A. .J, GEIRRITSON, Publisher.
FOR DEII9CRAT.
The Great Conspiracy of the Aboli-
tionists against the Government
of the 11. S. commenced in the
days of Andrew Jackson.
The "Protest of the American anti
slavery Society," addressed to Andrew
Jackson,resident of the 'United States,
Dec.dated 266,1835, will now be bro't
before the people for investigation, and
the contest commenced between that old
hero and the Abolitionists of America,
must be decided in favor of one or the
other of these combatants in this great
war,
for then it was that the war between
the North and the South began.
This Society commenced an attack up
on the President, charging him with ma
king false accusations against it, in "a
document which was spread upon the
journals of both louses of Congress—
published to the nation and to the world
—made part of our enduring arehives,and
incorporated in the history of the age."
This protest of the anti-slavery Society
to the President said : " In your message
to Congress of the 7th inst. are the fol
lowing passages:
I must also invite your attention to
the painful excitement produced, in the
South, by attempts to circulate through
the mails, inflammatory appeals addressed
to the passions of the slaves, iu prints and
in various sorts of publications, calculated
to stimulate them to insurrection, and
produce all the horrors of a servile war !'
" And you proceed to suggest to Con
gress the propriety of passing such a law
as will prohibit, under severe penalties,
the circulation in the Southern States thro'
the mails of incendiary publications,inten
ded to instigate the slaves to insurrec
tion.
"Recent events irresistibly confine the
application of your remarks, to the offi
cers and members of the American anti
slavery Society and its auxiliaries."
Now let this fact be forever remember
ed : that the members of the• American
anti-slavery Society were introduced to
the world by Andrew Jackson as a party
of incendiaries, who were endeavoring to
produce a. servile war. These Aboli
tionists, thus accrued, proceeded to por
tray the horrors of such war.
" A servile insurrection," said they, "as
experience has shown, involves the slaugh
ter of the whites without respect to sex
or age. And .is it nothing, sir, that we
are officially charged by the President of
the United States with wicked and un
constitutional efforts, and of harboring
the most execrable intentions? You have
accused an indefinite number of your fel
low ei , iz•ns with harboring intentions
which could be entertained only by the
most dcpral ed and abandoned of man
kind. Y,ni assume as a fact that aboli
tionis:s are inisereants--who aro laboring
to effect the massacre of their Southern
brethren.
" Are you aware, sir, of the extent of!
the reproach which such an assumption !
casts upon the character of your country.
men ? In August last., the number of an
ti-slavery Societies known to us was 263.
We have now the names of more than i
350 Societies, and accessions are daily
made to the multitude who embrace our I
principles. And can you think it possible,
sir, that these citizens are deliberately
plotting murder, and are furnishing funds
to send publications to the South intend
ed to instigate the slaves to insurrection?
Is them anything in the character and
manners of the free States to warrant the
imputation of such enormous wickedness?
" And what, sir, is the , character of
those you have held up to the execration
of the civilized world ? Their enemies
being judges, they are religious fanatics!
And what are the haunts of murder? The
pulpit, the bench, the hall of legislation, I
e
the meetinc , for prayer, the tempe of the
Most High. But strange and monstrous
as is this conspiracy, still you believe in
its existence. _Be persuaded, sir, the rnO ,
ral sense of the 'community is abundantly
sufficient to render this conspiracy utterly
impotent, the - moment its machinations
are exposed."
There is a public confession, by the Ab
olitionists themselves, that a servile insur
rection would be instigated except
by " the most' depravedand abandoned of
mankind," and they complain that Presi
dentlaploon should impute such " enor
mous viickedness" to a body of American
citizens ''rheY adMit that to incite the
slaves to insurrection is to plot murder,
and that tho President accuses them of
that crime. " We are not indeed subject
ed to the 'penaltkiif murder ; but need
we ask you, ski what.must be the moral
influe463 of your declaration that we have
intended its perpetration,?"
But.out of their owilinoutbs these Ab
olitionists are. condemned. They have
pronounced- their own verdict on their
own characters, for it will bo shown that
even in the pulpit—"in the Temple of
the Most Eigb".-44.ha&beeti _taught to
the people oft he North that it; was pleas
ing to Gad — eais That it Was ' ' • Rio cOl 7
mand "that they should murder the Ow - -
pie of the South.."
It will be proven that President Jack
son, in his military capacity, would have
executed scores of these Abolitioniets,but
as the civil ruler of the of the people he
had no power to protect the people of the
South from the plottings of these incendi
aries, except to close the mails against
the missiles of death ; and leave it to the
States themselves to watch their prodeed
ings. We shall see how they abused him
fot this "arbitrary and despotic act" of
foiling them in their attempts to excite
the slaves to insurrection. They were
like a set of ravenous wolves howling for
the prey which had been snatched from
their teeth. The merciful and fatherly
hand of the President, who was placed
over the whole people fur their protec
tion, having interposed to save the lives
of iose•who lived in the South, these "re
ligious fanatics" turned their assaults up
on the Constitution, which guarded the
Southern States against all such vile in
cendiaries. This strong bulwark of safe- I
ty, erected by the founders of the govern
ment., for the common defence of all A
merican citizens, rendering them secure
in all their rights of life, liberty and prop
erty, was denounced by these vile con
spirators, as a "league with death and a
covenant with hell," for the very reason
that they found it a barrier to their plans
of breaking into the , Southern State's with
an army of liberation, or of sending mis
siles of death through the mails. But for
this Constitution of our fathers, the South
long ere this would have been given over
to all the horrors of civil war, and St.Do
ming° would have been re-enacted in the
hitherto peaceful dominions of the Amer
ican' Republic.
It is important to know, before we pro
ceed, if President. Jackson ever retracted
the charges made against the Abolition
ists, and ceased to warn his countrymen
against them.
" Strange and monstrous as is this con
spiracy," said they to the President, "still
you believe in its existence,
and call on
Congress to counteract it." Did he aban
don that belief, and tell the people that
that conspiracy had been broken up ?
The message in which the above charges
are found is dated Dec. 1835. Between
that period and his retirement from of
fice, he had two years in which to watch
these Abolitionists, and their proceedings,
and instead of bidding his people fare
well without warning them again of these
bad men, he rouses his fellow citizens to
a renewed sense of their danger from the
plottings of these': conspirators.
Garrison and his followers were preach
ing to the world that. the Constitution of
I our fathers was "a league with death and
a covenant with hell."
" Nay, my fellow citizens," said Presi
dent Jackson, " The Constitution has sue- I
seeded beyond the brightest hopes of
those who framed it. Every quarter of ,
this widely extended nation has felt its
blessings, and shared in the general pros-
perity produced by its adoption. It is no ,
longer a question whether this great
country can remain happil y united and
flourish under our present form of gov
ernment. Experience, the unerring test
of all human undertakings, has shown the
wisdom and foresight of those who form
ed it, and has proved that in the union of
these States there is a sure foundation for
the brightest hopes of freedom, and the
happiness of the people. But amid this
general prosperity and splendid success,
against the, dangers of which the Father I
of his country warned - us, are becoming I
every day more evident, and the signs of
evil more apparent."
What were these dangers, and these
evils, which rose up before this great pat
riot—this old hero—and made him trem
ble before the people, while lifting his
warning voice against these " religious
fanatics." Why, he heard the Cataliue
of America, the leader of this band of con
spirators, proclaiming to all the people
that "if such a process were necessary to
•restore liberty to the captive, he would
trample the Union and the Constitution.
under his feet, as soon as be would a
per that stung him"—that "such a com
pact was in the nature of things null and
void from the beginning."
I Alarmed by such treasonable senti
ments, President Jackson tells the people
that "each State hasthe ,. unquestionable
right to regulate its own,internal con
cerns according to its own pleasure, and
every State must be the sole judge of the
measures proper to secure the safety of
its citizens and promote their happiness."
That means that every Southern State
had a right to expel every Abolitionist
I from their midst, if such a measure was
necessary to - secure their safety. Hunt
I them, drive. them out. " Self-preserve
tion is the first law of nature." The Pres
-sdent continues: "All efforts on the part
I or the people of other States to cast odi
um upon their institutions (of slavery),
and all other matters Calculated to die-
Orb their rights of property (in slaves),
or to- put,in jeopardy. their peace and
I tranquility, are in direct opposition to the
spirit in which the-Vnion was formed,and
must endanger their safety: Rest-assured
that the men found busy in this work, of
discord, are not worthy. of our onfideude
and deserve your sikongeit rerobation."
Reprobation;-saya Webstermeana "the
act of disallowing with detestation:" Re
probated=-"disapproved With' abhor
rence." Reprobate—" to die' approisi With
detestation or marks.of extreme dislike;
rejected."
MONTROSE, PA., TUESDAY, FEB. 20, 1866.
President Jackson says to the people,
"these Abolition conspirators," these
" religious fanatics," are unworthy of
your confidence. Yon should detest
them, abhor them, and reject them:
How could he help telling them so, if
he was a patriot, a friend to Washington
and to the government of our fathers ?
lie stood forth in his last farewell to the
people, holding up the Constitution and
the Union as a priceless legacy to all,
while Wm. Lloyd Garrison was pronoun
cing the Union a curse.
" I know," said Garrison, "there is much
declamation about the sacredness of the
compact which was formed between the
free and slave States, upon the adoption
of the Constitution. I recognize the com
pact with feelings of shame and indigna
tion ; and it will be held in everlasting in
famy by the friends of justice and human
! ity throughout the world. They had not
:power to bind themselves and their pos
terity for one hour by such an unholy al
' liance. It was not, valid then—it is not
valid now."
This man was the founder of the Antir
; lean anti-slavery Society, and he declared
I to all the world that he was ashamed of
I Washington and the founders of the A
, Inerican Republic; that their work in es
tablishing the American Union would be
held in everlasting infamy, and that not a
man in the nation was bound for one hour
to obey such a wicked government as
I they had founded. Then and there it was
that these conspirators, with this Cat aline
for their leader, formed the " Covenant
with death, and the agreement with hell,"
which they ascribe to the fathers of this
'Republic. Then it, was that a solemn
" league and covenant" was made that
they would never lay down their arms un
til the government of our fathers was
• overthrown, and a new one Id . t upon its
' ruins.
The conspiracy of Cataline had for its
object the overthrow of the existing pow
ers, and the elevation of a party from the
dregs of the people. Thus Wm. Lloyd
Garrison, in imitation of the Roman con
spirator, resolved upon the overthrow of
the government made by free white men,
and placing their negro slaves over them.
The conspiracy was written in blood.
The conspirators resolved that the negro
slaves should not only be set free, but that
they should stand on the same platform
of equality with the white race, and have
all the rights and immunities which the
white people claim fur themselves ; th.it•
they should compete with the white man
for all the offices of government from the
highest to the lowest, and that this
should be accomplished though all the
white race should have to be extermina
ted from the South, and every white ex
terminated in the North who stood in the
way of the completion of their schemes.
Robespierre said " let the white colonists
in St. Domingo all perish, rather than a
principle."
So said these Abolition conspirators of
America. They resolved, also, that if
Christianity stood in the way, they would
overthrow Chi istianity. If parchments,
laws, constitutions, - stood in the way,they
also, should be overthrown and trodden
under foot. They said :
"We put negro equality in one scale,
and the United States government, the
Constitution and the Union. in the other ;
i they kicked the beam, and negro equality
outweighed them all."
In 1839 these negro conspirators stood
face to face with Andrew Jackson, defy
! ing him—defying the Union, the Consti
tntion, and the Laws of both God and
man. To-day they stand face to face with
Andrew Johnson, defying him, trampling
the Union and the Constitution of our ta
thers under their feet, as though they
were "vipers which had stung them."—
' They have waded through the blood of a
million of their white brothers, in order
to free four millions of their black brothers
and sisters, who are now their chosen al
lies ; and they are resolved to wade thro'
I the blood of a million more, "if such a
process is necessary," to complete their
plans.
President Johnson says, they will pro
duce a war of racer•, but that the negro
population would be exterminated in such
a war. The Abolitionists will take sides
with the black race, be the contest what
it may. Garrison, whom we shall prove
to be a disciple of Voltaire, who burned
all the bibles in France, says : "My cause
was inspired with the spirit and truth of
God." The Abolitionists in Congress
and out, who are bringing the great con
spiracy to completion, declare the same.
Such were the fanatics which Luther said
" veiled their crimes with the cloak of the
gospel, and claimed the sanction of the
Almighty for their deeds of blood."
Every patriot will stand by the Presi
dent in this his trying day. In standing
by him—they stand by Jackson—they
stand by Washington and our patriot fa
thers, who stood by the white race in St.
Domingo, when Robespierre and bis fel
low Abolitionists in France instigated the
negroes to slaughter.
In taking „sities.against the President
and arranging themselves on the side of
the, consptrators in Congress, the people
301liurn, their hands against their own
race nnit blood,. when the fatherly Presi
dentis now trying to save them, as Pres
ident Jackson lilted his fatherly and
saved the people trom slaughter by negro
savages; and we will show how he saved
them from the .tomahawk and scalping
knife of the Indian savages of America,
and what he did to white men who took
the side of the Indians in their war
against the white race; and that such is
the way he would now teach the Aboli
tionists, whose true characters will be
brought to light in the following num
bers.
The Condition of the South.
Whatever may be the aptitude and
taste of the emancipated negro for politi
cal pursuits, it seems that freedom has not
inspired him with any zeal for vulgar
manual labor. We have an authority on
this point which cannot be questioned.
It is brevet Major Henry C. Lawrence,
now in charge of the Bureau of Refugees
and Freedmen for Warren and Franklin
counties, North Carolina. This gentle
man is brother in law of Chief Justice
Pierpoint, of Vermont, and brother of
Judge Lawrence, of the Supreme Court
of Illinois. Ile is an Abolitionist, but has
written a letter to a private friend, under
date of December 14th, 1865, concerning
the state of affairs in North Carolina,
which proves him to be a candid and hon
est man, ready to tell the truth, no mat
ter how unwholesome it may be to his
political friends. This letter has found
its way into print, and for the copy of it
before us, we are indebted to the Balti
more Gazette.
Major Lawrence states that the district
to which he was assigned by the Freed
men's Bureau, at the time he was sent
there, " had rather a bad reptitation as re
gards the disposition of the people and
their treatment of the blacks." But af
ter a residence of three months and a vis
it to almost every plantation in the dis
trict, his mind was entirely disabused of
this unjust and false impression. He
says:
talked to themthe negroes) in a body
I
on each plantation visited, and listened
to what they had to say. The people, al
most invariably, are kind and generous to
the negroes to a degree that the North
will, I fear, be slow to credit. They do
not yet ask to be placed upon the footing
of employers, and to do only what is just
to the freedmen as laborers. They are
forbearing and indulgent to their inexpe
rience and ignorance.'
Major Lawrence's account of the ne
groes themselves is by no means so cheer
ing, as ttis - notion of tor Into mugtorq.
His sketch of them, if not pleasing,
has
the merit of being graphic and powerful :
"I think they possess the characteris
tics of tropical races ; that they are indo
lent, sensual, false, and, when aroused,
cruel. They are excitable, imaginative,
and by nature brave.
In a few years they will be the fittest
material for a religious fanatic the world
possesses; and another Mahomet may per
haps arise, who will endeavor at least to
marshal and lead them to conquest. But
this is all speculation. I sat down to try
to give you facts. I will remark, howev
er, that if Brigham Young wants more
converts, here is his field with this people,
to whom polygamy is native. I wish he
would lead them beyond the Caribbean
sea. They have expected that govern.
ment would give them land here, taking
it away from the rebel owners.
The officers of the bureau have labored
diligently to disabuse their minds of this
error, but with little success. All have
told them in speeches plainly, what their
position is, and of all they have said,
when the speaker had finished—General
Howard as well as others-93m no Yank;
dat just some Reb dey dressed up in blue
clothes and brought um here to he to us."
But the most important part of the Ma
jor's letter is that in which he discusses
the aversion of the liberated black to
work and his propensity to steal. It has
been the theory of the Abolitionists, ever
since they began the anti slavery agita
tion, that freedom was all that the negro
needed to transmute him into an industri
ous, self dependent, conscientious laborer.
If the black is slow indolent and dishonest
in slavery, it is hlavery that makes him so,
said they. Strike off his shackles and his
vices will drop along with them. He is
now free, and this theory which is held
by tens of thousands of well meaning peo
ple in perfect good faith, is in the process
of being tested—Major Lawrence tells us
with what success :
"There is universal demand for labor at
fair prices—largeprices, indeed, consider.
ing what this poor soil produces, and
what the labor is likely to be, and r made
every effort I knew how to induce the ne
groes to hire for next year. Being a far
mer myself, I think I know what is a fair
bargain. I do not think fifty had hired
in my former district when I left it, two
weeks ago. They are offered cash wages
and shares in the crops. If they make a
bargain, as some will for a short time, the
chances aro five to one that they will not
adhere to it. They are offered better
sliares of the crops than us farmers ever
give in Illinois. Meanwhile they are
stealing enormously.
I know- many plantations in Warren
Franklin 'Valero three _ quarteis of the
hogs and sheep have been stolen since
last June, and the depletion is still going
ori. I doubt if a year hence there will be
half bogs enough to make meat for the
people. It is very difficult to procure tees
timony from one negro against another
for theft. They seem to consider that a
proper spoiling of the Egyptians. I don't
know how they can be prevented from
stealing to such a degree as to make it a
serious matter to the planters. Drunken
ness is of course increasing among them,
and they are more addicted to it than I
bad supposed. You know what their do
mestic relations usually are."
The Major, so far from proposing the
extension of suffrage to these people as a
stimulus to industry and an instrument
of moral redemption, expresses himself in
the following curt and severe style on
that sickening and ever present subject:
"Nineteen in twenty areno more fit for
the political responsibilities and duties of
a citizen than my horses. I wish Charles
Sumner would come down here and oc
cupy a position like mine for awhile. He
would say nothing more against slavery,
if he thinks it a fit school in which to ed
ucate savages, for two or three genera
tions, of the lowest human race, too, to
discharge wisely and well the responsi
bilities of a citizen in a government which
can only exist on a • basis of intelligence
and virtue. He should think most wor
thily of slavery to justify his present
course—or much worse of it, and then act
more wisely."
The remedies proposed• by Major Law
rence for the evils to which his letter is
devoted, are plain and practical, and the
only ones likely to prove at all.effective.
He says :
"Now, what is to be done with this ig
norant, degraded element, which may, if
not wisely controlled, push back, if it does
not overwhelm civilization here at the
South ? While elevated and enlightened
by all available means, it must, at the same
time, be held in check in its evil tenden
cies by sternly repressive laws. The
children, homeless and deserted, or of pa
rents unfit guardians for them, as most
are, should be apprenticed. The men
should be forced to enter into contracts
and abide by them."
This will not be palatable to the radi
cals in Congress, and we fear that the
days of Major Lawrence's official career
are numbered. But he has written the
kind of common sense which appeals to
the reason of common people. He has
told the truth, very much to his own dis
advantage, but greatly to the enlighten
ment of the Northern public. We com
mend his letter to the Tribune, and all
the score of newspapers engaged in print
ing the scandal and tealioieue tattle of
anonymous and irresponsible correspon
dents as an authentic picture of the condi
tion of the South.
Katie Lee and Willie Grey.
Two brown heads with tossing curls,
lied lips shutting over pearls,
Bare feet white and wet with dew,
Two eyes black and two eyes blue ;
Little boy and girl were they—
Katie Lee and Wiley Grey.
They were standing where a brook,
Bending like a shepherd's crook,
Flashed its silver; and thick ranks
Of green willows fringed the banks,
Half in thought and half in play,
Katie Lee and Willie Grey.
They had cheeks like cherries red,
He was taller—most a head ;
She, with arms like wreaths of snow,
Swung a basket to and fro,
As she loitered half in play,
Chattering to Willie Grey.
" Pretty Katie," Willie said
And there came a dash of red
Through the brownness of his cheek,
"Boys are strong and girls are weak,
And I'll carry, so I will,
Katie's basket up the bill."
Katie answered in a laugh,
"You shall carry only half;"
And then, tossing back herenrls,
" Boys are weak as well as girls."
Do you think that Katie guessed
Half the wisdom she expressed ?
Men are only boys grown tall,
Hearts don't change much afterall.
And when, long years from day to day,
Katie Lee and Willie Grey
Stood again beside the brook,
Bending like a shepherd's crook—
Is it strange that Willie said,
While again a dash of red
Crossed the brownness of his cheek—
" 1 am strong but you are weak,
Life is but a slippery steep,
Hung with shadows cold and deep !
Will you trust me; Katie dear ?
Walk beside me without fear ?
May I. carry if I will,
All your burdens up the bill ?"
And she answered with a laugh,
" No—but you may carry half." -
Close beside the little brook.
Bending like the shepherd's crook,
Washing with its silver bands,
Late and early at the sands,
Is a cottage, where today
Katie lives With Willie Grey.
In the porch she sits, and lo !
Swings a basket to and fro,
Vastly different' from the one
That she swung in years igone=
And has—rockers
This is long, and'dat its side and w!ide,
I VOLUME XXIII, NUMBER .
The passage of the bill granting the
right of suffrage to the negrdes . of the -
District of Columbia is an act of peculiar
significance. No one can pretend to say
that there was any public necessity forit.
The people of the District of Columbiado
not vote, except for municipal officers.
They have no voice in Presidential elec.
tions, and send no representatives to Con
gress or to any State Legislature. The ,
territory is under the control of Congress.
Such being the case, there was dearly no
public reason why the negroes ebotild
have been made voters, after the whites
had almost unanimously expressed their
opposition thereto at the ballot box.
Was there any strong partisan motive to
induce the Republican majority in the
House to act as they did in this matter?
Had they been adding one or more to
their majority in Congress, or even a
member or two to the Virginia or Mary
land Legislature, we could have seen sellie
material motive for their action; but no
such inducement existed.
The bill was argued on the moral basis
alone. It was repeatedly and boldly as
serted by those who advocated it, that
right and justice demanded its passage.
No Constitutional impediment seemed to
exist to the passage of such a bill, with
regard to the District, as there fortunate
ly's in regard to the States. That theact
is really a gross violation of faith, and a
flagrant outrage on the inhabitants of the
District there is no question; but, then
there is no plainly written clause in the
Constitution of the United States protect
ing them from the arbitrary power of the
radical majority of Congress. Virginia
and Maryland, when they ceded the ter-.
ritory composing the District of Colum
bia, were content to surrender such of
their citizens as inhabited that territory to
the care of the National Legislature, lit
t'e dreaming that the time would soon
come when an intolerant crew of fanatics
would so causelessly and brutally outrage
their plainly understood rights.
If there was no public necessity for for
cing negro suffrage upon the people of the
District of Columbia, and no material par
tisan advantage to be gained, why was it
done ? To this question there can be, but
one answer. It was intended to be as it
is, a bold, open and authoritative enuncia
tion of the settled political creed and pol
icy of the Republican party. The leaders
of this organization believe that there
should be no legal ur political distinctions
between Degrees and white men, and they
are resolved to break down all such as do
exist. The passage of the bill conferring
the right of suffrage in the District of
Columbia is nothing more or less than a
solemn declaration of the settled political
policy of the party now in power. It is,
so far as they have power at present to
make it such, a law passed by Congress to
make the negro everywhere the political
and social equal of the white man.
As such it must be met and fought.
No man who is not prepared to admit the
negro to the ballot box, to the jury box,
office and to entire social and political
equality, can consistently vote the Repub
lican ticket in any coming election. No
one can any longer deny that the Repub
lican party is fully committed to negro
equality.—Lancaster Intelligencer.
Mr. Fields, a London bookseller, is
known for his wonderful memory and
knowledge of English literature. It is
said that, when any author in the neigh
borhood is at a loss for any particular pas
sage, he goes at Once to the " book store"
for the desired information.
One day at a dinner party, a would-be
wit, thinking to puzzle Mr. Fields and
make some sport for the company, an
nounced, prior to Mr. Fields' arrival, that
he had himself written some poetry, and
intended to submit it to Mr. Fields as
Mr. Southey's. At the proper moment,
therefore, after the guests were seated, be
began :
" Friend Fiefs, I have been a good
deal exercised of late, trying to find out
in Southey's poems, his well known lines
running thus—repeating the lines be had
composed—can you tell me about what
time he wrote them ?"
"I do not remember to have met with
them before," replied Mr. Fields; and
there were only two periods in . Mr: Sou
they's life when such lines could possibly
have been written by him."
" When were those ?" gleefully asked
the witty questioner:
" Somewhere," said Mr. Fields, "about
that early period of his existence when he
was having the measles - ':or . 'jutting his
teeth ; or near the close of his life when
the brain bad softened, and lie - bad
into idiocy. The Versification belong's to
tbe measles . period, but ,the eipreSSton
clearly betrays the idiotie one."
The quest ioner smiled 'faintly," but' dui'
company reared.
—Cot. William A. Tallman, Co. A:,
136th U. S. - colored troops, has been, dis.
missed lima the . service -, , for making .
practice of hugging and kissiug-a negro
womaiiin the presence of other oiliness
and edited mon. ,
This Ullman, to hie disgrace be it 'Aid,
Wu Pennsylvanian, formerly of Allegheny
county.
Legislating a Principle.
A Literary Biter Bit.