......min•
._---- -- -' .• '-'.--•--.---•---- ••• 1 : ) k.f ., 1,1.EP .ossiS 1) cm 10 a'a-lr•=l2. , •,,"
, ~v,,,..„..; 1 , ~ , ,, , t,..,,, , :, ..1., • yri 0.1
; ..,:Li.Lll.-.5, - .1 4 , 4...11 et:l4c,- , .41.-
---. 7 .--,—. - 7 -- ~ , ..„.. ~ .. •.. o, , , i. . 4,, ~, 4.5 A ( r ~, ~::, ,
',. i - ..... '.,. ''', - . ' , ...-% ' ' • ,•.‘ ' : ..1 1 A';:! f - . F — i i • ' ..i.'• ' ...ripo.
~. _ 1,-•; • , ' , ~',..
_i 4 -2 . 1 1 1, -Tgd Irt , ' , cad' i - ,•;!.., , • . .. , ,,,1. , ;- ; ~i,l ...., . i
-,
. "•-:. '- - nit ;,‘,•i., - .. 4 , .',...“1 1)1s: t ni ti .
.. , 1 . ..- -.
..., • , I i. j,, • .'.• '• ' . ''
''' ...., ... • -: . .
.. . .
.-• ,
..
i ' ~ •
i . .... , ..f,' - '
' .
.. . ~. ..
,
yl' • ; i
. .
.4.;... , . ~
i.. . , . .
_____
A. J. GEtiRITSON, Publisher./
The Peace Negotiations—Hr. Lincoln's
Hoene Reviewed from History.
Mom the National Intelligence; July 26.
In his first message to Congress, called
to meet in extraordinary session on the
4th_ofinly,.,lBol, President Lincoln held
theAllOwing language :
"teat there be some uneasiness in the
minds of candid men as to what is to be
the comae of the government of the South
kAir States after the rebellion is suppressed,
the7excutive - iieerntilt proper to say it will
Veils purpose then, as ever, to be guided
by the Constitution and the caws ; and that
he . will probably have no different run
derstanding of the powers and duties of
the federal government relatively to the
rights of the states and the people under
the Constitution, than that expressed in
the inaugural address. He desires topre-,
servo the government, that it may be ad
ministered for all, as it was administered
by the men who made it. Loyal citizens
everywhere have the right to claim this
of the government, and the government
has no right to withhold or neglect it. It
is not perceived that, in giving it, there
• is any coercion, any conquest or any sub
jugation, in any just sense of those terms."
On the 23d of August, 1862, in his well
known letter to Mr. Greeley, as origihal
ly published in our columns, the President
wrote as follows :
"My paramount objeot is to save the
Union, and not either save or destroy
slavery. If I could save the Union with
out freeing' any slave, I would do it ; if I
-could do it by freeing all the slaves, I
would do it ; and if I could save it by
freeing some and leaving others alone, I
would also do that. What I do about
slavery and the colored race, I do because
I believe it helps to save the Union ; and
what I forbear, I forbear because I do not
believe it would help save the Union. I
shall do less whenever I shall believe
what I am doing hurts the cause ; and I
shall do more whenever I believe doing
more will help the cause."
In the opening words of the prelimina
ry " Proclamation of Freedom," issued on
the 22d of September, 1802, tbe President
as if anxious to preclude the inference
that he meant thereby to change the ob
ject of - the war, was careful tq declare
"that hereafter al' heretofore the war will
be prosecuted for the purpose or practi
cally restoring the constitutional relations
between the United States and each of
the States and the people thereof in
which states that relation is or may be
suspended or disturbed." This is "the ob
ject" of the war as the President under
stands it—to restore the constitutional
relation between the United States and
each of the States in which the relation is
now suspended or disturbed:
In reply to a communication from the
Hon. Fernando Wood, of New York,
who in December, 1862, had imparted to
the President some information to the ef
fect that the Southern States would send
representatives to the next Congress, pro
vided that a full and general; amnesty
should permit them to do so," Mr. Lin
coln under date of December 12 of that
year, held the following explicit lan
guage:
" I strongly suspect your information
will prove to be groundless ; nevertheless
I thank you for communicating it to me.
Understanding the phrase in the para
graph
above quoted—' the Southern states
would send representatives to the next
Congress'—to be substantially the same
as that the people of the southern states
would cease resistance, and would reinau
gumte, submit to, and maintain the na
tional authority within the limit of such
states, under the Constitution of the Uni
ted States,' I say that, in such case, the
war should cease on the part of the Uni
ted States, and that if, within a reasona
ble time,' a full and general amnesty' were
necessary to such end, it would not be
withheld."
Early in the autumn of 1863, in his cel
ebrated letter addressed to the.Sp i tir
field Republican Convention, the' i
dent wrote as follows, as if to exchide the
cavil or objection or the part of political
opponents that be bad any design to con
tinue the war tor the purpose of ;emanci
pation after the &cloyed object of the war
should have been teethed in a restoration
of the Union. To this effect the Presi.
: Admit said:
"You say you will not fight to free ne•
Some of them seem'willing to
figgpti for
,yyon,: Bat po mattertfight you
then exclusively to save the Union.--
Whenever you shall have conquered all
resistance's.° the -Union, if I shall urge
you to continue fighting, it will be anlipt,
time then for you to declare yon will not
fight to free negroes."
We have ranged these decimations
of the President in the: , order of their
othronology, Ali.; the forgo° :of shoiving
that his declared - policy nnder this head 1
has been tmifornti:delibeiatc, definite and
determinate. ,
Lithe month ofJnir, 1884 he:declared
it his purpose to preservetho goVanment.
that it , nught , be adminiatereduas it 3flB
administered ly . the raw Wii0,44411 3 0.40
and he added l‘loyal citizens everrthetw_
have the right thissaftheli:gov
maw, and the goveOupest has Inc rght
to witithehlit."
ITROMBIE
In December, 1882, he said that if "the
people of the Southern States would cease
resistance and Would teinangurate, sub
mit to, and maintain the national author
ity within the limits of said antes, under
the Constitution of the United States, m
au& cue the' war would cease on the part
of the United States." •
In September, 1863, directing his re
marks to supposed dissentients from his
negro policy, he said : "Fight you then
eiclusively for the "Union." " Whenever
yin shall conquer all resistance to the
'Union, if I shall urge you to continue
fiOting, it will be an apt time for you to
deelare you will not fight for the negro."
It was in the light of these presidential
declarations that the reader m prepared
properly to appreciate the latest terms on
which the war will ' cease, as far as the
President ig concerned, and without
which , he proposes to 'continue fighting.'
We allude, of course, to the stipulations
announced by him a few days ago as the
necessary conditions preliminary to nego
tiations with the Confederate authorities,
as follows :
Ecirrivnililiiinum,
Washington, July 18.
To whom it may concern :
Any proposition which embraces the
restoration of peace, the integrity of the
whole Union, and the abandonment of
slavery, and which comes by and with an
authority that can control the armies now
at war against the United States, will be
received and considered by the executive
government of the United States, and will
be met by liberal terms on other substan
tial and collateral points, and the bearer
or bearers thereof shall have safe conduct
both ways. • Anitsumi ',tricots.
This .declaratis important in many
aspects. It shows, in the first ,place,that,
according to the principles propounded by
the President In 1861, the time has passed
' when he proposes "to preserve the gov
ernment that. it may be administered as it
was administered-by the men who made
it ;" for nobody pretends chat the "men
who made the government" supposed
that the President had any power to dic
tate emancipation as the condition of
maintaining or restoring peaceful rela
tions between the states and the govern
ment.
As compared with - the terms of peace
propounded toldr. Wood in the year '62,
it shows that the time has passed when
" the war will cease on the part of the
United States if the people of the south
ern states would cease resistance, and
would reinangurate, submit to, and main
tain the national authority ;" for thePres
'Went in effect now announces that no
proposition " will be received and consid
ered by the executive government of the
United States" which does not embrace,
in addition to " the restoration of peace
and the integrity of the whole Union,"
the " abandonment of slavery."
As compared with the declaration of
1883, it shows that the time has come
when, according to the President's own
admission and consent, such of his coun
trymen as are "fighting exclusively for
the Union," and who conscientiously de
ny the right of the goverment to fight
for anything else, may aptly say that the
new terms on which the President insists
are such that if the negotiations were bro.
ken down by his persistence on this point,
,they might fairly claim, according to his
own 'theory . of their duty, an exemption
from " 'fighung to free the negroes."
It will thus be seen that, by applying
Ito the late declaration of the President,
the principles announced by him in the
i yeare 1861, 1862 and 1863, we are able to
measure the effect and purport of that dec
laration by his own standards. And when
the President thus becomes his own critic
and Confuter, it would be idle in us to add
ant words on the subject.
But this latest declaration is impor
tant in other aspects. It serves to show
that the President has overcome any scru
ples be may have previously had.on the
subject of recognizing the confederate
military authorities. He now makes it a
condition of receiving and considering
any proposition, that it shall come." with
an authority that can control the armies
now at war against the United States."
On this point he - paid little heed to the
resolution of the Baltimore Convention,
when, in re-nominating him, it declared :
"Beep ined, That we. approve the deter
*nation. of the government of the Uni
ted Ifitates not to compromise with rebels,
or to offer any terms &peace ex tench .
as may be, hosed upon an unconditional
inirremier of their hostility, and a return
to their first allegiance. to the Constitu
tion and laws of the United States ; and ,
that we call upon. she, government to
maintain their po . sition,,mi4 to prosecute ,
the war with thci , ntn- l icstpossible .vigorto
the qiimplete suppression ofthe rebellion,
in full reliance upon the self-sacrificing
patriotism, the heroio . valor , fwd.. 'the ti-'
dyiig.dirrotion of the.Anienmuipeopleto
th9f: cry 4 8 , 4' 4 )0 insti/40440 1 -".
The ; i'resident, it:seems, is now.willing
to " compromise with rebels," for. he nye
thaelf,they, accept , tha--tertost:pre
scribed,,they Will be, metby ,g - liberal
fOrpe,piibtheristkbeteitial atel
Setae."' - •
'43Eibir. Uncap laud' have tom iiiirere„ l
lel,ba; President of the ovia/e4. COD
ea ate States twbo le the gad/Dimity"
. ,
MONTROSE, PA.,IatITISP4 4 -T2 1864 .
f, , • • ;,, •A /1
dint controls I the armies now at yaw
againit the, Vnited States,) is i ,not ,
em
powered by any, 45f" his 'prerog4iies to
stikoulate for " thi) abandonment if slaie
.ry,' and therefore in sliaairTisa this as
t )
one of the tenns ofa proposition come
"by and witb"'sudh an 'atithori „" he
asked what Jefferson Davis; eve with
the fullest disposition to do so, ad no
1 right or power to grant—slavery eing,
under the Constitution of the Coleder
ate States, as of the United States, !,:clet
sively an institution of the, separateltnws
over which the central power has no 4gbt
ful kuisdiction or control.
I: i ..
We do not doubt that tbe,people the
United States will see in the imp° ible
reqnisi . tion of the President as a coed, ion
preliminary . to peace only a new illnktra
tion of the Inextricable entanglement‘ in:
to which the President has suffered him-
self to be drawn by departing from the
original theory of the war. And if be de
sires to know .the universal impression
tbatis likely, to he.produced by the utti
tide in ,which he has placed himself, he
may, we think, read in such comments as
the following, from the only one of the
New Yorkjournals that was originally in
favor of bis renomination. We allude to
the New York limes, which says ;
"The President made but two condi
tions to the reception and consideration
of any proposition for the restoration of
peace,• which should come to him from
competent authority first, that it should
embrace the integrity of the whole Union
—second, that it should embrace the
abandonment of slavery. We believe he
might have gone still further than-this ;
he might have omitted the second of these
conditions altogether, and required the
first alone, as essential to the reception
and consideration of proposals for peace.
We do not mean-to say that it will be
eventually found possible to end the war
and restore the Union without the 'aban
donment of slavery e but we do say that
this abandonment need not be exacted by
the President as a condition without
which be will not receive or consider pro
posals for peace. The people do not re
' quire him to insist upon any such condi
-1 tion. Neither his oath of office nor con.
stitutional duty, nor:his personal or offs
dal consistency, requires. him to insist 'up.
On lt, ~That is One 'Of•'the , questions to be
considered and arranged when the terms.
of peace come to be discussed. It is not
a subject on which terms can be imposed
by the government, without consultation,
without agreement, or without equiva
lents."
And we suppose that it was in presage
of the obstacles likely to, be laid in the
way of peace by the-theoretical position
which 'the President:. had assumed on
these and other subjeots that the N. Y.
Tribune was induced to oppose his re
nomination, and in reiteration of which,
even after his re-nomination, it held the
following language
"We cannot but feel that it would
have been wiser and safer to spike the
most serviceable guns of our adversaries
by nominating another for President, and
thus dispelling all motive, save that of
naked disloyalty, for further warfare up
on this administration. We believe the
rebellion would have lost something of its
cohesion and venom from the hour in
which it was known that a new Presi
dent would surely be inaugurated on the
4th of March neat; and that hostility in
the loyal states to ' the national cause
must have sensibly abated 6r been de
prived of its readiest, most dangerous
weapons, from the moment that all were
brought to realize that the President,
having no more to expect or hope, could
henceforth be impelled by no conceivable
motive but a desire to serve and save his
country, and thus win fpr himself an en
viable and enduring fame."
It was a singular coincidence that the
friendly editor who held this frank lan
guage after the President's re-nomination
should have been called to act so promin
ent a part in the negotiations which have
just given the, whole country abundant
reason to concur with him in his opinion.
The President solemnly declared in the
year .1061, in
,his message to the Congress
of the United States, that loyal citizens
everywhere had the rigbt to claim" that
the government should be preserved
, " that it might be administered for all as
it was by the men who .made it." As,
loyal citizens, .we, enter our " claim" in
these words. And the President said at
tie same time that " the government had
no right to withhold or neglect", this
claim. Then we-ask--that be shall not
Iwwithhold or neglect" what -he has an
, thorized-the nation to demand: ,
itarA negro pie-nio %gm hold on the
Piiiiident'e grounds, in Virlishi_tvon
'on the' 4th Of July: York
troupe asked permission ef r tlie,Pretill'ent
do peiferixfon ttegrounds, for theiteniiilt
of the nick and wounded soldiers, but
1. were refused. _ -• 7. • ti
arParson lircwqlosylaidokfcw mars
cdliu
candidate for Vice President, that there
ItAtitneget AMC 34 dal
see penitentiary!" The parson ought
4.,:lieztiatszippart&titiavr, -
j grEabecribe far the Dzmocasr.
' 'litkat
leigth light 'has bii 6 ri v ribea . 4PLlPe
ree'Plt . 14 4tres ,before .4tl4ita7„, - At. nsw
seep that, ii•fitiiiiiiStanding,iliSreisSariog
dispatches ~ w hich Were' , e
wasie. eemi•oftkia*, respecting the
great, battlefiqnW,edikesilay end Fnday,
our trnemdid suffer s serious check,, and
, that on - Friday the rebels - disarranged
General Sherman's plans. The follow,ing
extractfroni - iTribune editorial 'We the
story :
"The seventeenth corps, *Mira' Blair,,
held the, extreme left, and held it negli
gently. Two rebel carps Stewart's , and
C'beathatn's . , got upeq General Blair's
Sanli, surprised. him, and rolled up a large
portion of his live. without Ceremony. .It
was in consequence of this unexpected and
unnecessary &eater, that General Mc-
Pherson met ids death."
It is very remarkable that all, or nearly
all, the disasters of this war are due eith- -
er to Mr. Lincoln's direct intermeddling
with army moveraeats,4v to, the appoint
ment by him of generals who are notori
ously unfit and incompetent.- General
Grant's first campaign against Richmond
failed because political 'considerations
compelled Mr. Lincoln to give Sigel an
appointment in the Shenandoah valley,
and Butler another on the-Peninsula.—
Hunter, whom . he subsequently appoint
ed, was given a command because of his
standing among the antislavery Golfo
clans, and also on account of his intimate
personal relationship with Mr. Lincoln,
which existed previous to the war. A
gainst all decency, and in direct defiance
of the laws, Mr. Lincoln insistednpon the
I appointment of Mr. Blair to an important
command in General Sherman's army.—
The result in all these cases is before the
country. Butler failed in his campaign ;
Sigel in hie; and it was only through a
merciful Providence and thequicic
ry perception of the ga ll ant deceased Gen.
Moltherson that we have been aaved the
most tremendous :disaster of the whole
war at-Atlanta. It is confessed that Blair
held his fine negligently, and, in short, did
not know• bow to command his corps ;
and the direct inference is, that, with a
competent facer in his folace, a brilliant
,vlatory, instead of a.heavy repulse, would
- have erowned the•offorts.of cur =nice at
Atlanta. This deplorable result, in addl.'
tion to the negro failure at Petersburg,
tells its own story of. the failure of lb.
Lincoln's measures, and the misfortune
which invariably attends his military ap
pointments.
The Republican Nominee for Vice
.President.
Te
Andy Jahniiiii;" n ess ,who was
nominate&•at Biltintoreb); , the Republi
cans for Vice President, is known to be
one of the-most consummate demagogues
living. In addition to a thousand other
little tricks resorted to by him to make
himself popular vith the masses; we are
told that he keeps standing in front of the
elegant mansion in which he lives,•a small
one-story shanty in which he once work'd
as a journeyman tailor; this he points out
to his visitors, telling them the story of
his early struggles, in life. He forgets,
however, to tell them one otherthingcon
nected with his humble origin ; how he
has an old mother, more than seventy
years of age, whom he suffers to traverse
the streets of Philadelphia with a basket
on her arrn, selling tripe for a living. Ye
who have hearts, only think of this; a
man who is rolling in wealth and. aspires
to the position of Vice President of this
great country, suffers his old mother to
trudge about the streets of a large. city,
hawking tripe, that she may buy bread to
keep her poor old , soul and body togeth
er. Ingratitude can assume no darker
shade than "this.
jar The Republican leaders, speakers,
and journals now admit that the purpose
fqr which this war was , entered upon,has
been changed ; that the administration
has abandoned the work of upholding the
Constitution, theljnion,and the laws, as
sailed by armed treason, midis now gov
erned, not by the Constitntim and the
laws, but by " public eentiment," which,
they say, demands that tthe war ehallbe
prosecuted till -sLaxery is destroyed."—
They are ao flirt frotn4enyingitigi as they
did a year ago, that they,now defend it,
and 'uphold the President for his ' shame
ful violation of pledge.S and. of tit; snored
oath: i . ' ' -
The Democratic, party takes the GlN
site ground. Its convictions are Woil ex
pressed in the noble and p,atriotio ; speech
of General liteclellan' on ;the Site'" of the.
Rattle lifontinient `Whieh will'conatiterner
ate the 'fidlen'heicies of the wAr for the
Uniori : • '' - ' ...
, ," To dram tbq Paifillt tlfrarealliwilag
1 '--yt iecnre.ourt*es.AWA tbe.44.filf,the .
I :4i7 16 4r94 1 4 8 0 14** $4 11 i 11 41, A 4 iri-'
04140 PtC o .*o:PutginrernYlPt. tr 990 -
;1:M* 9 47 40 titOin-italgsh ,PcTeCJit/la
Pivel4 3 nu141*A49, 11 r,‘* 4 7: ePstortgemis: --,, '' I -- 'l''''''' — '77 —. - - , - , ,
T r4 4l2ttraA r -V 011 14 1 47 7 1 4 i 4ra-I'. Vet2 l 4lr iti lioep v ie tr
In prostitntinuthe-wii to Ole; Puy ► ll4 " l7 ... mt ,Lig t°4 i. , r" ., — ,yr es s yh v it t re 7 o ty ft..
• ,
T. Wastever lbws riff atelitir..4l* idAiltW - 71,45. t. Ixitriirs oule-msect4...
, ablioantatrhatimi hail& ibalichvei swedusoest. vs stli vsabeirrlagram ,
AVi the UtiltOnottfittiolltifilittla4giatillt r6 ' ' sgeTtirtitr, tautftilkat
atotilforivardt their , treixoilt..;r:Thelonir, 4 a pTh.. ~ ,Al.,tolqay 10
cos ` , 14.10r
itet:of thelYth r bo id km ehmisosfiittas- - ':to 0 -1 - 71-1141:(TT"."1" '
wtratton. -- , . . ~..., I • 'WI el :IC:1 i weir i,r t el . 1 Druntgtik Mirtr 4l4s4lt ilivA,
aISTOWIAZITIOIPATED:
I fft :oz'r"
ne t i#9lnElyytk-' erlocrgt r.eVratices a
iettek,WAttet} epti'eu `tl.,
the Blettii.lo, etla,Aate.l,l.'elhfrerY
:241,1g01.• :411, Who reisdlt Orin with
our ,thaktbk,leqer
the s 6 item ,:reparlititole '1 ) 611094'. ed g .
acity tncf foresight:" It emh6e to.
like the prOgetin warning a a great and
witle statemnen, whose Worst antimpatiOns
are heing,rmiltand today by the
_oppreas
ed .pegple mrainediemantry. What, re ,
can fait to see *that : the war,
prosenat4 ` t nOW is sooner or later
talk ' end' m't nal'. separation . and reee.ei
don of the two contending sections.", The;
folltiWind thefrit:ter' i - ' ' • •
'Messrs. EditOrs:--1 bare this Morning
read 'withinitasenient: an editorial in your
paper ofthcSoili ult., in which yon assume
Otani am favcmingthe immediate with
,dravral nftherrernaining *awl from the
Gontederacy, is a peace measure, to avert
the' horrors of civil war,
,and 'with the
vie* ofreeonstriretion on a constitutional
basis.". ...1 implore .you all-"those. `kited
relations ; which bavei so 19pg • existed- be
twe9# us , and 740 It!.lll,'9h9tiall, -with
so numb pleasert,3 aqd gratitude to dome.
the' justice pro mptly to toitcoi tbe an
seethintable error 'into 'which you bare
been led.. ; s
In regard to secessiou whether viewed
as a governmental th,eory, , prse, a matter
of political expedieney,'l tave never had
but onedpinfon, nor uttered but - tine lan
guage, that of unqualfified opposition.—
Nothing Can be sOlatal to the peace of the
country, fig acE4rilettlif 49. the, felon and
all hopes of reconstruction., as the secession
of Tennessee and the lairder States under
existing eitaiithstatices. You intisiTem.
ember that there are disnaionists among
men -wbsiselostility to slavery is stronger ,
that. their. fidelity to the Constitution, and
Who believe that the clisruption of the
`Union would draW after it, ail an insurrec.
'tion, and finally the atter extermination
of slavery in all the'-Southern States.-- ,
They, are both, daring; determined•men,
and believing as they do that the Coned
tution• of the United States ;stile great
bulwark of slairery On this 'continent, and'
that the dirimption oftheAniericsin'Union
involves theindiapentablenticeasityto the
atudnmpt or teat,_ they, are .determ
ined to accomplish their paramount ob
ject by any means within their power.
For these, reasoniithe' Northern' dia
unionianslike the diannionists of the South
are violently opposed • to' all compromises
or constitutional,- amendments, or efforts
at conciliation whereby peace should be
restored, and the Union preserved. They
are striving to break up the Union under
the pretense of tmbounded dedetion to 'it;
they are struggling to overthrow the Con
addition, whileprofessing undying attach
ment to it, and a,wißingnese,to make any
sacrifice . lc Maintain if; they ire tryingto
plunge t&i country into civil war, as the
surest means of destroyingtlie Union, up
on the plea of enforcing, the laws and pro
perty. If they can defat every kind of
adjustment or compromise by which the
points at issue may-bb satisfactorily settl
ed, and keep tip the irritation do as to in.
duce the Border StEite's to follow the Cot
ton States, they will feel certain of the ac
complishment of their ultimate designs.—
Nothing will gratify them so mach or
contribute so effectually to their success,
as the secession of Tennessee and the
Border States. Every State that with-1
draw from the Union increases the relative
power of Northern Abolitionists to de
feat
a 'satisfactory adjustment, and to
bring on a war, which seeder or later
must end in final separation and recogni
tion of the independence of the two con-1
tending sections:
It; on the contrary, Tennessee; North
Carolina; and the Border States will re
main in the Union, and will mute with the
conservative and. Union loving men ofall
parties% the North,' in the adoption of
such a compromise as well be alike honor
able, safe•and just to the people of all the
States, peace and • fraternal feeling will
soon return, and the cotton States will
came back and the. Union be rendered per
petnal.' Pardon the repetitichr, but that
.connot -be too sironglY itc9ressed upon all
who love:our country, ' 'Woman:in:mid war
will be the destruction not only of the
- present:Union; tint will:blast all hopes of
;reconstruction upon a constitutional basis:.
I am, very truly, your lend. •
S. A. Donets - a. i
:.—Mr. Lincoli,ad rased hie communi
cation to the rebel agents, "To whom it
may 00,40ernr'' It concerns every
bocly aealea,Trinoolu i e fate at the
election.
_, ,The . people lusce nov.er before
beQn•c the. abolition
91 qavery
, vms l toi be made., paramount to
Lbe preserFation of 0:1..V3)10 11 ...Th.ey %low.
cpraprellena the -eltoulion, slid- wi ll elect,
a President Who ignores abolition, and le
first and last for,tbegaion,
lIMICI
yopugg XXI.
~;~,.,;>
Vail FOLIO! OF 1M Tr aItOORLTXI
' • PLRIT,
The ear approaah of the , time for hold
ing: the ebieego .Coeventioe, and gm
Ll9 , wirs prospects of the defeat of the
cein party at the - November election,
naiurally leaftto some solicitude respect
tit* the lotion of the convention and the
platform which may adopt. We think
the events of the past six weeks have led
to a very general belief among thinking
men of all parties that the Union cannot
be restored - upon the policy pursued by
the present administration ; and that if so
great a blessing is in store for the people
of this country, it can only be obtained
through a change in the chief executive
Of the nation.' •
•In view of tineb change, and in the be.
lief that.the government must, during the
neat four years, be conducted by the
Democratic party, it is natural that some
indications should appear in the Democrat
ic papers. of the public sentiment on the
'great issuesbefore us.
We copied, a few days ago, from the
,Albany Atlas and Argus., an article touch
ing upon the policy of the party and of
the country, which we presume may be
s*etill•iu the minds of many of our readers.
I he point many be found In the following
:tract :
"Such a contingency will arrive in the
progress of this war—how soon, or wheth
er it will terminate in peace or in a re
gewel of the struggle, the future mustdis
close. But the armistice—the conference,
the attempt at settlement are merely a
question of time. And if it be charged as
a reproach to the Democratic party, that
it is notirrevocably committed to perpetu
al and desolating war—that it is ready to
yield , to the impulses of humanity and
Christianity, and suspend the effusion of
blood longlenough to confer upon the pos
aibility of peace—to confer, we mean,
through the constitutional agency of a
convention of the states—if this be charg
ed as a reproach, • we consent to rest under
the aspersion, and to abide the calm judg
inent; of the people upon the issue thus
made. Indeed, we are content to accept
such as issue•before , the great tribunal of
the people in the coming presidential eleo
tion. We have no confidence that this
administration, under all the complications
in which it is involved, could ever end the
war, except so far as it might end from
the exhaustion of the combatants. But
we believe that a new administration
could close this fraternal strife, on terms
honorable to us as a nation, and on the
basis of the preservation of the union of
the states."
, Among our exchanges in the country
we find many similar expressions of opin
ion respecting the proposed action of the
convention. It is a significant fact, too,
that all agree that thisadministration can
do nothing but fight—nothing but to con
tinue the war, which must oppress the
nation ;. so long as the present party re
maimi in power, while a new administra
tion, unembarrassed by the complications
of the past and commanding the confi
deuce of both N rth and South, might
inaugurate masers which would lead to
a restoration of the Union. From an able
'leader in the Jefer on County Union, pub
lished at Waterto ,in this state, we ex
tract the following :
" There is yet one more convention to
be held. If that conventorn is wise it will
lay down a platform upon which the people
can stand. The people are wiser than
politicians. They have no idea of bitting
their brains nut to please shoddy contract
ors, lazy office-holders, or corrupt and
ambitious demagogues. They demand an
armistice, a suspension of hostilities for
three, six, or twelve months as may be
! necessary, to establish an honorable and
permanent peace, or to demonstrate to
their satisfaction that there,is no alternat,.
1 ive but war Thus far the method of set
tling oar difficulties has been that of two
shoulder-hitters--brute force alone. We
now propose doing what any two sensible
N gentlemen would—reason, negotiate, com
promise.
We have the largest, best armies ever
marshaled; they are in the enemy's country..
We should propose to the enemy an arm
istice, each army .to remain meantime in.
the fiela, holding what has in its possess
ion,, fully armed and supplied, ready at
the expiration of the armistice to resume,
hostilities if so directed. The history or
war is full of precedents for such a course.
There would he nothing in it derogatory
to our dignity or honor.'
We might multiply such indications of
the' popular .sentiment, but our purpose
at this time is simply to direct the atten
tion of the readers of The World to some
of the thoughts which come'spontaneons
ly from the people, and which, more than
airy; other;now occupy the. minds of all
'plane& euch thoughts will continue to
=pivot ewe Fes..upon the men of.tbe
"North and Orthe gpitth, until reason gull
So the' placii'Of p . ast,uon, and war give
vex to the blessings attendant upon
Pilaoe:—:Trorid. . .
-
.. thiii.tti. ustazumm
.. Sieoutor s . otioe . .
...
Nwmik to wn 4,, , r Raien,u 4s2 ta,..
...utecir 08. m
~,,,,q tre owtO p . •;dtteAlt4,lllVo l .lticett iZ i r 3 l'indlli.
sabsedbemeueall perverts having civics a e; we
tibia iu•e requested to pH:2=i eh vilale,' .9, l =i
t er f oi t ub l et end Moak 1040 0 Quo us
1° ft.' lac iP inlet fLY; Siltisi Lake) t' t .,.. "
• ~. i: t3A. --•
FACTRIag , p4M; IP: l 7*it.Wt• r:_
i July la. IW "
NUMBER 31.