A. J. GERRITSON, Publisher.' FOR TUE DEMOCRAT. A True and Complete History of the Great Con'Het between Democracy and Abolitionism, and of the War between the Wm* and the South. Great have been the rejoicings of a por tion of the American people over the downfall of Democracy and the triumph of Abolitionism ! Whether these rejoic ings will yet be turned into mourning, is not for the historian of the past to fore tell. But when a republic, a dynasty, or any form of government is overthrown, and a new one erected in its place, it is customary for the historian, who gives an account of its rise and fall to the world, to give a history also of the characters who led the revolution, or gave principal aid to the downfall, or the victory. Following then the example of other historians, we will introduce the reader to a scene in a principal city in the year 1815; "The whole square around the City Hall, and the streets leading to it, were lined with people. An arch was erected in the middle of the grand square, oppo site the entrance to the cathedral Two lines of battalion lined both sides of the way, from the entrance of the square to ward the river to the church: The bal conies of the windows of the City Hall— the parsonage house, and all the adjacent buildings were filled with spectators. The triumphal arch was supported by six col umns. Among those on the right was a young lady representing Justice, and on the left another representing Liberty.— Under the arch were two young children, each on a pedestal, holding a crown of laurel. From the arch in the middle of the square to the ohurch, at proper inter vals, were ranged young ladies, represent. ing the different States and Territories composing the American Union, all dress ed in white, covered with transparent veils, an( wearing a silver star on their foreheads. Each of these young ladies held in her right hand a flag, inscribed with the name of the State or Territory she represented, and in the left a basket trimmed with blue ribbons and full of flowers; Behind each, was a shield, sus pended on a lance stuck in the ground, in scribed with the name of a State or Ter ritory. The intervals had been so calcu lated, that the shields, linked together with verdant festoons, occupied the dis tance from the triumphal arch to the church. The hero of the scene, accom panied by the officers of his staff, arrived at the entrance of the square, and walked to the church by the walk prepared for him. As he passed under the arch, he receivc.l the crowns of laurel from the children, and was congratulated in an ad dress qn,ken by A young lady, who rep resented the State. He then proceeded to the church, amidst the salutations of the young ladies, representing the differ ent States, who strewed his passage with flowers. At the church he was received by the Abbe Dubourg, who addressed him in a suitable speech, and conducted him to a seat prepared for him near the altar. Te Deum Laudamus was chanted with impressive solemnity, after which a guard of honor attended him to his guar: ters, and in the evening the City with its suburbs:was magnificently illumitiated."— Parton. What , City .is this which presents so gorgeous a pageant ? and who is the per sonage whose head is thus crowned with the laurels of honor, and his pathway strewn with flowers? This is the City of New Orleans—and that crowned hero is the champion of Democracy—the de fender of the people of the South in after years from the incendiary torch of aboli tionism ; the patriot who declared that the Union there represented by the young females, with silver stars in their fore heads, must be preserved against the con spirators who denounced it as an unholy alliance; the President of the United States, who warned his people in two an nual messages against the party which now bears rule over the once happy Re public of America. What were the circumstances which brought this illustriims character to that fu-off City in the South, where even in the " temple of the Most High," praises were chanted to Almighty God for victo ries vouchsafed by his band ? The fol lowing ballad will be the first answer, and let it be here observed,that these ver ses were printed in a Federal newspaper , an or gan of the party which has labored f o r sixtyyears to overthrow the princi ples of this Old Hero, and which was then so hostile to Democrac, -that when the nation desired to reward ' the valor of this patriot warrior by elevating him to the n-ftideney, they detracted from his merits, denounced and persecuted him, as they denounced and persecuted mother illustrious hero during this war, - because he wouldicot renounce the principles. of Democracy, bow his knee at the shrine'of Abolitionism, throw aside the timer of Washington and Jackson, and raise the. dark and bloody bannerol the great spirator, Wm. Lloyd Garrison and his first officer, Capt. dohs Bfollll2 l senior. The Mattis of New Orleans—Written for the Gleaner, Feb. 1815. Bold Packenham Caine, with Gibbs and with Keane, And thousands of warriors—the heroes of Spain ; New Orleans to capture they thought would be play, "Come on," cried their Chief,"l wi l lend you the way." "Behold yonder steeples and bonne so one— They nand, my brave boys, bat a league from ottrilna ; Storm their works and the City shall be your reward. Remember that' Beauty and Booty's' the word r' Disgrace to thy country ! Thou monster accursed ! To inflame the foul soldiers with avarice and lust. Was honor and courage extinct In each breast? To rouse them, must passions like these be addrest But lo they approach ; In their columns they come. The red cross files high ; hark, the are and the dran4, Meanwhile In the fort, all prepared for the strife, Brave Jackson rewires to yield only with Surrounded by freemen, all hearty and bold, Who fight not for booty, or rapine, or gold; But who to the conflict have cheerfully tome, In defence of their altars, wives, sweethearts and home " Protect us. 0 God! from these merciless bands, Inspire us with courage, and strengthen our bands," Thus Jackson, to Heaven sent up a short prayer, And then to the battle directed his care. Our thirty-two pounders then blaredon the foe ; Lo ! beeps upon heajls by oar fir* were laid low; "They falter," cries Jackson, "behold they retire; Again, boys, they rally—haste, pour in your tire !" Behold in their ranks what con.ftuilon is spread ; Three times have they rallied,three times have they led; A thousand and more of their best troops have bled— Gibbs falls badly wounded, and Piekenham's dead! New Orleans Is safe i Tet see on beauty's cheek The Bowing tears, which strong emotion speak ; Bat oh : those tears are not to sorrow given— They flow from Joy and gratitude to Maven. While old Missiul9o to Ocean shallflow, The laurels of Jackson shall Boarish andgrow ; Future ages with transport shall publish his rams. And mingle his praises with Washington's name." Washington achieved the first victory over the British crown, and when Eng land attempted the second time to subju gate America, Jackson, imbued with the spirit. of Washington, delivered his coun try again from the British yoke. When Washington was fighting for his country, a scene occurred in Boston similar to this in New Orleans, where the aged, the in firm, the matrons, the daughters and the children of the City all went out to meet their deliverers—to receive with felicita tions the saviours of their country. Every countenance was expressive of gratitude, joy sparkled in every feature, on beholding fathom, brothers, husbands, sons, who had so recently saved the lives, fortunes and honor of their families, by re pelling an enemy come to conquer and subjugate their country—and all were present to see their hero crowned with laurels. After Washington had compelled the British army to evacuate the City of Bos ton, " the exiled people and their friends streamed in, and all hearts were touched at witnessing the tender interviews and fond embraces of those who bad been long separated. The select men of Boston ad dressed Washington in the name of the liberated inhabitants : Next to the di sine power we ascribe to your wisdom that this acquisition has been made with so little effusion of blood,' and words . of grat itude bung on the faltering lips of all the people." Washington and Jackson did not be lieve with the Abolitionists of the pres ent day that the life-blood of a man was not more precious than so much water.— Washington drove the British from Mas sachusetts, with the loss of but twenty American soldiers, while Gen. Jackson drove them from New Orleans with a loss inferior even to that. And let it be here remembered that both these saviours of our country were Southern born men— that we are indebted to the South for our own independence from the tyranny of Great Britain ; that both these patriot warriors who achieved these great victo ries were slaveholders—that they were Christians—whose last of earth will be described, and that so far from believing in negro equality, they both aided in founding a government which excluded the African race from any share therein. The following letter was addressed to the Earl of Liverpool, in England, upon the arrival, of the intelligence of the victory of Nesy Orleans, by Wm. Cobbet, who had resided sometime in America, which will give a further view of that achieve ment : "My lord, within the last week I re ceived a bundle of American newspapers, for which lam indebted to a gentleman of that country, which I immediately pe rused, and hasten to inform your lordship of their contents. The first paper I laid my eyes upon was headed in large capi tals, ' Glorious Newel Unparalleled tory obtained by the American. arms un der Generaldackson, at. New Orleans!' "Should I tell you that it was with as tonishment that I read of the unexampled defeat and carnage of the forces under Major General Packenham, brother-in law of our immortalized living General, the Duke of Wellington, and. Marquis of Talavera ; should .I say I, who Iwo so of ten told you--so often forewarned you of what would be the fate of the armies you . should send to. America--should I. own, to you my astonishment at their be-• ing•beaten and driven off: the field by a yankee %general, what would your lord ship think I But, my lord, I was amazed ! I was under the agony of au ague, and MONTROSE, PA., TUESDAY, FEB. 27, 1866. the very highest paroxysm of a fever. I, who had ever said from the very day of the sailing of the regiments under Gen. Ross that they only went to meet dis grace; 1, who have ever been repeating to you that your sappers, your miners, and your rocketmen were nothing at all in comparison to a Kentucky rifle in the hands of a backwoodsman—shah I aKain own to you that I was amazed. Yon must recollect, my lord, that I deprecated the cruelty of sending men to America who were just panting from their fights and fatigues in Spain and in France, yet, although I calculated on their being beat en, I did not expect to see them shot down, one hundred men, rank and file,for one of the enemy. "This military miracle, for I can call it nothing else, really places all of Bona parte's former victories in the shade ; they bear no comparison; in a word, it has not its parallel anywhere. The strong est fortress that was ever besieged--Gits. raltv itself—refer to history, my lord, I beg of you, for three hundred years, and see if you find anything like it. Gracious God I it is too shocking for animadver sion. Half a dozen snore such expedi tions, and I fear we should have scarcely men left to walk the parade. of St. James, or to change duty at the Horse Guards. "And here I must not omit to mention the reward the American Congress be stowed upon their gallant officer, General Jackson. Gallant I am forced to call him, although be has been our severest enemy. A resolution was passed that 'the thanks of Congress be presented to General Jack son and to the brave offieers and men under his command ; and that the Presi dent be requested to cause a 'gold medal to be struck and presented to him.' This is the reward which the American gov ernment is in the habit showing to brave ry; and the bravest man an it neither looks for or expects a greater remunera tion. But alter the position, and let us suppose that Sir Edward Packenham bad been successful, what, would you and the British parliament have done for Sir Ed ward ? Would a dukedom have been too much for him had he gained possession of the great key to all the commerce of the western States, even to the heart of Penn sylvania, the Mississippi river? Would the dukedom of Orleans in revendonmith tbOtumndloWrling ae there are starain the firmament, been too much, in your imagination, for the man who would have possessed himself of this magical padlock and key, which opened or closed at pleasure the gates of all the commerce of a country seven times as large in extent as England and Scotland together ? " And yet, my lord, the American gen. eral who defended that all important spot, and who in defending it gave such a les son of military self-defence as never an army of the world received before, is doubtless well contented, thankful and grateful, with the thanks of his country men, and I would wager that be values the little gold medal full as much or more than you or your generals would value the dukedom and the estate. " My lord, had the duke of Wellington been at New Orleans, what would have prevented him sharing the same fate of Paekenham ?" The party which is now so anxious to reward the negroes for helping to fight tha South, were not so anxious to reward General Jackson for helping to conquer our British foes. Had this been a monarchical govern ment like England, he would have receiv ed a dukedom, with all other honors that that could have been bestowed upon him, and yet the very party which now rules over America treated bim with contempt, and heaped upon him every indignity, be cause that, although he was the "Hero of New Orleans," he was a Democrat, and they would rather live under a mon archy than under a Democracy, where all white men bad an equal right to power. Their love for the negroes is based solely on the hope that by their aid they can es tablish a despotism instead of a Democra cy over the great American Republic. The New York Enquirer of 1827, says: "The federal journals are warmly attack ing the character and military services of Gen. Jackson. It is the same party which encouraged, rebellion and a separation of the Union during the late war. When the British troops arrived in New Or leans, the Boston Sentinel said , : 'They have acquired laurels in Spain, and we hope they may reap fresh laurels in. Ame r" These, tones wanted to come under the British Crown rather than to live under a Democratic form of government. When they separated from Great Britain they intended to have a. monarchy of their own. The Democratic principle prevailed ~ and they mean now to establish such at government as they wanted at the first. Democracy being overthrown in the North, if they can keep the South under theis feet, then farewell to the liberties achieved for America by Washington and Jackson. Farewell to the Union of our Fathers! Farewell to our white broth ers and sisters in the South, and all hail , to negro equality, and negro fraternity, under a black republican monarchy! str READ THE VETO MESSAGE. THE FREEDMAN'S BUREAU. A VETO MESSAGE FROM PRESIDENT JOHNSON. To the 'Senate of the United States : I have examined with care the bill Which has been passed by the two Hou ses of Congress, to amend an act entitled an act to establish a brireau for the relief of freedmen and refugees, and for other purposes. Having, with mach regret, come to the conclusion that it would not be consistent with the public welfare to give my approval to the measure, I re turn the bill to the Senate with my ob jections to its becoming a law. I might call to mind in advance of these objec tions that there is no immediate. necessity for the proposed measure. The act to es tablish a bureau for the relief ofthe freed men and refugees, which was approved in the month of March last, has not expired. It.was thought stringent and extreme enough for the purpose in view in time of war. Before it. ceases to have effect, fur ther experience may assist to guide us to a wise conclusion as to the policy to be adopted in time of peace. I share with Congress the strongest desire to secure to the freedmen the full enjoyment of their freedom and their prosperity, and their entire' independence and equality in 'making contracts for their labor; but the bill before me Contains provisions which, in my opinion, are not warranted by the Constitution and are not well suited to accomplish the end in view. The bill proposes to establish, by authority of Congress, military jurisdiction over all parts of the United States containing ref ugees and freedmen. It would, by its very nature, apply with the most force to those parts of the United States in which the freedmen most abound—and it ex pressly extends the existing temporary jurisdiction of the Freedmen's Bureau, with greatly enlarged powers, over those States in which the ordinary course ofju dicial proceeding has been interrupted by the rebellion. The source from which this military jurisdiction is to emanate is none other than the President of the Un ited States, acting through the War De partment and the .( 1 1 ommissioner of the Freedmeies`Biweati. The agents to car rroubilria malice/0T jurisdiction are to be selected either from the army or trom civ il life; the country is to be divided into districts and sub districts, and the num ber of salaried agents to be employed may be equal to the number of counties or parishes in all the United States where freedmen or refugees are to be found. The subjects over which this military ju risdiction is .to extend in every part of the United States, includes protection to all employees, agents and officers of this bureau in the exercise of the duties im posed upon them by the bill in eleven States. It is further to extend over all cases affecting freedmen and refugees dis criminated against by local laws, custom, or prejudice. In those eleven States the bill subjects any white person 'who may be charged with depriving a freedman of any civil rights or immunities belonging to white persons, to imprisonment orfiue, or both, without, however, defining the civil rights and immunities which are thus to be secured to the freedman by military law. This military jurisdiction also extends to all questions that may arise respecting contracts. The agent who is thus to ex ercise the office of a judge may be a stran ger, entirely ignorant of the laws of the place, and exposed to the errors of judg ment to which all men are liable. The exercise of power, over which there is no legal supervision, by so vast a number of agents as is contemplated by this bill, must, by the very nature of man, be at tended by acts of caprice, injustice and passion. The trials having their origin under this bill, are to take place without the in tervention of a jury and without any fixed rules of law or evidence. The rules on which offenses are to be heard and deter mined by the numerous agents are such rules and regulations as the President through the War Department shall pre scribe. No previous presentment is required, nor any indictment charging the commis sion of a crimes ainst the laws, but the trial must procee don charges and specifi cations. The punishment will be, not what the law declares, but such as a court martial may think proper, and from these arbitrary tribunals there lies no appeal, .no writ oferror, to any of the courts in which the Constitution of the United States vests, exclusively_ the judicial pow er of the country. While the territory and the classes of actions and offenses that are made subject to this measure are so extensive, the' Mil itself should it be come a law, will have no limitation in point of time, but will form part of the permanent legislation of the country. I cannot conceive a system of military jerisdiction of this kind within the words of the Constitution which declare that" no person shall be held to answer for a capi tal or Otherwise infamous crime, unless on a presentment or indictment of a grand jurhexcepting caies arisyjg.in.thoJand or naval forces, or in—the *hie, when in service:in time of war or public danger," and that "in - all criminal proceedings the accused shall enjoy. the right to speedy andpublic trial by an impartial jury of the State, or district wherein the crime shall have been committed. The safeguarda , which the experience and wisdom of ages taught our fathers to establish as securities for the protection of the innocent, the punishment of the guilty, and the equal administration of justice, are to be set aside, and for the sake of a more vigorous interposition in behalf of justice,. we are to take the risk of the many acts of injustice that would necessarily. follow_ from an almost count less number of agents established in every parish ortounq in nearlya third' of the Statei of the Union, over whose decision there is to be no supervision or control by the Federal courts. - The power that would be thus placed in the hands of the Presidentjs such as in time of peace certainly oughernever to be entrusted to any one man. If it be asked whethet the creation of such a tribunal in a State was warranted as a measure of war, the question immediately presents it self whether we are still engaged in war'. Let us not unnecessarily disturb the com merce and credit and industry of the country, by declaring to the American people and to the world that , the United States are still in a condition of civil war. At present there is no part of our country in which the authority of the United States is disputed. Offenses that may be committed by individuals should not work a forfeiture of the rights of whole commu nities. The community has returned, or is returning, to a state of peace and indus try. The rebellion is at, an end. The measure, therefore, seems to be as incon sistent with the actual condition of the country as it is at variance with the Con stitution of the United States. If passing from general considerations, we. examine the bill in detail it is open to weighty objections. In time of war it was eminently proper that we should pro vide for those who were passing sudden ly from a condition of bondage to a state of freedom; but this bill proposes-to make the Freednien's. Bureau, established by the act of 1865, as one of many great and extraordinary military measures to sup press a formidable rebellion a permanent branch of the public administration, with its powers greatly enlarged. I have no reason to suppose, and I do ',tot randArstand it tp. fie Qed , that the act of March,lB6s, has proven deficient for the purpose for which it was passed, although at that time, and for a considers.. ble period thereafter, the Government of the United States remained unacknowl edged in most of the States 'whose inhab itants had been involved in the rebellion. The institution of slavery, for the milita ry destruction of which the Freedmen's Btireau was called into existence as an auxiliary, has been already effectually and finally abrogated throughout the whole country by an amendment of the Consti tution of the United States, and practi cally its eradication has reached the as sent and concurrence of moat of those States in which it at any • time had an ex istence. lam not, therefore, able to dis cern in the condition of the country any thing to justify an apprehension that the powers and agencies of. the Freedmen's Bureau, which were effective for the pro tection of freedmen and refugees during the actual continuance of hostilities, will now, in a time of peace, and after the ab olition of slavery, prove inadequate to the same proper ends. If lam correct in these views, there can be no necessity for the - enlargement of the powers of the bu reau for which provision is made in the bill. The third section of the bill author izes a general and unlimited grant of su port to the destitute and suffering refu p- gees and freedmen, their wives and chil dren. Succeeding sections make provis ions for the rent or purchase of landed estates for freedmen, and for the erection for their benefit of suitable buildings for asylums and schools, the expenses to be defrayed from the Treasury of the whole people. The Congress of the United States has neverheretofore thought itself empowered to establish any laws beyond the limits of the District of Columbia ex cept for the benefit of our disabled sol diers and sailors. It has never founded schools for any class of our own people, not even for the orphans of those who have fallen in the defense of the Union, but has left the care oltheir education to the much more competent , and efficient control of tbe States, of communities, of private associations and of individuals. It ha never deemed itself authorized to ex pend the public money for the rent or purchassof houses-for the thousands, not to say millions„ of the white' rape, who are honestly toiling from day to day for their sulniatence. A system for the suppport of indigent persons in the United States was never contemplated by the - authors of the Constitution. Nor can any good reason be advimced why, as a permanent establishment, it should be founded for one class' or' color of our people more thin for another. Pending the war many refogies and freedmen received support from the government, bnt it was never intended that they should henceforth, be fed, clothed, iiiducsted 'and siPlitered by the United States. The ides on which the slaves were assisted to freedom was that t on becoming free they would be .0 self sustaining population, and any hire i VOLUME XVII, NIIKEIER 9, lation that shall imply that they are not exrcted to attain a self sustaining con dition must have a tendency injurious alike to . their character and their prosper ity. ' The appointment of an agent for GYP ery county and parish will create au imf manse patronage, and the expense of the numerous officers and their clerks to be appointed by . the President, will be great in the beginning, with a tendency steadily, to increase. The appropriations asked by the Freedmen's Bureau as now establish ed foy the year 1866, amount to $11,745, 000, and it may be safely estimated that the coat to be incurred under the pending bill will require doublfithat amount, more than the entire sum expended in any one year under the administration of the sew and Adams. If the presence of agents in every par ish or county is to be considered as a war measure, opposition, or even resistance, might be provoked, so that to give effect to their jurisdiction troops would have to be stationed within reach of everyone of thew, and thus a large standing force be rendered necessaay. Large appropria tions would, therefore, be required to sus tain and enforce .military jurisdiction in every county or parish from the Potomac to the Rio Grande. The condition of our fiscal affairs in encouraging, but in order to sustain the present measure of publics confidence, it is necessary that we prod-. tice not merely customary economy, but as far as possible, severe retrenchment. In addition to the objections already sta ted, the fifth section of the bill proposes to take away land from its former own ers without any legal proceedings being, first bad, contrary to that provision of the Constitution which declares that no per son shall be deprived of life, liberty, or property without due process of law. It does not appear that a part of the land to Which this section refers may not be own ed by minors or persons of unsound mind, or by those who have been faithful to all their obligations as citizens of the United States. If any portion of the land is held by such persons, it is not competent for any authority to deprive them of it. If on the other band it be found that the property is liable to confiscation even then it cannot be appropriated to publio purposes, until, by due process of law, it shall have been declared forfeited to the government. There is still further objection to the ep.r.mula estrinnalp affiine_. elms of persons to whothi t is esziot to bring relief. It will tend to keep the minds of freedmen in a state of uncertain expectation and restlessness, while to those among whom he lives it will be a source of constant and vague apprehen sion; Undoubtedly the freedman should be protected, but he should be protected by the civil authorities, and especially by the exercise of all the constitutional powers of the courts of the United States and of the States. His condition is" not so ex posed as may at first be imagined. He is in a portion of the country where his la bor cannot well be spared. Competition for his services from planters, from those who are constructing or repairing rail roads, and from capitalists in his vicinage or from other States, will enable him to command almost his own terms. He also possesses a perfect right to change his place of abode, and if therefore, he dolts not find in one community or State a mode of life suitable to his desires, or proper remuneration for Ms labor, he can MOAT to another, where that labor is more esteemed and better rewarded. In truth, however, such State, induced by its own wants and interests will do what is necessary and proper to retain within its borders all the labor that id needed fortrevelopment of its resour ces. The I we that regulate supply and demand will maintain their force, and the wages of the laborer will be regulated thereby. There is no danger that the exceedingly great demand for labor will not operate in favor of the laborer, nei ther is sufficient consideration given to the avidity of the freedmen to protect and take care of themselves. It is no more than justice to them to believe, that as they have received their freedom with moderation and forbearance so they will distinguish themselves by Air industry and thrift, and soon show' the'world that in a condition of freedom they are self sustaining, capable of select.' ing their own employment and their own' places of abode, of insisting for themselv es on a proper remuneration, and of es tablishing and maintaining their own. ray= lams and schools. It is earnestly hoped that instead of wasting away, they will, by their own efforts, establish for them selves a condition of respectability and prosperity. It is certain that they can afro tun to that condition only through their own merits antactions. In this connection the query presents itself, whether the system' proposed by the bill will net, when pdt into complete operation, practically transfer the entire ogre, support arid control of four millions of emancipated slaves to agents, °beer vets tirlask mil/item who, appointed at Washington, are to be located in every °minty and pariah tbroughoul, the United States containing freedmen and refugees? Sib% a system would inevitably tend** emioentrition of power in the EireMitivit, which 'would enable bhir, if' so disposed,
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