Daily evening bulletin. (Philadelphia, Pa.) 1856-1870, February 28, 1866, Image 2
.BXXIXTH CONGRESS-FUMT .SESSIOIY. CLOSE OF YESTERDAY'S PROCEEDINGS, . SENATE,—Mr. Davis (Sy.) asked to call Up the resolution offered by him for the ap pointment of a Committee to investigate frauds by agents of the Cotton Bureau. Mr. Davis caused to be read a letter from a former Provost Marshal of Natchez, alleg ing that enormous frauds were committed by Department Commanders in the South. „... /1 " 1 -, Av, Conness (Cal.) interrupted the reading 4 ` 4 •151 - 31& communication to object to it as a --,ketistire upon affairs of the government, the reading of which, as a part of the proceed iiio Of the Senate, might be taken as an en • -#l•llW l c)fit of the statement. _ .‘VOte VifLE3 taken, and the Senate decided . ~. fp ljaten to the reading. Mr: Conness rose a second time to object. He objected to an irresponsible party like the author of the letter being permitted to come here and make a stump speech against officers of the government. He moved that the letters and-Davis resolutions be referred ~.to the Committee on Military Affairs. • .... The morning hour expired, and the con . 'current resolution that no Senator or Repre- Wsentative be received in either House from • 'any of the late rebellions States, until such States shall have been declared entitled to representation, having been called up, Mr. Dixon (Conn.) took the floor, com mencing his speech with an allusion to the argument of Messrs. Fessenden, Trumbull and Sherman. He did not think it was mach ` for Mr. Fessenden to say, as he did in his last speech, that he thought the President would not be untrue to his country. That was not much to be said of a man with such a record of patriotisth and devotion to coun try, but there, were circumstances to be taken into consideration. When this was, said the President was being denounced in the other House, and in the Senate Mr. Wade had spoken in very severe terms concerning him. He believed that the only means of saving the country was by the policy adopt ed by the President; and, believing this, he was willing to overlook differences of detail which will exist between him and the Pre sident as to the carrying out of this policy. He did not believe there was any principle involved in the Freedmen's Bureau bill,and in voting for it in the first place he did not commit himself in any way unless as a frend of the freedmen, which he still was. The policy the President was now pur suing was the policy which he (Mr. Dixon) had advocated since the commencement of the war. He voted for the Freedmen's bill, though he thought it objectionable in many re spects. He was not of those who believed that because a man was a conservative :he ought therefore to hate the negroes. He was willing to vote money as freely for black men as for whites, and so were the constituents he represented. He would never ask whether a suffering man was white or black. It was enough for him to know that there was suffering, and that they were human beings who suffered. Mr. Dixon next referred to Mr. Fessen den's objections to the veto message, in - which he (Fessenden) expressed the opinion that, if the President had confined himself to his objections to the bill, he might have voted to sustain the veto. For this reason Mr. Dixon wished the President had omitted theDatter part of his message, though he did not think such a considera tion should have influenced a vote on such an important measure. He was unable to see what principle was involved in the veto Message. He did not believe the President would have vetoed the bill on account of the objection contained in the last part of the message; but that he had been prompted to do so by fifteen other objections to the bill itself, which were ably set forth in the message. Mr. Fessenden, interrupting, said that the clear inference from the language of the veto - message was, that the Senate had nothing to do in the case of Southern Sena tom but to examine 'crededentials; that it had - ttothing to do with the condition of the rebel States. ' Mr. Dixon aid the Senate or the United States had exhlusive jurisdiction over its own members, and their qualifications. It was a matter for each House to examine for itself. Mr. Trumbull said, suppose that in time of peace the legislature of Tennessee is dis loyal and swears allegiance to Maxi -. =filen, does the Senator from Connecticut deny the authority of Congress to declare such an act invalid ? Mr. Dixon; in reply, desired to ask Mr. Trumbull. suppose the Tennessee Legisla ture to elect Maximilian a Senafbr, an d , the Senate to decide to receive him as such, :could Congress interfere in the matter ? Could the House of Repre§entatives inter „,t;; fere? 112. Trumbull said that if Mr. Dixon Wilvished to ask him if the Sena had hsi • isal power to do what he sugge te sted, he had no.doubt of it. The Senate had the same ' 'right to do so that •a jury of twelve men had to bring in a verdict directly against the t testimony of a hundred witnesses to per ure themselves. ''!"-` Mr. Dixon said the Senate had no more i . f• 4gb,A.rior was no more apt to perjure itself 1 „than Congress. He contended again for lit!the'right of each House to judge for itself. 41.11-Kirkwood (Iowa) Mr. Dixon if he ..tld that the Senate had no more jarisdic _*--Then - over the question asked of re- A• et i li etaiiing Senators from South - Carolina than it had in the case of Senators from .• i',.;;-. jiowa 2 ott Mr: Dixon said the question upon re rceiVing Senators from South Carolina was • one 4to be determined by the Senate. if•" When,.. Senators come here there was no 4 fioubt , of the power of the Senate over the t 't sttitter.'. Ifiv.4^ . • ilit-CaDixon did not believe any act of re , admission was necessary. If a husband 4- 0 and wife separated for five years, they . 4 1 would:not in coming together again need "„. remarrying: ' . .. , ' Mr. Grimes asked Mr. Dixon if he un derstood the President to maintain that eaehand all-of the - 1 -- itely rebellious States are in a fit condition to be represented by . Congress. ' . Mr. Dixon replied that was a question for each House to determine for itself. Re ferring to the President's policy, he was in terrupted by Mr. Wade, who said he did 'tt net knew what that policy was. He knew that the President was violently opposed to - - whatTongress was doing, and called Sena ' '• . tors and. Representatives who differed from igitfhinetrAitors. • . - Mr:Dixon—Not all traitors. r. .. - -4 ,1 - 24 0 Wade —He did not name us all, I AlliiStAsti. •-• ittra ti t i fter . .. some further remarks,. Mr. Dixon t in conclusion, what is thedifference of ifireepimon existing between the Presidentof the :United States and those who are opposed - ' 7 -...-to his reconstruction policy in the two Mouses of Congress? I certainly disclaim ."^i• . . f tef course, any right to state what are his ,;....11.:-2,: t :: . .itipimons, except as they, are given to us in -..!:- authentic” public documents. From these - . t- , ...idone I obtain his views. That these are - ' -- "misrepresented, intentionally or otherwise, ' ' ""*`' , ahotild not perhaps surprise those who coif , eider how seldom a candid statement of the - true qeitstion at issue is made by the advo - elites of Conflictft doctrines and opinions. . t. lt would seem impossible, in view of the •-• , . . frank and explicit utterances which the Pre liident has often made of his opinions to - - create In the public mind a misapprehension . of his views.' Yet this, to a certain extent, '-:.- has been' done. ' • ' • ;:- HeCis supposed by many to urge the ad " v :inission of disloyal men from the rebel 4 0 4,4 tates - to the 'two Honees of Congress.. He il .,' ticds charged with aPurpOse to bring. Mtotheir .., - +„ :former places hi' ;this body bloody handed •'-' ': '''ght• ' bels'i HO: is said to wish to':throw. . wide - the doors _of Congress , and fill those - . :4.-I: 'th traitors fresh from - the battle - - - la Of ilia ~ rebollion. What is his true *I pcsition? I might refer to ;the published statement' of his v,iews in his remarksto n delegation of Virginians the otheiday t in which he explicitly declared his opinion that only loyal; en Should be appointed to office. But I ;prefer to take his latest au thentic, written declarations. I shall read from his veto message. Found in that docu ment is the following: "I hold it my duty to recommend to you, to the interests of peace and in the interests of the Union, the admission of every State in its share in public legislation when, how ever insubordinate, insurgent or - rebellious its people may have been, it presents itself not only in an attitude of loyalty -and har mony, but in the persons of representatives whose loyalty cannot be questioned under any existing constitutional or legal tests." Such is the language of the President in his veto message. Can it be misunderstood?, Can it be What are exist- • ing constitutional and legal tests but the oath required by the Constitu tion, and the still stronger test oath prescribed by law? Having stated what he recommends, the President then states what he is opposed to, as follows: "It is plain that an indefinite or perma nent exclusion of any part of the country from representation must be attended by a spirit or disquiet and complaint. It is un wise and dangerous to pursue a course of measures which will unite a very large sec tion of the country, against another section of the country,however much the latter may preponderate. The course of emigration, the development of industry and business, and natural causes will raise up at Vie South men as devoted to the Union as those of any other part of the land. But if they are excluded from Congress, if in a perma nent statute they are declared not to be in full constitutional relations to the country, they may think they have cause to become a unit in feeling and sentiment against the government."• This is what the President is opposed to. We have, therefore, what he recommends and what he disapproves. He recommends the admission to Congress of loyal men,who can take the required oaths, provided they come from States which present themselves in an attitude of harmony and loyalty. He disapproves a. permanent or indefinite ex clusion of all representation, regardless of theJoyalty of the representative or the peo ple. Here, then, the issue is fairly pre sented. How could he state it more dis tinctly ? Yet we are daily told that the President desires to throw wide open the doors of Congress to bloody-handed rebels. Go where you will, in the halls of repre sentation as well as in the public press, you will find the opponents of his policy stating the question in this form. Mr. President. what aow , are the two great systems of policy with regard to reconstruction and reunion,on which the minds of the people of this country are to-day divided? One of these systems, known by way of distinction as that of the President, is indi cated in the words which I have cited from his veto message. It contemplates a care ful f. cautious, discriminating admission o a loyala representation from loyal States and districts in the appropriate house of Congress, by the separate action of each, ,every case to be considered by itself and decided on its, own merits. It recognizes the right of every loyal State and district to be represented by loyal men in Congress. It draws the true line of distinction be tween traitors and true men. It furnishes to the States lately in rebellion the strong est possible inducement to loyalty and fide lity to the government. It makes treason odious, by showing that while the traitor and the rebel are excluded from Congress,the loyal and the faithfal are cordially received. It recognizes and rewards loyalty wher ever it is found, and distinguishes as it ought between a Horace Maynaid and a Jefferson Davis. What is the other policy? It contemplates the entire exclusion of re presentation in their houses of Congress from any State lately in rebellion, irre spective of its present loyalty or the charac of its people, until the adoption of certain measures not definitely stated, whose ad vocates agree neither as to the measures proper, nor in .the reasons given for their support; this exclusion to continue for an indefinite and unlimited period of time, declared by some to be for five years, by some thirty years, and by some, in a certain contingency, forever. The entire region comprised within the thirteen seceding States, including Tennes see, to be held meanwhile as conquered ter ritory, and be governed as subject provinces by the central power, and the people thereof to be ruled as vassals, liable and subject necessarily at all times to taxation, while thus wholly deprived of representation and of every right, of self-government; and now to render certain this policy, or at least in view of it, it is proposed by the resolution now under consideration to enact, so far as such resolution can enact, that neither House of Congress shall admit a member from any one of the States lately in rebel lion, whatever may be his past or present character and conduct, and however true and loyal may be the people by whome he is eleeted, until the consent by an act of Congress, passed by both Houses, and signed by the President, in the face of the express propositions of the Constitution, that each State shall be the judge of the elections, qualifications and returns of its own members. These, Mr. President, are the two systems of policy now presented for the considera tion of this country. One or the other must be adopted by the Government. All minor issues, and all intermediate views and opinions, must gravitate towards and be absorbed by one or the other of these great oommanding systems of policy, and all questions of loyal interest or of minor de tails in the work of reconstruction become, therefore, unimportant, and may be left out of consideration. I have stated what I be lieve to be the true issue in the briefest pos sible form of words. Here, in my judgment, is the whole of this - vast question which is to agitate the public mind of this country, and the decision of which is to shape its governmental policy for a long number of years. All points of mere detail in regard to it will be lost sight of and forgotten in view of the overwhelm ing idea of the permanent and fraternal re union of the people of every one of those States under a common flag and a common representative government. It is impossible, in the nature of things, that the public mind should be occupied by any other political question. Until this is decided finally and forever no personal or party consideration can divert the eager attention of the people from the ex clusive investigation of this question, nor can any thoughtful mind doubt asto the final decision. gjiefore the war, the love of the Union was the passion or. the loyal national heart; and now, that the war is over, its passion will be revision. For a brief period the dissevered sections of our country may be held apart by the main force of party and of faction; but every day the mutual. attraction of the separated parts is growing stronger and more irresistible. If there are any who attempt ,to hold them asunder, their fate will be that of Milo—" The Roman, when he rent, the oak,. dreamed not of the .reticeind." They may be crushed, bat ,the Union will be restored, under, a Constitution amended and . purified; by which slavery is forever abolished; and freedom with, all its inci dents forever guaranteed. , , Believing the first-nettled policy to be, as has been conclusively proved by the distin guished, Senator from Wisconsin, that of rrresident Lincoln ',and, .that adopting it, yresident Johnson ' has biit,followed in. the P ath of ,hte.predeceisor, and belieVirig also that this policy is but a continuation of the great Struggle in - defence of the noble cause of the Union ;; for which President Lincoln and - all his martyred brethren dieid,ldeclare my confident trust that the people will THE DAILt,E*ENING-BULLETIN PHILADELPHIA, WEDNESDAY, iFETIRUARY 28', 1866;r, • support'w and uphold Andre 0 on M its advocacy and defence, asinthedarkest days of the war they supported andupheldAbra hamiincoln. At the conclusion of Mr.Dixon'sretharks, Mr. Trumbull (Ill.) rose' to controvert> the position taken by Mr.-Dixon, that the Sen ate-had a right to judge of: the condition of the State at the time of the election of Sena tors. He maintained that Congress and not each House for itself, must decide tills ques tion. He did not want any Jaw for",the admission of the rebel States, but he did want some recognition.by Congress of loyal State governments in the South before these States were admitted to representation. He desired to know of Mr. Dixon if, while the State of Tennessee was fighting against the government, she had a right to representa tion here? Mr. Saulsbury (Del.) said he would an swer that question. When armed resistance ceased and Federal authority was restored in Tennessee, that moment her Senators and Repretentatives had a right to admis sion to Congress, and no other oath ought to be required of them that an oath to support the Constitution of the United States. Mr. Trumbull said that was dodging the question. lie wished to know what would be the result if Tennessee had sent Repre sentatives and Senators while at war against the United States? Mr. Saulsbury said that never having recognized the right of a State to go out of the Union and assume independent relations, in reference to the government, a State would not, in his opinion, be entitled to representation in Congress while at war against the government, but when peace came she was entitled to representation. He did not know the meaning of the word loyalty applied to republics. Mr. Trumbull said there might be some doubt as to the time when peace actually COMPS. Mr. Saulsbury explained that he did not wish it to go to the country that he did not know the meaning of the word loyalty. What he meant to have said was that he did not know the exact meaning as used by the Republican party. During the war he knew what it meant according to 'his own interpretation, which was obedience to the laws and the Constitution of his country and his State. Mr. Cowan (Pa.)—We had at one time in the State of Pennsylvania two Legislatures in session at the same time—two Houses of Representatives and two Senates. What I want to know distinctly from the Senator from Illinois is, whether if one of these Legislatures had elected a Senator, and his credentials had been presented to the Sen ate,w heater the Judiciary Committee would not have the right to inquire whether that was or was not a legitimate Legislature of Pennsylvania? Mr. Trumbull—Was the State govern ment of Pennsylvania overthrown and under traitors at the time? Mr. Cowan—l can't say it was; though it wits thought by a great many of the people that half of it was. Mr. Trumbull said the cases were no' analogous. In the case of Pennsylvania, as suggested by Mr. Cowan, it would simpl, be a question whether a certain man wa-. duly elected? In the case of the lately rebel States it was a question whether the -Legis lature was composed of loyal men or of rebels. After some further remarks from Mr. Trumbull in support of the full power of Congress to decide on the fitness of the South ern States for representation, Mr. Nye ob tained the floor, and the Senate, at 4.30 P. M. adjourned. HousE.—The House resumed the conside ration of the joint resolution reported yes terday to amend the Constitution. Mr. Niblack (Ind.) inquired whether the proposed amendment was intended to affect the Chinese in California. Mr. Higby replied that if the government would get rid of the treaty with China, the people of California would get rld of the Chi nese. He knew somethingof Chinamen; he did not believe that the gentleman from Indiana did. Mr. Niblack—l want information. Mr. Higby—The Chinese are nothing but a Pagan race; they are an enigma to me, although I have lived among them for fif teen years. You cannot make citizens of them. They do not learn the language of the country. They even dig up their dead after they have decayed in their graves,strip the flesh off their bones and transport the bones back to China. They bring their wooden gods with them and kneel down and worship them. The Chinese do not propagate in this country, and a virtuous woman is the exception, not the rule,among them. You cannot make citizens of them. Mr. Niblack—The majority in this House take the ground that intelligence is not ne cessary for the exercise of the right of voting and that it is enough that one belongs to the human race to be regarded as a man and a brother. It is a ques Lion of manhood, not of race or religion. If the Chinaman is a member of the human race, why not give him protection and political rights as you profess to give to negroes ? The negro was a Pagan before he came to this country, and a cannibal. Mr. Higby—He is not a pagan now. He is a path e of this country, as much so as I am, or as the gentleman is. Mr. Niblack—On what principle should we exclude one race and include the other. Mr. Higby—The Chinese are foreigners, and the negro is a native. Mr. Nibluck—Why not naturalize the Chinese? Mr. Rigby--I have given you the reason. Resuming his argument in support of th. proposed amendment, he declared, as hi belief, that it was necessary for the Federal Congress to hold in its hands the power which it now possessed over the Southern States. Congress should retain in its hands the entire subject of slavery, so as to be able to banish really and forever that institution from the country. God knows that was his heart's desire. He trusted that the wisdom of the House should run in the same chan nels as before. Toe wonderful radicalism of which they hoard so much was mere flimsy talk, got up by the enemies of the country, and should have no effect upon the minds of Congress or of thepeople. • M.I. Randall (Pa.) stated his objection to the proposed amendment. He was actuated by no political consideration or influence of association. He based his objections simply on the fact that States to be affected by it, and to conform to it hereafter as the fundamental law of the cotintrn were not here represented. Here was Congress with eleven States unrepresented, a oportion o, which was necessary to the adoption of the was necessary to the adoption Of the amend ment befor it could be adopted legally and' according to the spirit and latter of the Con stitution. That twenty-seven States were necessary for that purpose could not be suc cessfully gainsaid. The Supreme Court had over and over again declared that the States in rebel! on were not only in the Union, but had never been out of the Union. The executive, adopting the views of his -predecessor, had declared, under the seal of the Secretary of State, that twenty-seven States were necessary to the adciption of any amendment ,to the Constitution. 'lt would be impossible to determine the ques tion contrary to -the settled • conviction of. the•Stipreme Court and, to the• firms and Ell most unanimous belief of the people of the country: He desired that aniconstitutional amendment should be participated in by those who are loyal in the •rebel , States. The Southern, States .• would have just "grcunde to defeat" any amendment; adopted by this CongreSS if they bad no pnrticipa tion in the discmssion 'and-action noon, it. He dicinet want any disloyal men cailhis iloor,but when RepresentEttives come here prepared to take even the ironsclad oath, it was revolutionary and unjust, and against he will of the American people to with head from them, that representation. tie :went noltirther than to demand the admis sion as representatives of;:-men who have , .ever beefiloyal. No further -would he go. Referring to President Johnson, he deL dared his belief that, if the Democratic' , members here did not support him, the masses of the people would array them selves against them. The people supported - Andrew Johnson from the purest - and most patriotic motives. Their cup and measure of patriotism were full in that respect. He (Randall) had never been the ad.vocate of :rebels or of rebellion. But the rebellion was over- the rebels had laid down their arms, and the rebel States now ask that Congress .should admit representatives of those who were loyal. That was the issue 13ere; nothing further. Why not admit such representa tives? That was the point which this Con- , gress would have to explain to the Ameri can people. He did not subscribe to all the doctrines enunciated yesterday by the gen tleman from New Jersey (Mr. Rogers,) but so far as sustaining the policy to which he adverted, he joined hands with him. Until the Southern States were represented here, he should feel compelled to cast his vote against any proposition looking to an amendment of the Constitution, which was hereafter to govern the whole country. N.r. Kelley (Pa.) declared that he should support the proposed amendment, not be cause he believed it to be absolutely needed, but because there were some members on the Republican side of the House who doubted that the powers to be affected by the amendment were not already to be found in the Constitution? He believed that they are to be found there. He pro ceeded to read at length from the debates of the various State conventions to adopt the Constitution to show that the fourth section of the first article, giving Congress the . power to regulate the time, place and man ner of holding elections for Senators and Representatives, conferred power on Congress to regulate the qualifications of electors. Mr. Chanler (N. Y. interrupted Mr. Kelley to ask whether he recognized the veto power as unconstitutional power, or as an exercise of a constitutional power. Mr. Kelley—l recognize the veto power as one of the executive functions, which any President legitimately exercises, and I know that it is exercised under a responsi bility to Congress and the people. His hour having elapsed, and Mr. Hale having obtained the floor, Mr. Kelley asked that kris time should be extended. Mr. Hale said that he would yield if the gentleman c Mr. Kelley) would only assure him that be would touch the subject before the House, which he had not yet done. Mr. Kelley said he had been laying good premises in order to enable him to make a a conclusive argument on the question be fore the House. Mr. Hale would yield the floor with that ucderetaoding. Mr. Kelley resumed his argument, read ing, among other matters, the Virginia and Kentucky resolutions of 1798. Mr. Wright tN. J., inquired whether these resolutions did not insist on State rights. Mr. Kelley—As my time is inflexibly fixed by the courtesy of the gentleman front New York, I cannot stop to argue the ques tions. Mr. Wright—Proceed, sir. Mr. Kelley, after further citations, ad mitted that the action of States and of the Courts for eighty years and been against the exercise by Congress of this right. It had been misconstrued, and although a gap of eighty years stood between this day ant! the great era of constitutional truth, the people would yet assert, and that under Judicial sanction, the original power of the Constitution. In conclusion, he said that as others questioned whether the power contained in the proposed amendment ex isted in the Constitution, he hoped Congress wodid submit this amendment to the people, that they might by it enable Congress to enforce and maintain those rights. Mr. Hale (N. Y.) rose to state, with great hesitation, why he should vote against the proposed amendment. It was with great hesitation that he dif fered from the conclusions of the very able joint committee which has reported the amendment—a committee composed of gen tlemen many of whom where eminent for legal and constitutional learning; men whose opinions must always carry weigh; not only in the House but in the country But be was consoled by the reflection that the recommendation of the committee did not carry with it to his mind so much weight as it might have done if the veil of secrecy thrown over all its proceedings had beeu re- I moved, and the House could be favored with the arguments to which the committee had listened. Mr. Grinnell (Iowa) asked whether it was not always the custom to keep the proceed ings of committees secret. Mr. Hale should be very happy to favor 'he gentleman with his views on that sub set and on other subjects, legislative, theo ogical and scientific, but as it had nothing to do with the matter in hand he should de cline going into that matter. So far as the Ii ouse was concerned, all it knew was that a majority of that committee had reported the tall. It came into the House with tha weight and no more. It did not bear with it the accumulated weight of the unanimous voice of the committee. It seemed to him that no weight of authority ought to brine the House to pass the amendment, without at least the most careful and scrutinizing examination. That the tenor and effect of the amendment was to bring about a more radical change in the system of the govern ment and to institute a wider departure from the theory on which our fathers framed it tban had ever before been proposed in any legislative or constitutional assembly. Na hat was the theory of' the Constitution? Was it not in general that all power relating to the exercise of national sovereignty, powers relating to peace and war, and to the enforcement of international law, were given to Congress and the Federal govern ment by the Constitution, and that all powers affecting the relations of the indi vidual citizen to the municipal government and all local powers were reserved to the State? He submitted that the proposed amendment was in effect a provision under 'which all State legislation in civil and criminal codes of procedure affecting the individual citizen was to be over-ridden,re pealed and aboilished, and a law of Congress established in its place. He maintained that in that respect the amendment was an utter departure from every principle ever dreamed of by the men who framed the Constitution. Mr. Stevens (Pa.)—Does the gentleman mean to say that, under the amendment, Congress can interfere in any case where the legislation of a State isequal and itnpar halt° all? Is it'not simply to provide that where there is a distinction in the same law g judgment between different kinds' of individuals, Congress may Mr.n re H ss al m e ff n correctmy it does go much further than the gentleman from Pennsylvania would carry the idea. But even al it did not go as far as that, it is still opep to the same objection, that it isdepart ing. entirely from the theory of-the Federal Government meddlirig at• all -with , those matters of State jurisdiction. It is a grant of the most full and ample powers to Con, greys to Make all laws necessary and proper tor the protection of the rights of life, liberty and property, with ;the simple pnoviso that that protection mush be equal. It isinot : mere provision.that when Staten undertake ,te give ptoteetion which is not equal Con , Aresg may t'qualizelt."*ltis a grant of power in general terms.' • _ •The debate was contintied at great length :but without Anal' reaulti - • - Ir . • ' Mr; Davis (PI. Y,} obtained the floor,. and the matter went over till' "to-morrow, when it is understood Mr. Bingham will call for thgt previous - qtiestion, aft& 'Mr..% Davis'. speech, and bring the Houseto a.Vote °lithe f passage of the joint resolution. , --- Mr. Morrill (Vt.) - -from the Conimittee of Ways and Means, reported a bill regulating trade with thaßritish North American pos sessions, which , was 'read twice and made the special order for Friday next. The Speaker presented a communication from the Secretary_of the Treasury, with a report of S. S. Hayes, United States Re venue Commissioner, on petroleum as a source of national wealth. Referred to Com mittee on Ways and Means. Mr.Woodbridge (Vt.) offered a resolution. which was adopted, requesting the Presi dent to communicate to the House all in formation in his possession in relations to the distribution of the rewards offered by the Government for the arrest of they as sassins of the late President Lincoln. Mr. Julian (Ind.), from the Committee on Public Lands, reported a bill to develop and reclaim public lands requiring irriga tion in lowa, Colorado, Arizona, Montana and Navada. Recommitted. Mr. Smith (Ky.) introduced a resolution, which was adopted, requesting the -Presi dent to communicate any correspondence or information in possession of the govern ment in reference to the term of office of President Juarez, &c„ and the extraordi nary powers given to him by the Congress of the Mexican Republic. Mv. CJbb (Wis.) offered a resolution, which was adopted, directing the Secretary of War to communicate the estimates based on the surveys of Lake Superior harbor. Mr. Hubbard offered a resolution, which was adopted, directing the Secretary of the Navy to furnish the names, &c., of chap lains in the navy. Mr. Raymond (N. V.) offered the follow ing resolution, which was adopted: Resolved, That the Committee on Com merce be instructed to inquire into the ex pediency of imposing light-house dues on vessels arriving at or departing from ports of the United States, and to report by bill or otherwise. Mr. Mercer offered a resolution instruct ing the Judiciary Committee to inquire into the expediency of providing by legislation for the issuing of certificates to soldiers who have lost their discharges. Mr. Washburne (Ill.) remarked that he knew some cases of great hardship that came under this rule, and suggested that the committee should have leave to report at any time. The resolution, so modified, was adopted. Mr. Van Horn i s Mo.) offered the following resolution: W7co-ca.3. The Emperor of France, at the recent opening of the French Chambers, an nounced his purpose of withdrawing his troops from Mexico, expressing the hope that the emotion axcited in this country wculd be allayed by such declaration; and whereas, the nation accepting such decla ration in good faith, it is butroper that it guaranteeshould insist as a for its fulfil ment that no further empl yment of the French troops in Mexico sh uld be made except to preserve the static quo until the • period of their withdrawal arrives. There- fore, 'Resolved, That, in the judgment of Con gress, the employment of French troops in further conquest in Mexico would be, and should be, considered as a violation of such pledge on the part of France. Referred to the Committee on Foreign Affairs. Mr. Driggs (Mich.) presented the joint resolutions of the Legislatures of New York and Wisconsin, in favor of an extension of the time for completing the Portage Lake Canal in Michigan, Sc. Referred to the Commissioner of Public Lands. Mr. Brandegee (Conn.) offered a resolu tion, which was adopted, instructing the Committee on Naval Affairs to inquire into the advantages of a site offered to the government on the river Thames, near New London, Connecticut, for a navy yard or naval station for iron-clads or other naval vessels, and as to the expediency of accept ing the same. The. Rouse then adjourned. WATCHES /CV D J}.III‘KLET. iwatms & Buovilex4 i ,kgr- CHRONOMETER. CLOCK, AND WATC H MAKERS, No. 2+l South FRONT Street, Have constantly on hand a complete assortment 0 CLOCKS, 3c, for Railroads, Ranks and Counting Houses, which they offer at reasonable rates. ,dN. B. Partcalar attention paid to the repairing o tine Watches and Clecim. LA-DOgifs: 'DIAMOND DEALER & JEWELER, WiTCll£3, JEWELRY 4k SILVER 1% ►RE, WATCHES and JEWELRY B.F.PAIRED Chestnut St..Pl3. Has Just received a large and splendid assortment o LADIES GOLD WATCHES, Some !n plain cases. others beautifully enameled and engraved and others inlaid with diamonds.• Purr hasers wishing a handsome LADY'S WATCH will do well to call at once and make a selec:ion. PRICES MODERATE. ALL WATCHES WARRANTED Also a large assortment of Gentlemen's and Boys' Watches,' In Gold and Silver cases. E anti GLASSWARE. PHILADELPHIA Window GLASS Warehouse. BENJAMIN H. SHOEMAKER, AGENT FOR THE FRENCH PLATE GLASS COMP LNIES. IMPORTER OF English, French and German Window and Picture Glass And Looking Glass Plates. MANUFACTURER OF American Window, Picture and Car Glass. Ornamental and Colored Glass. 205 -and 207 North Fourth Street, - Pica.Amtrantre. IaTAIL miff topons THE • OLD",' ESTABLISHED CHEAP attentio MOTH STORE.--.IrAISIES. ea LEE invite H EAP en ol their, friends and others to their large stock of season able • goods, which they are' selling at greati9 redude 4 - 1 Superior Black French Cloths. Superior Colored French Cloths. twerboat Ciotllail qualities. • .• Black Trench , Doeskins. • Black French.Cassimeres: Mixed and PlailYeruasizneres. , • ' • FariCY Cassiznpres, of every descriPtiOn:._ scotch and Shepherd's Plaid Casalmprfo. Cords, Iteaverteei3ti and Satinetts. ' • • Plain and Neat Figured Silk ;VestingS.• - •, • • Slafk•Satinaand Fancy Vestings. - .-• - - With a ergo assortment or. Tailors'• .Trittrdngs, Boys' wear, &X.; for gale, - wholesalJ.LlL e cirreteß,hy_ VB No.' 11 North Second et., Sign of the Oolden Lamb. INPORTATIONS LINEN GOODS. The subscribers are now receiving their Spring Im portations of . - S'UFF:RIOR LINEN GOODS.- They have prepared for exhibition 7 cases selected expressly for them by I. N. RICHARDSON, SON dc -0 WDEN, comprising a full assortment of 4-4 BEST MAKE SAINTING LINEN. 40, 42, 45, 50 and 54 INCH PILLOW LINEN. 10-4 and 124 IRISH SHEETING (finest imparted). 1 5.8 and a-4 SNOW DROP and DAMASK D ARKIN'S. COL'D BOR'D DAMASK TABLE CLOTHS with NAPKINS to match. COL'D BOR'D DESSERT CLOTHS. COL'D.BOR'D DOILIES. BIRD EYE DIAPERS. LONG L AWNS, &c. Also in Stock superior undressed FRENCH SHIRT— ING, PILLOW and STrk—FTING St eppo.rd,Van Harlit gen&Arrisolt, IMPORTERS OF LINEN GOODS 1005 Chestnut.: reaf,m,wata LARGE LINEN - SALE. AT AIIIJAIKEN'S S2S Arch Street. Just opened, direct from Europe, the following BARGAINS IN TABLE LINENS, Heavy Table Linen, unbleached, at 75c, per yard. Extra beady Power-loom do., yarn bleached, $1 per I'd; Extra qualities and widths do. do., al 1 25. New styles bleached Damasks, from $125 up to $3. Extra qualities and widths, for hinge extension tables. Real Barnsley Double Damasks, very scarce, Heavy Ecorcb Damasks, in g eat variety. Fine Irish Damasks, in great variety. TABLE CLOTHS AND NAPKINS.„ Every size, from yards up to 7 yards long, Some beautiful 'I title Cloths, just opened. Napkins a' - d Doylies in great variety, from the lon* es t, up to the finest productious of the Damask loom, TOWELS, NEW STYLES. Bath TOwels, from TX. no. Red Border Chamber Towels. from 25e.31ap. Heavy Bock 'Towels, wide red encl. , . at 7,; 2 e.. Bloom Damask Towels, handsome, ESC. Fine Damask Towels. 412.5. Turkish Towels, several sizes. • 9- RED, WHITE AND BLUE. A very handsome Huck Towel, with the National colors introduced in stripes in the border, not to be found in any other store in the city. V, and fl 25, LINEN BEM BOSOMS The best Linens only are used. arta as no Imperfect stitching is passed into our stock. oar consumers may rely in getting the best Shirt Bosoms possible for the prices. Aliso, Wristbands and Collars. • LINEN HANDKERCHIEFS. Ladles', Gents' and Children's Linen Hdirfs.„ In every style, at Importer's prices. NURSERY ANI) BIRD-EYE DI&PEI'►S A hill assortment of all the widths in Nursery Dia pers. These Diapers will be found heavier and better than usual for the prices. Bird-eyes, all qualities: Limn Carnbrics and; Lawns.. A beantLful an Linen Cambric for Infanta' Under clothing, from a 3c. up. S LINEN STORE, - No. 828 Arch street. ja22-m.w.f=t; AQ Q I > &11 A friffeitt ••••fi gT4 Fourth and Arch FA`.tT MS SUPPLIED WITH GOOD MUSLIN S, GOOD FLANNBLS, GOOD TABLE LINEN, GOOD TOWELIBGB, GOOD BLACK SILKS, &c., &c. ••to---r , • ZiiiilZlL•loitzliiA Vloio tA 1866. Spring Importation. 1866, E. M. NEDLES Has Just opened, 1,000 PIECES WHITE GOODS, In PLAIN. FANCY, STRIPED. PLAID and Figured Jaconets, Cambrics, NainsoOk, Dimi ties. Swiss. Mull and other Muslins, compris ing a most complete stock, to which the atten non of purchasers is solicited as they are of fered at a large REDIVTION from Rust SEA SON's PRICE'S. 100 pieces STURTURD MUSLINS for Bodies. 100 pieces PIQUES in ali varieties of style and price from 90c. tort to. too P aRIS °OFFERED SKIRTS, newest styles, of my own importation. war••=-•.. 14 o -T7zo VYRE fi LANDEI L, FOURTH AND ARCH, have ILA Just reulenished their assortment of STAPLE HOUSEHGLD GOODS, And are row fully prepared to srpply families with GL,OD MUSLINS, BY TAP, FIEC,E, GOOD SHIRTING LINENS. GOOD TABLE LINENS. GOOD BED TICKINGS. GOOD WHITE FLANNELS. GOOD FINE BLANKETS. °COD DAMASK NAPKINS. BUFF NARSEILI.ES QOLLTS. PINK MARSEILLES QUILTS. FH•EsT AND LARGhSTWHITE DO: IRISH BIRD-EYE AND SCOTCH TOWELINGS. PEW LuT or BRILLIANTS. MARSEILLES, dze. SPRING STV LE CHINTZES, PERCALES, am., HALL CO., 26 South Secono street,would invite the attention of the Ladies to their' Stock or ~nd recommend them purchasing noW,as we bare no doubt of their having to Pay amuch advanced price for them next month and the coming spring. Colored Moire Antiques. Black Moire Antiques, Oolored Corded Silks, Colored Poult de SoleS, Black Cordee. . • Black Groff Oraines, Black Taffetas, Black Oros de Rhlnee, N. B.—A fine stock of Evening Silks on band. 6.(l._CEN't• BLACK ALPACAS. tr 63, 70 and 0 superior a Iptica.s. to CO NV ide Black Vi.ool Delaines. • r - so for iinest 02 wide Black Cashmeres. - I 12 for new Spring Sbades Wide Wool Delahleis. ew White Piques, Brilliantes, Cambrics, Plaids, &C.. Heavy Nursery Diap t ers. some extra wide goods, F nie4o.c Toweis a bargain, ts and fa Napkins en are much under value. • Itlchtirdsoll'a . Heavy L hirting and fine Frilatb3C a coludin , Liner's. COOPER S. E. corner Ninth and 3iarketaitieetB. 84f gl'lnrY A : l Zgt wfttlEirir finish; iutatata Evening lo3a. 4-4 White Alpacas. White Irish Poplins, • White Wool Poplins, - Pearl Color Irish Poplins, White Opera Cloths, White Cloths, with Spots. . Scarlet Cloths. EDWIN BALL it CO.. 26. Sout h Second at. - - O RE NThie op SPRING GOODS. Sp r iag hintses and Percales. 'Lawns, Organdietrand Challies. Plata and , Plaid Traveling !gat eriaL Marseilles and Ph:omila variety. %Veda and Buff Ground lo ohatrs. •• purple and White and Green and White Plaids. hiTlSLlNeVat,wholesale prices at 9T08..43..dtM00D'5. 702 Arch street. 72.13KRTA GRAPEB.—no kegs" of tbesd-iiiden ziL. white grapes in fine order landing and for sale by JOB. B. 111188 DER.& 00 1 10. Itionth Delaware avenue*