure the gates of all the
commerce of a country seven times as
large in extent as England and Scotland
together ?
" And yet, my lord, the American gen.
eral who defended that all important spot,
and who in defending it gave such a les
son of military self-defence as never an
army of the world received before, is
doubtless well contented, thankful and
grateful, with the thanks of his country
men, and I would wager that be values
the little gold medal full as much or more
than you or your generals would value
the dukedom and the estate.
" My lord, had the duke of Wellington
been at New Orleans, what would have
prevented him sharing the same fate of
Paekenham ?"
The party which is now so anxious to
reward the negroes for helping to fight
tha South, were not so anxious to reward
General Jackson for helping to conquer
our British foes.
Had this been a monarchical govern
ment like England, he would have receiv
ed a dukedom, with all other honors that
that could have been bestowed upon him,
and yet the very party which now rules
over America treated bim with contempt,
and heaped upon him every indignity, be
cause that, although he was the "Hero
of New Orleans," he was a Democrat,
and they would rather live under a mon
archy than under a Democracy, where all
white men bad an equal right to power.
Their love for the negroes is based solely
on the hope that by their aid they can es
tablish a despotism instead of a Democra
cy over the great American Republic.
The New York Enquirer of 1827, says:
"The federal journals are warmly attack
ing the character and military services of
Gen. Jackson. It is the same party which
encouraged, rebellion and a separation of
the Union during the late war. When
the British troops arrived in New Or
leans, the Boston Sentinel said , : 'They
have acquired laurels in Spain, and we
hope they may reap fresh laurels in. Ame
r"
These, tones wanted to come under the
British Crown rather than to live under a
Democratic form of government. When
they separated from Great Britain they
intended to have a. monarchy of their
own. The Democratic principle prevailed ~
and they mean now to establish such at
government as they wanted at the first.
Democracy being overthrown in the
North, if they can keep the South under
theis feet, then farewell to the liberties
achieved for America by Washington and
Jackson. Farewell to the Union of our
Fathers! Farewell to our white broth
ers and sisters in the South, and all hail ,
to negro equality, and negro fraternity,
under a black republican monarchy!
str READ THE VETO MESSAGE.
THE FREEDMAN'S BUREAU.
A VETO MESSAGE
FROM PRESIDENT JOHNSON.
To the 'Senate of the United States :
I have examined with care the bill
Which has been passed by the two Hou
ses of Congress, to amend an act entitled
an act to establish a brireau for the relief
of freedmen and refugees, and for other
purposes. Having, with mach regret,
come to the conclusion that it would not
be consistent with the public welfare to
give my approval to the measure, I re
turn the bill to the Senate with my ob
jections to its becoming a law. I might
call to mind in advance of these objec
tions that there is no immediate. necessity
for the proposed measure. The act to es
tablish a bureau for the relief ofthe freed
men and refugees, which was approved in
the month of March last, has not expired.
It.was thought stringent and extreme
enough for the purpose in view in time of
war. Before it. ceases to have effect, fur
ther experience may assist to guide us
to a wise conclusion as to the policy to be
adopted in time of peace. I share with
Congress the strongest desire to secure
to the freedmen the full enjoyment of
their freedom and their prosperity, and
their entire' independence and equality in
'making contracts for their labor; but the
bill before me Contains provisions which,
in my opinion, are not warranted by the
Constitution and are not well suited to
accomplish the end in view. The bill
proposes to establish, by authority of
Congress, military jurisdiction over all
parts of the United States containing ref
ugees and freedmen. It would, by its
very nature, apply with the most force to
those parts of the United States in which
the freedmen most abound—and it ex
pressly extends the existing temporary
jurisdiction of the Freedmen's Bureau,
with greatly enlarged powers, over those
States in which the ordinary course ofju
dicial proceeding has been interrupted by
the rebellion. The source from which
this military jurisdiction is to emanate is
none other than the President of the Un
ited States, acting through the War De
partment and the .( 1 1 ommissioner of the
Freedmeies`Biweati. The agents to car
rroubilria malice/0T jurisdiction are to be
selected either from the army or trom civ
il life; the country is to be divided into
districts and sub districts, and the num
ber of salaried agents to be employed
may be equal to the number of counties
or parishes in all the United States where
freedmen or refugees are to be found.
The subjects over which this military ju
risdiction is .to extend in every part of
the United States, includes protection to
all employees, agents and officers of this
bureau in the exercise of the duties im
posed upon them by the bill in eleven
States. It is further to extend over all
cases affecting freedmen and refugees dis
criminated against by local laws, custom,
or prejudice. In those eleven States the
bill subjects any white person 'who may
be charged with depriving a freedman of
any civil rights or immunities belonging
to white persons, to imprisonment orfiue,
or both, without, however, defining the
civil rights and immunities which are thus
to be secured to the freedman by military
law.
This military jurisdiction also extends to
all questions that may arise respecting
contracts. The agent who is thus to ex
ercise the office of a judge may be a stran
ger, entirely ignorant of the laws of the
place, and exposed to the errors of judg
ment to which all men are liable. The
exercise of power, over which there is no
legal supervision, by so vast a number of
agents as is contemplated by this bill,
must, by the very nature of man, be at
tended by acts of caprice, injustice and
passion.
The trials having their origin under
this bill, are to take place without the in
tervention of a jury and without any fixed
rules of law or evidence. The rules on
which offenses are to be heard and deter
mined by the numerous agents are such
rules and regulations as the President
through the War Department shall pre
scribe.
No previous presentment is required,
nor any indictment charging the commis
sion of a crimes ainst the laws, but the
trial must procee don charges and specifi
cations. The punishment will be, not
what the law declares, but such as a court
martial may think proper, and from these
arbitrary tribunals there lies no appeal,
.no writ oferror, to any of the courts in
which the Constitution of the United
States vests, exclusively_ the judicial pow
er of the country. While the territory
and the classes of actions and offenses
that are made subject to this measure are
so extensive, the' Mil itself should it be
come a law, will have no limitation in
point of time, but will form part of the
permanent legislation of the country.
I cannot conceive a system of military
jerisdiction of this kind within the words of
the Constitution which declare that" no
person shall be held to answer for a capi
tal or Otherwise infamous crime, unless on
a presentment or indictment of a grand
jurhexcepting caies arisyjg.in.thoJand or
naval forces, or in—the *hie, when in
service:in time of war or public danger,"
and that "in - all criminal proceedings the
accused shall enjoy. the right to speedy
andpublic trial by an impartial jury of
the State, or district wherein the crime
shall have been committed.
The safeguarda , which the experience
and wisdom of ages taught our fathers to
establish as securities for the protection
of the innocent, the punishment of the
guilty, and the equal administration of
justice, are to be set aside, and for the
sake of a more vigorous interposition in
behalf of justice,. we are to take the risk
of the many acts of injustice that would
necessarily. follow_ from an almost count
less number of agents established in every
parish ortounq in nearlya third' of the
Statei of the Union, over whose decision
there is to be no supervision or control
by the Federal courts. -
The power that would be thus placed
in the hands of the Presidentjs such as in
time of peace certainly oughernever to be
entrusted to any one man. If it be asked
whethet the creation of such a tribunal in
a State was warranted as a measure of
war, the question immediately presents it
self whether we are still engaged in war'.
Let us not unnecessarily disturb the com
merce and credit and industry of the
country, by declaring to the American
people and to the world that , the United
States are still in a condition of civil war.
At present there is no part of our country
in which the authority of the United
States is disputed. Offenses that may be
committed by individuals should not work
a forfeiture of the rights of whole commu
nities. The community has returned, or
is returning, to a state of peace and indus
try. The rebellion is at, an end. The
measure, therefore, seems to be as incon
sistent with the actual condition of the
country as it is at variance with the Con
stitution of the United States.
If passing from general considerations,
we. examine the bill in detail it is open to
weighty objections. In time of war it
was eminently proper that we should pro
vide for those who were passing sudden
ly from a condition of bondage to a state
of freedom; but this bill proposes-to make
the Freednien's. Bureau, established by
the act of 1865, as one of many great and
extraordinary military measures to sup
press a formidable rebellion a permanent
branch of the public administration, with
its powers greatly enlarged.
I have no reason to suppose, and I do
',tot randArstand it tp. fie Qed , that the
act of March,lB6s, has proven deficient
for the purpose for which it was passed,
although at that time, and for a considers..
ble period thereafter, the Government of
the United States remained unacknowl
edged in most of the States 'whose inhab
itants had been involved in the rebellion.
The institution of slavery, for the milita
ry destruction of which the Freedmen's
Btireau was called into existence as an
auxiliary, has been already effectually and
finally abrogated throughout the whole
country by an amendment of the Consti
tution of the United States, and practi
cally its eradication has reached the as
sent and concurrence of moat of those
States in which it at any • time had an ex
istence. lam not, therefore, able to dis
cern in the condition of the country any
thing to justify an apprehension that the
powers and agencies of. the Freedmen's
Bureau, which were effective for the pro
tection of freedmen and refugees during
the actual continuance of hostilities, will
now, in a time of peace, and after the ab
olition of slavery, prove inadequate to the
same proper ends. If lam correct in
these views, there can be no necessity for
the - enlargement of the powers of the bu
reau for which provision is made in the
bill. The third section of the bill author
izes a general and unlimited grant of su
port to the destitute and suffering refu
p-
gees and freedmen, their wives and chil
dren. Succeeding sections make provis
ions for the rent or purchase of landed
estates for freedmen, and for the erection
for their benefit of suitable buildings for
asylums and schools, the expenses to be
defrayed from the Treasury of the whole
people. The Congress of the United
States has neverheretofore thought itself
empowered to establish any laws beyond
the limits of the District of Columbia ex
cept for the benefit of our disabled sol
diers and sailors. It has never founded
schools for any class of our own people,
not even for the orphans of those who
have fallen in the defense of the Union,
but has left the care oltheir education to
the much more competent , and efficient
control of tbe States, of communities, of
private associations and of individuals. It
ha never deemed itself authorized to ex
pend the public money for the rent or
purchassof houses-for the thousands, not
to say millions„ of the white' rape, who are
honestly toiling from day to day for their
sulniatence. A system for the suppport
of indigent persons in the United States
was never contemplated by the - authors
of the Constitution. Nor can any good
reason be advimced why, as a permanent
establishment, it should be founded for
one class' or' color of our people more
thin for another. Pending the war many
refogies and freedmen received support
from the government, bnt it was never
intended that they should henceforth, be
fed, clothed, iiiducsted 'and siPlitered by
the United States. The ides on which
the slaves were assisted to freedom was
that t on becoming free they would be .0
self sustaining population, and any hire
i VOLUME XVII, NIIKEIER 9,
lation that shall imply that they are not
exrcted to attain a self sustaining con
dition must have a tendency injurious
alike to . their character and their prosper
ity. ' The appointment of an agent for GYP
ery county and parish will create au imf
manse patronage, and the expense of the
numerous officers and their clerks to be
appointed by . the President, will be great
in the beginning, with a tendency steadily,
to increase. The appropriations asked by
the Freedmen's Bureau as now establish
ed foy the year 1866, amount to $11,745,
000, and it may be safely estimated that
the coat to be incurred under the pending
bill will require doublfithat amount, more
than the entire sum expended in any one
year under the administration of the sew
and Adams.
If the presence of agents in every par
ish or county is to be considered as a war
measure, opposition, or even resistance,
might be provoked, so that to give effect
to their jurisdiction troops would have to
be stationed within reach of everyone of
thew, and thus a large standing force be
rendered necessaay. Large appropria
tions would, therefore, be required to sus
tain and enforce .military jurisdiction in
every county or parish from the Potomac
to the Rio Grande. The condition of our
fiscal affairs in encouraging, but in order
to sustain the present measure of publics
confidence, it is necessary that we prod-.
tice not merely customary economy, but
as far as possible, severe retrenchment.
In addition to the objections already sta
ted, the fifth section of the bill proposes
to take away land from its former own
ers without any legal proceedings being,
first bad, contrary to that provision of the
Constitution which declares that no per
son shall be deprived of life, liberty, or
property without due process of law. It
does not appear that a part of the land to
Which this section refers may not be own
ed by minors or persons of unsound mind,
or by those who have been faithful to all
their obligations as citizens of the United
States. If any portion of the land is held
by such persons, it is not competent for
any authority to deprive them of it. If
on the other band it be found that the
property is liable to confiscation even
then it cannot be appropriated to publio
purposes, until, by due process of law, it
shall have been declared forfeited to the
government.
There is still further objection to the
ep.r.mula estrinnalp affiine_.
elms of persons to whothi t is esziot
to bring relief. It will tend to keep the
minds of freedmen in a state of uncertain
expectation and restlessness, while to
those among whom he lives it will be a
source of constant and vague apprehen
sion;
Undoubtedly the freedman should be
protected, but he should be protected by
the civil authorities, and especially by the
exercise of all the constitutional powers
of the courts of the United States and of
the States. His condition is" not so ex
posed as may at first be imagined. He is
in a portion of the country where his la
bor cannot well be spared. Competition
for his services from planters, from those
who are constructing or repairing rail
roads, and from capitalists in his vicinage
or from other States, will enable him to
command almost his own terms. He also
possesses a perfect right to change his
place of abode, and if therefore, he dolts
not find in one community or State a
mode of life suitable to his desires, or
proper remuneration for Ms labor, he can
MOAT to another, where that labor is
more esteemed and better rewarded.
In truth, however, such State, induced
by its own wants and interests will do
what is necessary and proper to retain
within its borders all the labor that id
needed fortrevelopment of its resour
ces. The I we that regulate supply and
demand will maintain their force, and the
wages of the laborer will be regulated
thereby. There is no danger that the
exceedingly great demand for labor will
not operate in favor of the laborer, nei
ther is sufficient consideration given to the
avidity of the freedmen to protect and
take care of themselves.
It is no more than justice to them to
believe, that as they have received their
freedom with moderation and forbearance
so they will distinguish themselves by
Air industry and thrift, and soon show'
the'world that in a condition of freedom
they are self sustaining, capable of select.'
ing their own employment and their own'
places of abode, of insisting for themselv
es on a proper remuneration, and of es
tablishing and maintaining their own. ray=
lams and schools. It is earnestly hoped
that instead of wasting away, they will,
by their own efforts, establish for them
selves a condition of respectability and
prosperity. It is certain that they can afro
tun to that condition only through their
own merits antactions.
In this connection the query presents
itself, whether the system' proposed by
the bill will net, when pdt into complete
operation, practically transfer the entire
ogre, support arid control of four millions
of emancipated slaves to agents, °beer
vets tirlask mil/item who, appointed at
Washington, are to be located in every
°minty and pariah tbroughoul, the United
States containing freedmen and refugees?
Sib% a system would inevitably tend**
emioentrition of power in the EireMitivit,
which 'would enable bhir, if' so disposed,