Daily evening bulletin. (Philadelphia, Pa.) 1856-1870, February 28, 1866, Image 2

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. SENATE,—Mr. Davis (Sy.) asked to call
Up the resolution offered by him for the ap
pointment of a Committee to investigate
frauds by agents of the Cotton Bureau.
Mr. Davis caused to be read a letter from
a former Provost Marshal of Natchez, alleg
ing that enormous frauds were committed
by Department Commanders in the South.
„... /1 " 1 -, Av, Conness (Cal.) interrupted the reading
4 ` 4 •151 - 31& communication to object to it as a
--,ketistire upon affairs of the government, the
reading of which, as a part of the proceed
iiio Of the Senate, might be taken as an en
• -#l•llW l c)fit of the statement.
_ .‘VOte VifLE3 taken, and the Senate decided
. ~. fp ljaten to the reading.
Mr: Conness rose a second time to object.
He objected to an irresponsible party like
the author of the letter being permitted to
come here and make a stump speech against
officers of the government. He moved that
the letters and-Davis resolutions be referred
~.to the Committee on Military Affairs. •
.... The morning hour expired, and the con
. 'current resolution that no Senator or Repre-
Wsentative be received in either House from
• 'any of the late rebellions States, until such
States shall have been declared entitled to
representation, having been called up,
Mr. Dixon (Conn.) took the floor, com
mencing his speech with an allusion to the
argument of Messrs. Fessenden, Trumbull
and Sherman. He did not think it was mach `
for Mr. Fessenden to say, as he did in his
last speech, that he thought the President
would not be untrue to his country. That
was not much to be said of a man with such
a record of patriotisth and devotion to coun
try, but there, were circumstances to be
taken into consideration. When this was,
said the President was being denounced in
the other House, and in the Senate Mr. Wade
had spoken in very severe terms concerning
him. He believed that the only means of
saving the country was by the policy adopt
ed by the President; and, believing this, he
was willing to overlook differences of detail
which will exist between him and the Pre
sident as to the carrying out of this policy.
He did not believe there was any principle
involved in the Freedmen's Bureau bill,and
in voting for it in the first place he did not
commit himself in any way unless as a
frend of the freedmen, which he still was.
The policy the President was now pur
suing was the policy which he (Mr. Dixon)
had advocated since the commencement of
the war.
He voted for the Freedmen's bill, though
he thought it objectionable in many re
spects. He was not of those who believed
that because a man was a conservative :he
ought therefore to hate the negroes. He
was willing to vote money as freely for
black men as for whites, and so were the
constituents he represented. He would
never ask whether a suffering man was
white or black. It was enough for him to
know that there was suffering, and that
they were human beings who suffered.
Mr. Dixon next referred to Mr. Fessen
den's objections to the veto message, in
- which he (Fessenden) expressed the opinion
that, if the President had confined himself
to his objections to the bill, he might have
voted to sustain the veto. For this reason
Mr. Dixon wished the President had
omitted theDatter part of his message,
though he did not think such a considera
tion should have influenced a vote on such
an important measure. He was unable to
see what principle was involved in the veto
Message. He did not believe the President
would have vetoed the bill on account of
the objection contained in the last part of
the message; but that he had been prompted
to do so by fifteen other objections to the
bill itself, which were ably set forth in the
Mr. Fessenden, interrupting, said that the
clear inference from the language of the
veto - message was, that the Senate had
nothing to do in the case of Southern Sena
tom but to examine 'crededentials; that it
had - ttothing to do with the condition of the
rebel States.
' Mr. Dixon aid the Senate or the United
States had exhlusive jurisdiction over its
own members, and their qualifications. It
was a matter for each House to examine for
Mr. Trumbull said, suppose that in time
of peace the legislature of Tennessee is dis
loyal and swears allegiance to Maxi
-. =filen, does the Senator from Connecticut
deny the authority of Congress to declare
such an act invalid ?
Mr. Dixon; in reply, desired to ask Mr.
Trumbull. suppose the Tennessee Legisla
ture to elect Maximilian a Senafbr, an d
, the Senate to decide to receive him as such,
:could Congress interfere in the matter ?
Could the House of Repre§entatives inter
„,t;; fere?
112. Trumbull said that if Mr. Dixon
Wilvished to ask him if the Sena had hsi
• isal power to do what he sugge te
sted, he had
no.doubt of it. The Senate had the same
' 'right to do so that •a jury of twelve men had
to bring in a verdict directly against the
t testimony of a hundred witnesses to per
ure themselves.
''!"-` Mr. Dixon said the Senate had no more
i . f• 4gb,A.rior was no more apt to perjure itself
„than Congress. He contended again for
lit!the'right of each House to judge for itself.
41.11-Kirkwood (Iowa) Mr. Dixon if he
..tld that the Senate had no more jarisdic
_*--Then - over the question asked of re-
A• et i li etaiiing Senators from South - Carolina
than it had in the case of Senators from
.• i',.;;-. jiowa 2
ott Mr: Dixon said the question upon re
rceiVing Senators from South Carolina was
one 4to be determined by the Senate.
if•" When,.. Senators come here there was no
4 fioubt , of the power of the Senate over the
t 't sttitter.'.
Ifiv.4^ . • ilit-CaDixon did not believe any act of re
, admission was necessary. If a husband
4- 0 and wife separated for five years, they
. 4 1 would:not in coming together again need
"„. remarrying:
' . .. , ' Mr. Grimes asked Mr. Dixon if he un
derstood the President to maintain that
eaehand all-of the - 1 -- itely rebellious States
are in a fit condition to be represented by
. Congress. ' .
Mr. Dixon replied that was a question for
each House to determine for itself. Re
ferring to the President's policy, he was in
terrupted by Mr. Wade, who said he did
'tt net knew what that policy was. He knew
that the President was violently opposed to
- - whatTongress was doing, and called Sena
' '• . tors and. Representatives who differed from
• . - Mr:Dixon—Not all traitors.
.. - -4 ,1 - 24 0 Wade —He did not name us all, I
AlliiStAsti. •-•
ittra ti t i fter . .. some further remarks,. Mr. Dixon
t in conclusion, what is thedifference of
ifireepimon existing between the Presidentof
the :United States and those who are opposed
- ' 7 -...-to his reconstruction policy in the two
Mouses of Congress? I certainly disclaim
."^i• .
. f tef course, any right to state what are his
,;....11.:-2,: t :: . .itipimons, except as they, are given to us in
-..!:- authentic” public documents. From these
- . t- , ...idone I obtain his views. That these are
- ' -- "misrepresented, intentionally or otherwise,
' ' ""*`' , ahotild not perhaps surprise those who coif
, eider how seldom a candid statement of the
- true qeitstion at issue is made by the advo
- elites of Conflictft doctrines and opinions.
. t. lt would seem impossible, in view of the
•-• , . . frank and explicit utterances which the Pre
liident has often made of his opinions to
- - create In the public mind a misapprehension
. of his views.' Yet this, to a certain extent,
'-:.- has been' done. ' • '
• ;:- HeCis supposed by many to urge the ad
" v :inission of disloyal men from the rebel
4 0 4,4 tates - to the 'two Honees of Congress.. He
il .,' ticds charged with aPurpOse to bring. Mtotheir
.., -
+„ :former places hi' ;this body bloody handed
•'-' ': '''ght• ' bels'i HO: is said to wish to':throw. . wide
- the doors _of Congress , and fill those
- . :4.-I: 'th traitors fresh from - the battle
- - - la Of ilia ~ rebollion. What is his true
pcsition? I might refer to ;the published
statement' of his v,iews in his remarksto n
delegation of Virginians the otheiday t in
which he explicitly declared his opinion
that only loyal; en Should be appointed to
office. But I ;prefer to take his latest au
thentic, written declarations. I shall read
from his veto message. Found in that docu
ment is the following:
"I hold it my duty to recommend to you,
to the interests of peace and in the interests
of the Union, the admission of every State
in its share in public legislation when, how
ever insubordinate, insurgent or - rebellious
its people may have been, it presents itself
not only in an attitude of loyalty -and har
mony, but in the persons of representatives
whose loyalty cannot be questioned under
any existing constitutional or legal tests."
Such is the language of the President in
his veto message. Can it be misunderstood?,
Can it be What are exist- •
ing constitutional and legal tests but the
oath required by the Constitu
tion, and the still stronger test
oath prescribed by law? Having stated
what he recommends, the President then
states what he is opposed to, as follows:
"It is plain that an indefinite or perma
nent exclusion of any part of the country
from representation must be attended by a
spirit or disquiet and complaint. It is un
wise and dangerous to pursue a course of
measures which will unite a very large sec
tion of the country, against another section
of the country,however much the latter may
preponderate. The course of emigration,
the development of industry and business,
and natural causes will raise up at Vie
South men as devoted to the Union as those
of any other part of the land. But if they
are excluded from Congress, if in a perma
nent statute they are declared not to be in
full constitutional relations to the country,
they may think they have cause to become
a unit in feeling and sentiment against the
This is what the President is opposed to.
We have, therefore, what he recommends
and what he disapproves. He recommends
the admission to Congress of loyal men,who
can take the required oaths, provided they
come from States which present themselves
in an attitude of harmony and loyalty. He
disapproves a. permanent or indefinite ex
clusion of all representation, regardless of
theJoyalty of the representative or the peo
ple. Here, then, the issue is fairly pre
sented. How could he state it more dis
tinctly ? Yet we are daily told that the
President desires to throw wide open the
doors of Congress to bloody-handed rebels.
Go where you will, in the halls of repre
sentation as well as in the public press, you
will find the opponents of his policy stating
the question in this form. Mr. President.
what aow , are the two great systems of
policy with regard to reconstruction and
reunion,on which the minds of the people of
this country are to-day divided?
One of these systems, known by way of
distinction as that of the President, is indi
cated in the words which I have cited from
his veto message. It contemplates a care
ful f.
cautious, discriminating admission o
a loyala representation from loyal States
and districts in the appropriate house of
Congress, by the separate action of each,
,every case to be considered by itself and
decided on its, own merits. It recognizes
the right of every loyal State and district to
be represented by loyal men in Congress.
It draws the true line of distinction be
tween traitors and true men. It furnishes
to the States lately in rebellion the strong
est possible inducement to loyalty and fide
lity to the government. It makes treason
odious, by showing that while the traitor
and the rebel are excluded from Congress,the
loyal and the faithfal are cordially received.
It recognizes and rewards loyalty wher
ever it is found, and distinguishes as it
ought between a Horace Maynaid and a
Jefferson Davis. What is the other policy?
It contemplates the entire exclusion of re
presentation in their houses of Congress
from any State lately in rebellion, irre
spective of its present loyalty or the charac
of its people, until the adoption of certain
measures not definitely stated, whose ad
vocates agree neither as to the measures
proper, nor in .the reasons given for their
support; this exclusion to continue for an
indefinite and unlimited period of time,
declared by some to be for five years, by
some thirty years, and by some, in a certain
contingency, forever.
The entire region comprised within the
thirteen seceding States, including Tennes
see, to be held meanwhile as conquered ter
ritory, and be governed as subject provinces
by the central power, and the people thereof
to be ruled as vassals, liable and subject
necessarily at all times to taxation, while
thus wholly deprived of representation and
of every right, of self-government; and now
to render certain this policy, or at least in
view of it, it is proposed by the resolution
now under consideration to enact, so far as
such resolution can enact, that neither
House of Congress shall admit a member
from any one of the States lately in rebel
lion, whatever may be his past or present
character and conduct, and however true
and loyal may be the people by whome he
is eleeted, until the consent by an act of
Congress, passed by both Houses, and
signed by the President, in the face of the
express propositions of the Constitution,
that each State shall be the judge of the
elections, qualifications and returns of its
own members.
These, Mr. President, are the two systems
of policy now presented for the considera
tion of this country. One or the other must
be adopted by the Government. All minor
issues, and all intermediate views and
opinions, must gravitate towards and be
absorbed by one or the other of these great
oommanding systems of policy, and all
questions of loyal interest or of minor de
tails in the work of reconstruction become,
therefore, unimportant, and may be left out
of consideration. I have stated what I be
lieve to be the true issue in the briefest pos
sible form of words.
Here, in my judgment, is the whole of this
- vast question which is to agitate the public
mind of this country, and the decision of
which is to shape its governmental policy
for a long number of years. All points of
mere detail in regard to it will be lost sight
of and forgotten in view of the overwhelm
ing idea of the permanent and fraternal re
union of the people of every one of those
States under a common flag and a
common representative government.
It is impossible, in the nature
of things, that the public mind should be
occupied by any other political question.
Until this is decided finally and forever no
personal or party consideration can divert the
eager attention of the people from the ex
clusive investigation of this question, nor
can any thoughtful mind doubt asto the final
gjiefore the war, the love of the Union was
the passion or. the loyal national heart; and
now, that the war is over, its passion will be
revision. For a brief period the dissevered
sections of our country may be held apart
by the main force of party and of faction;
but every day the mutual. attraction of the
separated parts is growing stronger and
more irresistible. If there are any who
attempt ,to hold them asunder, their fate
will be that of Milo—" The Roman, when he
rent, the oak,. dreamed not of the .reticeind."
They may be crushed, bat ,the Union will
be restored, under, a Constitution amended
and . purified; by which slavery is forever
abolished; and freedom with, all its inci
dents forever guaranteed. , ,
Believing the first-nettled policy to be, as
has been conclusively proved by the distin
guished, Senator from Wisconsin, that of
rrresident Lincoln ',and, .that adopting it,
yresident Johnson ' has biit,followed in. the
P ath of ,hte.predeceisor, and belieVirig also
that this policy is but a continuation of the
great Struggle in - defence of the noble cause
of the Union ;; for which President Lincoln
and - all his martyred brethren dieid,ldeclare
my confident trust that the people will
and uphold Andre 0 on M its
advocacy and defence, asinthedarkest days
of the war they supported andupheldAbra
At the conclusion of Mr.Dixon'sretharks,
Mr. Trumbull (Ill.) rose' to controvert> the
position taken by Mr.-Dixon, that the Sen
ate-had a right to judge of: the condition of
the State at the time of the election of Sena
tors. He maintained that Congress and not
each House for itself, must decide tills ques
tion. He did not want any Jaw for",the
admission of the rebel States, but he did
want some recognition.by Congress of loyal
State governments in the South before these
States were admitted to representation. He
desired to know of Mr. Dixon if, while the
State of Tennessee was fighting against the
government, she had a right to representa
tion here?
Mr. Saulsbury (Del.) said he would an
swer that question. When armed resistance
ceased and Federal authority was restored
in Tennessee, that moment her Senators
and Repretentatives had a right to admis
sion to Congress, and no other oath ought
to be required of them that an oath to
support the Constitution of the United
Mr. Trumbull said that was dodging the
question. lie wished to know what would
be the result if Tennessee had sent Repre
sentatives and Senators while at war against
the United States?
Mr. Saulsbury said that never having
recognized the right of a State to go out of
the Union and assume independent relations,
in reference to the government, a State
would not, in his opinion, be entitled to
representation in Congress while at war
against the government, but when peace
came she was entitled to representation. He
did not know the meaning of the word
loyalty applied to republics.
Mr. Trumbull said there might be some
doubt as to the time when peace actually
Mr. Saulsbury explained that he did not
wish it to go to the country that he did not
know the meaning of the word loyalty.
What he meant to have said was that he
did not know the exact meaning as used by
the Republican party. During the war he
knew what it meant according to 'his own
interpretation, which was obedience to the
laws and the Constitution of his country and
his State.
Mr. Cowan (Pa.)—We had at one time in
the State of Pennsylvania two Legislatures
in session at the same time—two Houses of
Representatives and two Senates. What I
want to know distinctly from the Senator
from Illinois is, whether if one of these
Legislatures had elected a Senator, and his
credentials had been presented to the Sen
ate,w heater the Judiciary Committee would
not have the right to inquire whether that
was or was not a legitimate Legislature of
Mr. Trumbull—Was the State govern
ment of Pennsylvania overthrown and
under traitors at the time?
Mr. Cowan—l can't say it was; though it
wits thought by a great many of the people
that half of it was.
Mr. Trumbull said the cases were no'
analogous. In the case of Pennsylvania, as
suggested by Mr. Cowan, it would simpl,
be a question whether a certain man wa-.
duly elected? In the case of the lately rebel
States it was a question whether the -Legis
lature was composed of loyal men or of
After some further remarks from Mr.
Trumbull in support of the full power of
Congress to decide on the fitness of the South
ern States for representation, Mr. Nye ob
tained the floor, and the Senate, at 4.30 P.
M. adjourned.
HousE.—The House resumed the conside
ration of the joint resolution reported yes
terday to amend the Constitution.
Mr. Niblack (Ind.) inquired whether the
proposed amendment was intended to affect
the Chinese in California.
Mr. Higby replied that if the government
would get rid of the treaty with China, the
people of California would get rld of the Chi
nese. He knew somethingof Chinamen; he
did not believe that the gentleman from
Indiana did.
Mr. Niblack—l want information.
Mr. Higby—The Chinese are nothing but
a Pagan race; they are an enigma to me,
although I have lived among them for fif
teen years. You cannot make citizens of
them. They do not learn the language of
the country. They even dig up their dead
after they have decayed in their graves,strip
the flesh off their bones and transport the
bones back to China. They bring their
wooden gods with them and kneel down
and worship them. The Chinese do not
propagate in this country, and a virtuous
woman is the exception, not the rule,among
them. You cannot make citizens of them.
Mr. Niblack—The majority in this House
take the ground that intelligence is not ne
cessary for the exercise of the right of voting
and that it is enough that one belongs to the
human race to be regarded as a man and a
brother. It is a ques Lion of manhood, not
of race or religion. If the Chinaman is a
member of the human race, why not give
him protection and political rights as you
profess to give to negroes ? The negro was
a Pagan before he came to this country, and
a cannibal.
Mr. Higby—He is not a pagan now. He
is a path e of this country, as much so as I
am, or as the gentleman is.
Mr. Niblack—On what principle should
we exclude one race and include the other.
Mr. Higby—The Chinese are foreigners,
and the negro is a native.
Mr. Nibluck—Why not naturalize the
Mr. Rigby--I have given you the reason.
Resuming his argument in support of th.
proposed amendment, he declared, as hi
belief, that it was necessary for the Federal
Congress to hold in its hands the power
which it now possessed over the Southern
States. Congress should retain in its hands
the entire subject of slavery, so as to be able
to banish really and forever that institution
from the country. God knows that was his
heart's desire. He trusted that the wisdom
of the House should run in the same chan
nels as before. Toe wonderful radicalism
of which they hoard so much was mere
flimsy talk, got up by the enemies of the
country, and should have no effect upon the
minds of Congress or of thepeople. •
M.I. Randall (Pa.) stated his objection to
the proposed amendment. He was actuated
by no political consideration or influence
of association. He based his objections
simply on the fact that States to be affected
by it, and to conform to it hereafter as the
fundamental law of the cotintrn were not
here represented. Here was Congress with
eleven States unrepresented, a oportion o,
which was necessary to the adoption of the
was necessary to the adoption Of the amend
ment befor it could be adopted legally and'
according to the spirit and latter of the Con
stitution. That twenty-seven States were
necessary for that purpose could not be suc
cessfully gainsaid. The Supreme Court
had over and over again declared that the
States in rebel! on were not only in the
Union, but had never been out of the Union.
The executive, adopting the views of his
-predecessor, had declared, under the seal of
the Secretary of State, that twenty-seven
States were necessary to the adciption of
any amendment ,to the Constitution. 'lt
would be impossible to determine the ques
tion contrary to -the settled • conviction of.
the•Stipreme Court and, to the• firms and Ell
most unanimous belief of the people of the
country: He desired that aniconstitutional
amendment should be participated in by
those who are loyal in the •rebel , States.
The Southern, States .• would have just
"grcunde to defeat" any amendment; adopted
by this CongreSS if they bad no pnrticipa
tion in the discmssion 'and-action noon, it.
He dicinet want any disloyal men cailhis
iloor,but when RepresentEttives come here
prepared to take even the ironsclad oath, it
was revolutionary and unjust, and against
he will of the American people to with
head from them, that representation. tie
:went noltirther than to demand the admis
sion as representatives of;:-men who have
.ever beefiloyal. No further -would he go.
Referring to President Johnson, he deL
dared his belief that, if the Democratic'
, members here did not support him, the
masses of the people would array them
selves against them. The people supported
- Andrew Johnson from the purest - and most
patriotic motives. Their cup and measure
of patriotism were full in that respect. He
(Randall) had never been the ad.vocate of
:rebels or of rebellion. But the rebellion was
over- the rebels had laid down their arms,
and the rebel States now ask that Congress
.should admit representatives of those who
were loyal. That was the issue 13ere; nothing
further. Why not admit such representa
tives? That was the point which this Con- ,
gress would have to explain to the Ameri
can people. He did not subscribe to all the
doctrines enunciated yesterday by the gen
from New Jersey (Mr. Rogers,) but
so far as sustaining the policy to which he
adverted, he joined hands with him. Until
the Southern States were represented here,
he should feel compelled to cast his vote
against any proposition looking to an
amendment of the Constitution, which was
hereafter to govern the whole country.
N.r. Kelley (Pa.) declared that he should
support the proposed amendment, not be
cause he believed it to be absolutely needed,
but because there were some members on
the Republican side of the House who
doubted that the powers to be affected by
the amendment were not already to be
found in the Constitution? He believed
that they are to be found there. He pro
ceeded to read at length from the debates of
the various State conventions to adopt the
Constitution to show that the fourth section
of the first article, giving Congress the
. power to regulate the time, place and man
ner of holding elections for Senators and
Representatives, conferred power on
Congress to regulate the qualifications of
Mr. Chanler (N. Y. interrupted Mr.
Kelley to ask whether he recognized the
veto power as unconstitutional power, or as
an exercise of a constitutional power.
Mr. Kelley—l recognize the veto power as
one of the executive functions, which any
President legitimately exercises, and I
know that it is exercised under a responsi
bility to Congress and the people.
His hour having elapsed, and Mr. Hale
having obtained the floor,
Mr. Kelley asked that kris time should be
Mr. Hale said that he would yield if the
gentleman c Mr. Kelley) would only assure
him that be would touch the subject before
the House, which he had not yet done.
Mr. Kelley said he had been laying good
premises in order to enable him to make a
a conclusive argument on the question be
fore the House.
Mr. Hale would yield the floor with that
Mr. Kelley resumed his argument, read
ing, among other matters, the Virginia and
Kentucky resolutions of 1798.
Mr. Wright tN. J., inquired whether
these resolutions did not insist on State
Mr. Kelley—As my time is inflexibly
fixed by the courtesy of the gentleman front
New York, I cannot stop to argue the ques
Mr. Wright—Proceed, sir.
Mr. Kelley, after further citations, ad
mitted that the action of States and of the
Courts for eighty years and been against
the exercise by Congress of this right. It
had been misconstrued, and although a gap
of eighty years stood between this day ant!
the great era of constitutional truth, the
people would yet assert, and that under
Judicial sanction, the original power of the
Constitution. In conclusion, he said that
as others questioned whether the power
contained in the proposed amendment ex
isted in the Constitution, he hoped Congress
wodid submit this amendment to the people,
that they might by it enable Congress to
enforce and maintain those rights.
Mr. Hale (N. Y.) rose to state, with great
hesitation, why he should vote against the
proposed amendment. It was with
great hesitation that he dif
fered from the conclusions of the very able
joint committee which has reported the
amendment—a committee composed of gen
tlemen many of whom where eminent for
legal and constitutional learning; men
whose opinions must always carry weigh;
not only in the House but in the country
But be was consoled by the reflection that
the recommendation of the committee did
not carry with it to his mind so much weight
as it might have done if the veil of secrecy
thrown over all its proceedings had beeu re-
I moved, and the House could be favored with
the arguments to which the committee had
Mr. Grinnell (Iowa) asked whether it was
not always the custom to keep the proceed
ings of committees secret.
Mr. Hale should be very happy to favor
'he gentleman with his views on that sub
set and on other subjects, legislative, theo
ogical and scientific, but as it had nothing
to do with the matter in hand he should de
cline going into that matter. So far as the
Ii ouse was concerned, all it knew was that
a majority of that committee had reported
the tall. It came into the House with tha
weight and no more. It did not bear with
it the accumulated weight of the unanimous
voice of the committee. It seemed to him
that no weight of authority ought to brine
the House to pass the amendment, without
at least the most careful and scrutinizing
examination. That the tenor and effect of
the amendment was to bring about a more
radical change in the system of the govern
ment and to institute a wider departure
from the theory on which our fathers framed
it tban had ever before been proposed in any
legislative or constitutional assembly.
Na hat was the theory of' the Constitution?
Was it not in general that all power relating
to the exercise of national sovereignty,
powers relating to peace and war, and to the
enforcement of international law, were
given to Congress and the Federal govern
ment by the Constitution, and that all
powers affecting the relations of the indi
vidual citizen to the municipal government
and all local powers were reserved to the
State? He submitted that the proposed
amendment was in effect a provision under
'which all State legislation in civil and
criminal codes of procedure affecting the
individual citizen was to be over-ridden,re
pealed and aboilished, and a law of Congress
established in its place. He maintained
that in that respect the amendment was an
utter departure from every principle ever
dreamed of by the men who framed the
Mr. Stevens (Pa.)—Does the gentleman
mean to say that, under the amendment,
Congress can interfere in any case where
the legislation of a State isequal and itnpar
halt° all? Is it'not simply to provide that
where there is a distinction in the same law
g judgment
between different kinds' of individuals,
Congress may
Mr.n re H ss al m e ff n correctmy it does go
much further than the gentleman from
Pennsylvania would carry the idea. But
even al it did not go as far as that, it is still
opep to the same objection, that it isdepart
ing. entirely from the theory of-the Federal
Government meddlirig at• all -with , those
matters of State jurisdiction. It is a grant
of the most full and ample powers to Con,
greys to Make all laws necessary and proper
tor the protection of the rights of life, liberty
and property, with ;the simple pnoviso that
that protection mush be equal. It isinot
: mere provision.that when Staten undertake
,te give ptoteetion which is not equal Con
, Aresg may t'qualizelt."*ltis a grant of power
in general terms.' • _
•The debate was contintied at great length
:but without Anal' reaulti - • - Ir . • '
Mr; Davis (PI. Y,} obtained the floor,. and
the matter went over till' "to-morrow, when
it is understood Mr. Bingham will call for
thgt previous - qtiestion, aft& 'Mr..% Davis'.
speech, and bring the Houseto a.Vote °lithe f
passage of the joint resolution. , ---
Mr. Morrill (Vt.) - -from the Conimittee of
Ways and Means, reported a bill regulating
trade with thaßritish North American pos
sessions, which , was 'read twice and made
the special order for Friday next.
The Speaker presented a communication
from the Secretary_of the Treasury, with a
report of S. S. Hayes, United States Re
venue Commissioner, on petroleum as a
source of national wealth. Referred to Com
mittee on Ways and Means.
Mr.Woodbridge (Vt.) offered a resolution.
which was adopted, requesting the Presi
dent to communicate to the House all in
formation in his possession in relations to
the distribution of the rewards offered by
the Government for the arrest of they as
sassins of the late President Lincoln.
Mr. Julian (Ind.), from the Committee on
Public Lands, reported a bill to develop
and reclaim public lands requiring irriga
tion in lowa, Colorado, Arizona, Montana
and Navada. Recommitted.
Mr. Smith (Ky.) introduced a resolution,
which was adopted, requesting the -Presi
dent to communicate any correspondence
or information in possession of the govern
ment in reference to the term of office of
President Juarez, &c„ and the extraordi
nary powers given to him by the Congress
of the Mexican Republic.
Mv. CJbb (Wis.) offered a resolution,
which was adopted, directing the Secretary
of War to communicate the estimates based
on the surveys of Lake Superior harbor.
Mr. Hubbard offered a resolution, which
was adopted, directing the Secretary of the
Navy to furnish the names, &c., of chap
lains in the navy.
Mr. Raymond (N. V.) offered the follow
ing resolution, which was adopted:
Resolved, That the Committee on Com
merce be instructed to inquire into the ex
pediency of imposing light-house dues on
vessels arriving at or departing from ports
of the United States, and to report by bill
or otherwise.
Mr. Mercer offered a resolution instruct
ing the Judiciary Committee to inquire into
the expediency of providing by legislation
for the issuing of certificates to soldiers who
have lost their discharges.
Mr. Washburne (Ill.) remarked that he
knew some cases of great hardship that
came under this rule, and suggested that
the committee should have leave to report
at any time. The resolution, so modified,
was adopted.
Mr. Van Horn i s Mo.) offered the following
W7co-ca.3. The Emperor of France, at the
recent opening of the French Chambers, an
nounced his purpose of withdrawing his
troops from Mexico, expressing the hope
that the emotion axcited in this country
wculd be allayed by such declaration; and
whereas, the nation accepting such decla
ration in good faith, it is butroper that it
guaranteeshould insist as a for its fulfil
ment that no further empl yment of the
French troops in Mexico sh uld be made
except to preserve the static quo until the
• period of their withdrawal arrives. There-
'Resolved, That, in the judgment of Con
gress, the employment of French troops in
further conquest in Mexico would be, and
should be, considered as a violation of such
pledge on the part of France.
Referred to the Committee on Foreign
Mr. Driggs (Mich.) presented the joint
resolutions of the Legislatures of New York
and Wisconsin, in favor of an extension of
the time for completing the Portage Lake
Canal in Michigan, Sc. Referred to the
Commissioner of Public Lands.
Mr. Brandegee (Conn.) offered a resolu
tion, which was adopted, instructing the
Committee on Naval Affairs to inquire
into the advantages of a site offered to the
government on the river Thames, near New
London, Connecticut, for a navy yard or
naval station for iron-clads or other naval
vessels, and as to the expediency of accept
ing the same.
The. Rouse then adjourned.
iwatms & Buovilex4 i
No. 2+l South FRONT Street,
Have constantly on hand a complete assortment 0
CLOCKS, 3c, for Railroads, Ranks and Counting
Houses, which they offer at reasonable rates.
,dN. B. Partcalar attention paid to the repairing o
tine Watches and Clecim.
Chestnut St..Pl3.
Has Just received a large and splendid assortment o
Some !n plain cases. others beautifully enameled and
engraved and others inlaid with diamonds.•
Purr hasers wishing a handsome LADY'S WATCH
will do well to call at once and make a selec:ion.
Also a large assortment of
Gentlemen's and Boys' Watches,'
In Gold and Silver cases. E anti
Window GLASS Warehouse.
English, French and German
Window and Picture Glass
And Looking Glass Plates.
American Window, Picture and Car Glass.
Ornamental and Colored Glass.
205 -and 207 North Fourth Street,
- Pica.Amtrantre.
IaTAIL miff topons
attentio MOTH
STORE.--.IrAISIES. ea LEE invite H EAP en ol
their, friends and others to their large stock of season
able • goods, which they are' selling at greati9 redude 4 - 1
Superior Black French Cloths.
Superior Colored French Cloths.
twerboat Ciotllail qualities. • .•
Black Trench , Doeskins. •
Black French.Cassimeres:
Mixed and PlailYeruasizneres. , • ' •
FariCY Cassiznpres, of every descriPtiOn:._
scotch and Shepherd's Plaid Casalmprfo.
Cords, Iteaverteei3ti and Satinetts. ' • •
Plain and Neat Figured Silk ;VestingS.• -
•, • • Slafk•Satinaand Fancy Vestings. - .-• - -
With a ergo assortment or. Tailors'• .Trittrdngs,
Boys' wear, &X.; for gale, - wholesalJ.LlL e cirreteß,hy_
No.' 11 North Second et., Sign of the Oolden Lamb.
The subscribers are now receiving their Spring Im
portations of . -
They have prepared for exhibition 7 cases selected
expressly for them by I. N. RICHARDSON, SON dc
-0 WDEN, comprising a full assortment of
40, 42, 45, 50 and 54 INCH PILLOW LINEN.
10-4 and 124 IRISH SHEETING (finest imparted). 1
5.8 and a-4 SNOW DROP and DAMASK D ARKIN'S.
NAPKINS to match.
Also in Stock superior undressed FRENCH SHIRT—
St eppo.rd,Van Harlit gen&Arrisolt,
1005 Chestnut.:
S2S Arch Street.
Just opened, direct from Europe, the following
Heavy Table Linen, unbleached, at 75c, per yard.
Extra beady Power-loom do., yarn bleached, $1 per I'd;
Extra qualities and widths do. do., al 1 25.
New styles bleached Damasks, from $125 up to $3.
Extra qualities and widths, for hinge extension tables.
Real Barnsley Double Damasks, very scarce,
Heavy Ecorcb Damasks, in g eat variety.
Fine Irish Damasks, in great variety.
Every size, from yards up to 7 yards long,
Some beautiful 'I title Cloths, just opened.
Napkins a' - d Doylies in great variety, from the lon* es t,
up to the finest productious of the Damask loom,
Bath TOwels, from TX. no.
Red Border Chamber Towels. from 25e.31ap.
Heavy Bock 'Towels, wide red encl. , . at 7,; 2 e..
Bloom Damask Towels, handsome, ESC.
Fine Damask Towels. 412.5.
Turkish Towels, several sizes.
• 9-
A very handsome Huck Towel, with the National
colors introduced in stripes in the border, not to be
found in any other store in the city. V, and fl 25,
The best Linens only are used. arta as no Imperfect
stitching is passed into our stock. oar consumers may
rely in getting the best Shirt Bosoms possible for the
prices. Aliso, Wristbands and Collars. •
Ladles', Gents' and Children's Linen Hdirfs.„ In every
style, at Importer's prices.
A hill assortment of all the widths in Nursery Dia
pers. These Diapers will be found heavier and better
than usual for the prices.
Bird-eyes, all qualities: Limn Carnbrics and; Lawns..
A beantLful an Linen Cambric for Infanta' Under
clothing, from a 3c. up.
- No. 828 Arch street.
AQ Q I > &11
friffeitt ••••fi
gT4 Fourth and Arch
••to---r , • ZiiiilZlL•loitzliiA Vloio tA
1866. Spring Importation. 1866,
Has Just opened,
Figured Jaconets, Cambrics, NainsoOk, Dimi
ties. Swiss. Mull and other Muslins, compris
ing a most complete stock, to which the atten
non of purchasers is solicited as they are of
fered at a large REDIVTION from Rust SEA
100 pieces STURTURD MUSLINS for Bodies.
100 pieces PIQUES in ali varieties of style and
price from 90c. tort to.
too P aRIS °OFFERED SKIRTS, newest
styles, of my own importation.
14 o -T7zo
ILA Just reulenished their assortment of
And are row fully prepared to srpply families with
HALL CO., 26 South Secono street,would
invite the attention of the Ladies to their' Stock or
~nd recommend them purchasing noW,as we
bare no doubt of their having to Pay amuch advanced
price for them next month and the coming spring.
Colored Moire Antiques.
Black Moire Antiques,
Oolored Corded Silks,
Colored Poult de SoleS,
Black Cordee. . •
Black Groff Oraines,
Black Taffetas,
Black Oros de Rhlnee,
N. B.—A fine stock of Evening Silks on band.
tr 63, 70 and 0 superior a Iptica.s.
to CO NV ide Black Vi.ool Delaines. •
r -
so for iinest 02 wide Black Cashmeres. -
I 12 for new Spring Sbades Wide Wool Delahleis.
ew White Piques, Brilliantes, Cambrics, Plaids, &C..
Heavy Nursery Diap t ers. some extra wide goods,
F nie4o.c Toweis a bargain,
ts and fa Napkins en are much under value. •
Itlchtirdsoll'a . Heavy L hirting and fine Frilatb3C
a coludin ,
S. E. corner Ninth and 3iarketaitieetB.
84f gl'lnrY A : l Zgt wfttlEirir
finish; iutatata Evening lo3a.
4-4 White Alpacas.
White Irish Poplins,
• White Wool Poplins,
- Pearl Color Irish Poplins,
White Opera Cloths,
White Cloths, with Spots.
. Scarlet Cloths.
EDWIN BALL it CO.. 26. Sout h Second at.
- -
Sp r iag hintses and Percales.
'Lawns, Organdietrand Challies.
Plata and , Plaid Traveling !gat eriaL
Marseilles and Ph:omila variety.
%Veda and Buff Ground lo ohatrs. ••
purple and White and Green and White Plaids.
hiTlSLlNeVat,wholesale prices at
9T08..43..dtM00D'5. 702 Arch street.
72.13KRTA GRAPEB.—no kegs" of tbesd-iiiden
ziL. white grapes in fine order landing and for sale by
JOB. B. 111188 DER.& 00 1 10. Itionth Delaware avenue*