Daily evening bulletin. (Philadelphia, Pa.) 1856-1870, February 27, 1866, Image 2

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SENATE,—At one o'clock theregniarerder
was taken up, being the oonetirrent matt.
ton declaring that no Senators or Represen
tatives from the lately rebellion:3 States shall
eceived in either H ouse until stioli State
shall have been declared by Congress end.-
- tied to representation. •
Mr. Sherman (Ohio) took the floor. He
bommence& by remarking that the Senate
• 'bad decided on three occasions that Congress
bad the power asserted in the resolution.
,The object of the resolution, as it was made
;toned was to close agitation on this subject.
- .11 be believed it would have this effect he
would vote for it mch more cheerfaliy than
would otherwise,u but he did not believe
"sit would close the agitation. He regarded it
"as a mere straw in the stream, thrown in. at
A' at an inopportune moment,a mere assertion
of a right that could not be disputed. If
Congress failed to agree very' soon upon a
plan of reconstruction he did not believe the
pending resolntion would prevent either'
House from acting upon its own responsi
bility in the reception of its own members.
What was wanted was a plan of reconstruc
tion from Congress upon which these South
ern States could be received back into the
Union with safety 'to the country.
The Wade and Davis bill, Mr. Sherman
said, was the only attempt ever made by
Cong?ess to provide for civirgoVernmenes in
rebel_.States. The fate of that was well
know, and it was also well known that the
manifesto issued by Messrs. Wade and
Davis after the bill had been vetoed did not
meet the approval of the people.
. • Mr. Sumner interrupted Mr. Sherman, to
say that immediately after the proclamation
of Mr. hincoln respecting the veto of the
Wade and Davis bill, he had an interview
with Mr. Lincoln, and he (Lincoln) ex
pressed his regret that he had not approved
Referring to the lately rebellious States,
Mr. Sherman said they were States still.
They had been in insurrection, but every
branch of the government had regarded them
as States whose relations to the government
bad been, disturbed by the war. The first
duty of Congress was to provide for taking
these States, one by one, each upon its own
merits. Mr. Sherman next compared the
reconstruction policy of President Johnson
with that .of his predecessor`, Mr. Lincoln,
showing that the one was a continuation of
the other, with the exception that Mr, John
son's plan was the most severe in its re
.- quirements from the rebels. The principal
objection that had been made against the
President was that he had not included the
- negrees among those whom he declared en
titled to vote in the South. It should be re
membered that colored men were prohibited
by law from voting in the South, as they are
in every State in the Union except six. The
prejudices of the army were against it also.
- In making laws, the prejudices of the people
must be taken into consideration.
Mr. Sherman next referred to the speech
made by the President on the 22d. He
_ thought.no man who - was a friend of John
son would be unwilling to wipe that out of
his history. It was impossible to conceive
a more humiliating spectacle than that of
the President of the United States address
ing-such a crowd as ,called on him on the
22d. He regretted especially the paragraph
in the speech 'referring by name to Messrs.
Stevens and Sumner, but it should be re
membered that Johnson was a combative
man, that he had always been noted for his'
force in repelling assaults made upon him.
Mr. Sumner had 'recently accused him of
whitewashing, and though no affront was
intended, this language was evidently con
strued into an affront.
• It should not be forgotten thatMr.Stevens
proclaimed Andrew Johnsonan alien enemy
in the Baltimore Convention, and that he
recently said in the House that for certain
language used by the President a British
Ring would have lest his head two hundred
• years ago. These facts must be takett into
consideration in making up judgment apon
this unfortunate speech. The most injudi
cious paragraph init was that which charges
certain gentlemen with conspiring at his
• assassination. This was simply ridiculous,'
and he believed there was not a man in the
country who thought differently. Still there
was much in the speecliworthy.of conside
ration. Prompted by his anxiety to see the
Southern States speedily restored to their
constitutional relations, he (Mr. Sherman)
• did not: approve of the veto of the Freed.-
, men's bill. He voted for thebill and against
the veto, but still he recognized in the veto
no extraordinary or unauthorized act of the
President, and nothing but the exercise of
a constitutional right. While he was anxious
to see a mode adopted by which loyal men
from the South might be admitted to Con
gress, he never would consentato the admis
sion of any man who had taken part in the
rebellion, and he never would vote for the
.reveal of the test oath.
He believed the people of the country de
- mended a change in the - basis of representa
tion, so as to keep the rebel States from
-.coming back here with increased represenz
. • tion, as they would do under the freedom of
- ,-the blacks according to the present basis.
:He believed • the best and fairest basis of
.....:representation would be voters and not
'population, although he should probably
- vote for the proposition now pending iu the
e ?Senate which recognized population as the
=basis. He did not believe Mr. Sumner's
... proposition, to declare universal suffrage by
. 1 act of Congress, was practicable. •
* ,
Mr: Sherman said, in conclusion, I have
• - thus, Mr. President, endeavored to show
- that to this hour no act has been done by
the President inconsistent with his oblige
_ tiona tathe great Union party that elected
bim. Difference§ have arisen, but they
' -.have arisen upon new questions not/within
the contemplation of the Union party, or
the Union people, when the President was
- . -nominated. I have also shown that he has
acted in pursuance of a policy adopted by
-Mr. Lincoln and approved by the people,
and that no, event has yet transpired that
will:preclude him from a hearty co-opera
•' with the great mass of the Union.party
in securing to the country the objects for
which we conducted successfully, a great,
war. That events have transpired; that
utterances have been made tending in that
direction, no one will deny; the surest evi
dence of it is thejOy of the worst enemies of
the countrOver our divisiens., I find in
a recent paper this significant paragraph:
F. " . "DArrori, Ohio, 4?eb. 20.—The Demo
emu of Dayton had a jollification. over
President Johnsott's veto of the Freedmen's
' 44 Bureau bill, thisafternoon, firing one hun
dred guns. Vallandinkham made a brief
speech, saying the Democracy did not elect
' • Johnson, - but it is, now their duty to stand
-by him. He announce a mass meeting
in future for exultation( A flag floats from
• Vallmdinghara's winddw."
Mr.. Poland—May I ask ' whicli flag it
Mr. Sherman—l don't know, the despatch
does not state.
-.Mr. Nye—lf he flew his own flag it was a
rebel flag.
Mr. Sherman—Now I am aware of no ea
; lamity more disgraceful than for us by our
tdivisions- to surrender to men who were
• enemies to their country in time of war, any.
, 2 or all of the powers of this government. He
. _who contributes:in any way to this result
deServes the execrations of, his countrymen;
'• and this may, be done by thrusting upon
.the President new , issues in which the well
, Lknown principles , of his life do not agree
with thaJindgment;of his pnlitacal associates.
, : may le done by inviting, controversy. of
apersonalgharacter; it maybe done by the
-„Presideat turning his back upon who
trusted him... with high powers; and thus
his name. with one'of the 'moat
, gratefal in American - bistory—that 'of John
• . I feel an abiding confidence that
c.'4.,alaidrew Johnson , will not and cannot do.
Witt; and sir who Will deny that the Leer-
Heating and intolerant will of Henrylay
t,ehtributed 'very much to the defection cit'
;tau Tyler: :But the. divisioh of the Whig
party was an event utterly 'insignificant 'in,
comparison with, the evil` results of ..a divi
sion in the Union party., Where will be the
four millions of slaves whom:PY Your Polley
you have emancipated? What would be
their inevitable fate if now' surrendered to
the custody of the rebels of the South? Will
you, by your demand of universal suffrage,
destroy the power of the - Union party to
protect them in their 'dearly purchased
liberty? Will you, by new issues upon
which you know you have not the views of
the people,
_jeopardize those rights, which
you can, by tne aid of the Union party, se
cure to the freedmen ? We know that the
President cannot, will not, and never can
agree to unite with us upon the issues of
universal:suffrage and dead States. No
such dogmas_ were contemplated when, for
hiS heroic service in the cause Of the Union,
we placed him -side by side with Mr. Lin
coln as our standard-bearer. Why dwell
upon them;?. Why not complete the work
so gloriously :done by our soldiers by se
curing Union and liberty, to all men, with
out distinction of color, leaving to the States,
as before, the question of suffrage The
curse of. God—the maledictions of millions
of our people and the tears and blood of
new-made freemen. will, in, my judgment,
rest upon 'those who now for any cause de
stroy the unity of the great party that has
led us through the wilderness of war and
brought us into peace and repose.
We must now look to our public credit.
We have duties to perform to the business
interests of the country in which we need
the assistance of the President. •We have
every motive for harmony with him and
with each other, and for a generous and
manly trust in his patriotism. If ever the
time shall come when I can no longer con
fide in his devotion to the principles upon
which he was elected, I will bid farewell to
Andred Johnson with unaffected sorrow.
I well remember when he stood in this very
spot five years ago, repelling, with unex
ampled courage,the assaults of traitors.
He left in their hands wife, children, pro
perty and home, and staked their all in
the result. I well remember that, when a
retreating 'general would have left Nash•
ville to its fate, he again with heroic courage
maintained his post. I well remember the
fierce conflicts and trials through which he
and his fellow compatriots in East Tennes
see maintained our cause in the heart of the
confederacy. I well remember the struggle
he had with the aristocratic element of Ten
nessee,never a shamed of his origin,and never
far from the hearts 'of the people.
Sir, ' you must not sever the great Union
party from this loyal element of; the
Southern States. No theories of possible
Utopian good can compensate for the loss
of such patriotism and devotion. Time, as
he tells you in his message, is a great ele
ment of reform and time is on our side. I
remember the homely and encouraging
words of a pioneer in the anti-slavery
cause, an expelled Methodist preacher from
the. South, who told those who were behind
him in opinion, "Well, friends, I'll block
awhile. We must all travel together.'.! So
I say to all who doubt Andrew Johnson,
who wish to move more rapidly than he can,
to block up awhile,to consolidate their great
victory, with the certainty 'that reason and
the Almighty will continue their work.
All wisdom will not die with us. The
.highest human wisdom is todo all the good
you can, but not to sacrifice a possible good
to attempt the impracticable. God knows
that I do not urge harmony and consolida
tion from personal motives. The people
of my native State have entrusted me with
a position here,. extending four years be
yond the termination (4 the Presitiential
office of the present incumbent. He can
grant me no favor. If T believed for a
moment that he would seek an affiance
with those who, by either arms or counsel,
or even apathy, were against this country
in the recent war, and will turn over to
them the high powers entrusted to him by
the Union party, then, in; he is dishonored,
and will receive no assistance from me.
But I will not force him' into this attitude..
,If he shall prove false to p the - declaration
made by him in his veto message, that his
strongest desire was to Secure to the freed
men the fall enjoyment of their freedom
and property, then .I will not quarrel with
him as to the means used;, and while, as he
tells us in this same message, he only asks
for States to be represented which are pre
sented in an attitude of loyalty and har
mony, and in the persons of representatives
whose loyalty cannot be questioned under
any constitutional or legal test; surely we
ough not to separate from him until, ai
least, we prescribe a test of their loyalty
upon which we are willing to stand. We
have not done it yet.
I will not try him by new creeds. I will
not denounce him him for hasty words, ut
tered in repelling personal affronts. I see
him yet surrounded by the Cabinet of Abra
ham Lincoln, pursuing his policy. No
word from me shall drive him into political
fellowship with those who, whenhe was one
of the moral heroe' of this war denouuced
him, spat upon him, and despitefully-used
him. The association must be self-sought;
and even then I will part with him in sor
row, but :with the abiding hope that the
tame Almighty power that has guided us
through the-recent war will be with us still
in our new difficulties, until every State is
restored to its full communion and fellow
'ship, and until our nation, purified by war,
will assume among the nations of the earth
the grand position hoped for by Washing
ton, Clay, Webster Lincoln and hundreds
of thousands of ilk named heroes who gave
up their lives,'for its glory.
At' the conclusion of Mr. Sherman's
speech, Mr. Trumbull, in the course of
some remarks on a motion to postpone the
further consideration of this subject until to
morrow, said he had heard it said there
were men in Congress in favor of keeping
the Southern States out indefinitely. He
had never met any man in either House
who was not anxious to see those States re
admitted at the earlier possible time con
sistent with the safety of the country.
Mr. Wade (Ohio) rose to reply to some re
marks from' his colleague (Mr. Sherman),
in relation to what was known as the Wade
and Davis manifesto.' He understood his
colleague - to say that he and Mr. Davis had
been censured by the people for their protest ,
against the President's action on the Re
construction bill. '
Mr. Sherman said he did not say his col
leagne was censured. He said he did not
believe his (Wade's) course was approved
by the people.
Mr. Wade, after explaining the: nature of
the bill vetoed by Mr. Lincoln, ;said that
Mr. Lincoln having issued a proclamation
on the subject,'-he and Mr. Davis felt it
necessary to reply to him also with a procla
mation. Mr. Lincoln' having appealed to
the people, they felt that they must do so
The further consiaeration of, the concur
rent resolution was postponed until one
o'clock to-morrow. -
-On motion of Mr. Chandler (Mich.) the
Senate:proceeded to the consideration of the
bill to authorize the establiiihnient , of tele
graphio communication between New York
and the West Indies i It authorizes the In
ternational Ocean Telegraph Company, in
corporated under the laws of New York, to
lay a telegraph cable from:the United States
tt) the Island of Cana and the Bahamas '
either, or both,and other West Indiaislands
It authorizes the company to import, free
oliduty-, all material to kin used for the con
' struction of the, line, provided_. that, at all
..times - duriug war the United States shall
have free-use of the, : line, ,and ;provided,
urtber, that the.cables must be laid within
five years, otherwise this giant to be null
and void. The,privileges granted >s exclu
aye for, twenty-five years) Congress reserv
iiitthe right to repeal, alter or, amend the
' Mr. Grimes (Iowa) doubted the jurisdic
tion of Congress over this matter. Hedid
not believe Congress had any, more right in
the premises than:the State of New York
had; and if it had the jurisdiction, it ought
not to grant an exclusive right to any com
pany. •
Mr. Chandler held that Congress had full
jurisdiction under the, constitutional clause
for the regulation of commerce to pass this
Mr. Fessenden. (Me.) spoke against the ,
expediency of the measure. He did not be
lieve it wise for Congress to confer an ex
clusive privilege for twenty-five years upon
any one company, _He concurred in the
opinion of Mr. Grimes. •
Mr. Clark (N. H.) thought the pro Visions
of the bill gave too much power to the com
pany. It gave the right to the company to
enter any navy-yard, or any land on the
coast, over which the United States had ju
risdictiOn, and gave it exclusive control for
twenty-five years. He moved to strike out
the word "sole" before privilege.
Mr. Conness (Cal.) spoke against tho bill,
arguing that it was unwise to confer the ex
clusive privileges contemplated in it.
Mr. Clark withdrew his amendment, and
moved to recommit the bill to the Commit
tee on Commerce. Adopted.
The Senate at 4.15 adjourned.
Hamm—Mr. Bingham (Ohlo),from Com
mittee on Reconstruction, reported the fol
lowing joint resolution,proposing an amend
ment to the Constitution of the United
Resolved, By the Senate and . House of
Representatives of the United States of
America in Congress assembled, two-thirds
of both houses concurring, That the follow
ing article be proposed to the Legislatures
of the several States, as an amendment to
the Constitution of the United States,which,
when ratified by , three-fourths of the said
Legislatures, shall be valid as part of said
Constitution, viz:
Article —. The Congress shall have power
to make all laws which shall be necessary
and proper to secure to the citizens of each
State all privileges and immunities of citi
zens in the several States, and to all per
sons in the several States equal protection
in the rights of life, liberty and property.
Mr. Bingham said he would not detain
the House by any lengthened argument in
support of the joint resolution. If such
legislation had been on the statute book so
as to enforce the constitutional requirements
in every State, the rebellion which had
charred the land would then have been an
The proposed amendment imposed no
obligations on any State or on any citizen
in a State which was not now enjoined upon
them by the Constitution. It was impossi
ble for man to frame words more obligatory
than those already in the Constitution en
joining this great duty on the several States
and the several officers of all the States.
But it was equally clear that by every con
struction of the Constitution in its cotempo
xaneous and continued construction that
great provision contained in the second
section of the fourth article and in a portico
of the fifth amendment adopted by the First
Congress in 1789, that immortal guarantee
of rights, had hitherto depended on the
action of the several States. The House, thi ,
country and the world knew that all legis
lative, all executive, all judicial offices in
eleven States of the Union had, within the
last five years, violated this proposition of
the Constitution, the enforcement of which
was absolutely essential to American na
By order of the Committee on Reconstruc
tion, and for the purpose of giving to the
whole people the care of the General Govern
ment, without which American nationality
should cease, he would press tbe adoption
of 'this amendment on the House, and,
through the House,press it on the conside
ration of the loyal people of the whole coun
try. He submitted it to the deliberate and
dispassionate judgment of the House.
Mr. Rogers said that he had hoped, from
what bad transpired within the past few
days, that the time had come when the Con
stitution was to be secured from invasion.
When he had read the words of the Presi
dent of the United States, in commemora
tion of that immortal inst rument. He had
believed that no more amendments to it
would be proposed by Congress. He had
believed that the agitation which had been
kept up here against that instrument until,
as the President said, "there would be no
more respect entertained for it than for the
resolutions of a town meeting, - was about
to cease. He was opposed to the proposed
amendment. It would be found to be the
embodiment of a principle of centralization
and of the disfranchisement of the States.
If the Constitution, as the gentleman (Mr.
Bingham) admitted, covered this matter,
why, in this time of great public excite
ment, attempt to engraft upon it an amend
ment which carries into effect no powers but
those that are already claimed to be con
tained in it. The framers of the Constitu
tion had never intended to give to Congress
the power to enter into a State and di
rect its legislation in regard to the rights
and privileges of citizens.
Mr. Kelley (Penna.) desired to ask the
gentleman. in connection with his allusion
to the President, whether he was not the
same Andrew Johnson who, when a repre
sentative, submitted no less than nine
amendments to that sacred instrument in
one session.
Mr. Rogers—That may be all so. I am
not here as the advocate of Andrew Johnson,
but as the advocate of the great doctrine of
constitutional liberty which he lays down.
What was the use, he asked of the amend
ment of the Constitution in view of we
bill to protect all persons in the Unitc)d
States in their civil rights, which had
panned the Senate by the almost entire vote
of the Republican party, if that bill be con
stitutional? He alluded to the bill intro
duced by Senator Trumbull on the sth of
January last, enacting that there should be
no discrimination in civil rights and im
munities among the inhabitants of States
on account of race or color, or their former
condition of slavery.
This was another attempt to consolidate
the powers of the General Government;
another step towards imperial despotism;
another step towards blotting from the na
' tionalflag the stars eniblematfc of the States,
and to concentrate under the .Federal-Go
vernment greater powers than are claimed
by the Czar a Russia or the Emperof of
France. If this amendment were adopted
and ratified, Congress could enact under it
a law establishing miscegenation in South
Carolina, and compelling the people of that
State to be degraded by marriage with per
sons of negro blood. The right of marriage
certainly came under the general meaning
of "privileges and immunities," and a
black man could, under the proposed mea
sure, go into a State and claim , the privilege
of marrying a white woman. Under the '
proposed amendment an act of Congress
might be passed compelling the State of
South Carolina to allow negroes to marry
white women. He quoted from the Fede
ralist to prove that the powers reserved to
the several States extended to all the mat
ters which concern the lives, liberties and
properties of the people, and the internal
order, improvement and , prosperity of the
State. This amendment proposed to take
away those rights of the States, and compel
.by act of Congress the abrogation Of all the
statutes of the States which make a die- '
crimination between crimes ConUni4ed bY
black , men and those aornmitted by white
Men; instancing the State 'of Kentucky,
where the crime of rape committed; by . a
black mint is punished with eleatli,'and
tbe case of a white Mart with imprisonment.
He also referred to the laws), in ,several of
the frew'States inakirig distinction between
chools 'for white and'schools for colored
hildten, which 'would also ibe ;abrogated
under the prOposed antenduk44; i He spoke
of Mr. Seward as the noble hero of liberty,
whom he was pleased, to see standing up
recently in the city of New York.defending
those e .-principles without. which -popular
right' ,were a mere myth. He Vas willing
to. follow in: his. (Mr. Seward* track. He
was 'willing to sink all Tirades iri oblivion;
:Willing to bury;them so low that -the trum
pet of. Gabriel would- never be heard by
them. But the' object of this"amendment
was to place a wall of living fire between
Northern-fanaticism and Southern rebellion,
to make the gap so deep, so broad and so
wide that the Southern States would have
to - come in simply as dependencies of the
Federal Government, which would have a
right to legislate fox' and to control all their
municipal, concerns.
He denounced the Committee on Recon
struction as the committee of despotism—a
Jacobin committee—as a body which is a
disgrace to the country. The liberties of
France were never more invaded by Na
poleon than the liberties of this country
were now invaded by that committee.
At this stage of his remarks Mr. Rogers,
carried away by the heat of declamation,
had turned his back to the Speaker.
Mr. Washburn (Ind.) made the point of
order that the gentleman should address the
Chair and not the galleries.
Mr. Rogers apologized for the' uninten
tional discourtesy.
Mr. Kelley proposed, in order to give the
gentleman time to recover his exhausted
energies, to occupy a moment in showing
that we are net oppressed, or likely to be
oppressed, by any of the dangers in which
the French people were subjected under
Bonaparte or any of the revolutionists.
Mr. Rogers yielded to the gentleman.
Mr. _Kelley, read from There' History a
page illustrating the manner of Bonaparte
after his return from Egypt, prescribing
him as quiet, reticent, thoughtful, listening
and observing, but opening his mouth to no
one, which was all deep policy. After the
reading of the extract he remarked—Our
Bonaparte does not wail—
Mr. Rogers—Mr. Speaker, we have no
Bonaparte. We have a pure man. We
have a man who has come up from the
humblest walks of life. We have a man
who has never allowed himself to be put
down by the aristocracy. We have a man
who is the embodiment of civil liberty. We
have a man who believes that the govern
ment was made for the benefit of the white
men and white women of the country, and
not at all for the benefit of negroes or negro
Here there was some applause in the gal
leries, which was promptly suppressed by
tpe Speaker.
Mr. Rogers, resuming his denunciation of
the Reconstruction Committee, declared
that a more fatal and bloody tyranny did
not insult humanity when Louis XIV. ex
%claimed, "I am the State,".' Nero harbored
no deeper feeling against the Roman people
than this committee now did against the
rights and liberties of the American people.
When Charles the First sent his soldiers
into the British Parliament, and arrested
five of its members for their outspoken sen
timents of liberty, be did not begin to defy
the principles of the constitutional freedom
so openly as they were defied by this Jaeo
bin committee.
Mr. Randall (Pa.) inquired whether the
gentleman was at liberty to communicate
to the House the character of the tyranny
of that committee, and what are the dangers
with which it threatens the country.
Mr. Rogers replied that he was not priv
ileged to speak of anything except what had
taken place publicly in the House, but it
the gentleman would look at the constitu
tional amendment proposed by that com
mittee he 'Auld see that they were the em
bodiment of tyranny; and what were they
all designed for? They were designed for
the purpose of keeping eleven States out of
the Union; for the purpose of blotting out
eleven of the glorious stars of the banner of
the country. He referred the gentleman
from Pennsylvania to the constitutional
amendmentprohibiting a State from paying
its own debts—there was as much right to
prevent New Jersey paying hers; to the
constitutional amendments declaring that
no State shall retain or pass laws making
any distinction between people on account
of race or color, and to the constitutional
amendment stripping the people of the
Southern States of millions worth of
property invested under the Constitution of
the United States. He hoped that no
Southern State would ever subscribe to such
a condition. "Before" said he, "I will see
the liberties of this people trampled down
by fanaticism I am willing with the people
of the country to take the sword and cannon
to defend those liberties against any body of
men who attempt to destroy the unity of
this great nation."
*Mr. Randall (Pa.) again inquired why the
gentleman was not at liberty to answer his
tormer question and whether any additional
measure of secrecy had been imposed upon
him by the Committee.
Mr. Rogers replied that enough had been
done to show the feelings and objects of the
Committee. The gentleman from Pennsyl
vania (Mr. Stevens) occupied, in his opinion,
the only other logical ground in this whole
controversy; the one exactly in opposition
to that occupied by himself (Mr. Rogers).
There was no middle ground tenable.
Mr. Kelley inquired what debt the States
were prevented from paying?
Mr. Rogers—lt is proposed to prohibit the
payment of the rebel debt. Such a measure
is the"very emblem andquintessenee of des
potism and tyranny.
Mr. Kelley—l beg leave to ask whether
New Jersey contracted any debt in support
of thelate confederacy.
Mr. Rogers—l suppose the gentleman does
not want to insult me.
Mr. Kelley—l only ask the question be
cause the gentleman insists that we have no
right to prevent New Jersey from paying
her debt.
Mr. Rogers—l used that as an argument
to show that New Jersey stood in the same
position as South Carolina. GA. laugh.]
New York stands where South Carolina
stands, Pennsylvania stands where South
Carolina stands, and I say that South Caro
lina has as much right to come into the halls
of Congress, in the persona of her Senators
and Representatives, as Pennsylvania has.
Mr. Kelley—l am satisfied. [A laugh.]
Mr. Rogers went on to argue the uncon
stitutionality of the test oath.
Mr. McKee (Ky.) inquired whether the
gentleman from New Jersey was in favor of
nullifying a law of Congress before the con
stitutionality of that law had been passed
upon by the proper tribunal.
Mr. Rogers—No, sir; lam not for nullify
ing a law of Congress ; but I have a right to
stand here and protest against a law which
I believe to be unconstitutional.
Mr. McKee—How could you have repre
sentatives from South. Carolina before the
test oath is decided to be unconstitutional ?
Mr. Rogers—The way to get them into the
House is to repeal that law; to recognize in
the Spirit of christianity the people of the
South as our brethren; to remember that
their fathers and ours fought side by side on
the fields of the revolution. Repeal this ob
noxious and unjust law, and let every one
of the States of the Union be represented
Mr: Schenck (Ohio,)—Are you opposed to
every alteration in the 'Constitution on the
ground that it has a tendency to change that
instrument? [Laughter.] ' '
Mr. Rogers=That is one of the grounds.
[Laughter.] Another ground is that it is
dangerous to interfere with the ancient land
marks that our fathers have set,_artifanother
that ground is all these amendments of the
*Constitution have a tendency to keep,eleven
States out of the Union and prevent the con
summation of the great object for Nihiehour
soldiers offered their lives. - •
Mr. Rogers , Spoke for an hour and a half,
his time having beenextended. .
Mr. Rigby (Cal.) got the floor.
Mr.: - Backs-1t- is manifest that this .de--
bate cannot be finished to-night. It is very
important that the joint resolution to pro
vide` for the expenses attending the exhibi
tion of the producti of industry of the
United States• _at the Extiositioliat Paris in
1867 should be taken up. • •
Mr. Hale (ht. Y.)—l rise to suggest that
the amendment reported by the joint com
mittee has taken me by surprise, as I pre
sume it has the majorityof the House. We
had no notice that it would be brought in
this morning.
Mr. Bingham—l gave notice some days
ago that I would bring it back..
Mr. Hale--I do not say this by way of
complaint; but it is an amendment of vast
importance. and one which requires the
most careful consideration. Ido not pro
pose to discuss it, but it strike me as liable
to many grave and serious objections., This
being so, I suggest whether it would not be
better to have_ it made a special order and
set down for a day certain. I make this
suggestion without any feeling of hostility
towards-the amendment any further than
may be justified by careful consideration.
Mr. Bingha.m—lf it can be made the spe
cial order for an early day I have no objec
Hale proposed next Thursday.
Speaker stated that two special orders,
tikrupt bill and the Loan bill, would
,kr.precedence of it.
Mr. Bingham hoped that the House would
et'it go over until to-morrow as unfinished
Mr. Eldridge (Wis.) suggested that there
was no need of pressing it, inasmuch as' the
Senate would tax° full time to discuss it and
all other . measures. He proposed that it
should be made a special order, and should
come after the Bankrupt bill and the Loan
Mr. Smith (Ky.) asked that the gentle
man from New Jersey (Mr. Rogers) be al
lowed to continue his remarks.
Mr. Kelley made a similar suggestion, of
fering to let him have the rest of the day..
Mr. Eldridge did not want the gentle
man's time to be further extended,if it were
to be for thetpurpose of injecting speeches of
the gentleman front Pennsylvania (Mr.
Kelley) into his (Mr. Rogers'.)
Mr. Randall (Pa.) also objected.
Mr. Kelley suggested that Mr. Rogers
should have leave to proceed.
Mr. Rogers declined, stating that he never
wrote speeches. If he could not be permit
ted to speak extempore he would not ask
any such favor.
Mr. Kelley—Then the House will be pun
ished by its own action. [A laugh.]
Mr. Banks (Mass.)—l will ask the House
to take up the resolution for the Industrial
Exposition at:Paris. I desire to have read a
communication showing the necessity for
immediate action.
Mr. Washburne (111.)—I object. lam ot,-
-pd§ed to it decidedly, and I will state why I
object. Last Monday the gentleman from
Massachusetts (Mr. Banks) got in a meas
ure, under a suspension of the rules, which,
I understand, will cost the government a
half-million of dollars, for the benefit of the
Russian and American Telegraph Company,
wliose stock is selling for 200 per cent pre
Mr. Banks—That measure passed this
House almost unanimously.
Mr. Washburne (I1L)—I know it, because
the House knew nothing about it.
Mr. Banks—l am confident that no such
expenditure will be required for that enter
prise, but if did cost the government half a
million of dollars, that would be a cheap
outlay for bringing into communication
with us six hundred millions of the people
of Europe and Asia. But, I say to the gen
tleman from Illinois, it will not cost a half
million dollars, a hundred thousand dollars,
nor any other sum.
Mr. Washburne (til.)—That was the esti
mate of the Navy Department.
After some further discussion the consti
tutional amendment went over to come
to-morrow after the reading of the journal.
Mr. Banks moved to suspend the rules fo
enable him an opportunity to bring up the
joint resolution in relation to the Paris Ex
Mr. Washburne (III.) demanded the yeas
and nays, and on their being taken the
rules were not suspended, two-thirds not
voting in favor thereof. Yeas 61, nays 43.
Mr. Rogers asked leave to introduce a
petition in favor of the eight hours' labor
movement. Objection was made, and the
House adjourned.
Petitions were presented by Mr. O'Neill
(Pa.) from the printers, booksellers and
publishers of Philadelphia, urging ,that the
tax on finished books may be abolished,and
a specific duty of twenty-five cents per
pound be laid on imported books, in addi
tion to the ad valorem duty now existing.
By Mr. Darling (N. Y.), similar petitions
from New York.
By Mr. Taylor (N. Y.), petitions from
manufacturers, etc., of barrels and casks,
asking relief from the present onerous tax.
By Mr. Windom (Minn.) memorials by
the Legislature of Minnesota for the estab
lishment of an emigrant and post route
from Redwood Falls, on the Minnesota
river, to the gold region of Montana terri
tory, etc.
kLIr . ,ILOMUMatZ..IIaaU3N
1866, Spring Importation. 1866.11
Has Just opened,
1,000 PIECES WHITE GOODS, , p 7 .
Figurtd Jaconets, Cambritm, Nainsook, Dimi- (Al
ties. Swiss, Mull and other Ablating, compris
ing a moot complete stock, to which the atten-
Von of purchasers is solicited as they are of
fered at a large REDUCTION from last SEA- ok
100 pieces SHIRRED DiTISLINS for Bodies.
100 pieces PIQUES in all varieties of style and 4 0 I
price from 900. to p 50.
of y mGOF ow FE n
imp RED SKIRTS, newest
styles, ortation. •
MIA kr ft Aziraftßifi 4111,2-.4•1
just replenished their assortment of
And are now fully prepared to supply families with
IGIDWIN 'HALL ds CO., 26 South no stteet, would
£ invite the attention of the Ladles to their stock of
SILKS, andlecoMmend them purchasing now, as we
have no doubt of their having to pay a much advanced
price for them next month and the coming spring.
Colored Moire Antiques,
, wk Moire Antiques,
Colored Corded Silks,
Colored Eoult de Soles,
' Black Corded Silks
Black Gros Grains,
Black Taffetas,
Black Gros de Rhine's,
N. B.—A fine stock Of Evening Silks on hand.
hi 63 75 and 3. superior Alpacas.
SI.N Vide Black Wool Delaines. •
tli 50 for finest $2 wide Black Cashmeres.
.12 for new Spring Sbades Wide Wool Delaines.
ew White Piques, Brilliantes, Cambrics, Plaids, &d.
Heavy Nursery Diapers; some extra wide goods,
Bine Towels ; :40-cent Towels— a bargain,
esand 35 Napkins are much under value.
iallardson'S Heavy Lhixting and fine Fronting
• .
S. E, corner N inth and Market streets.
Spring Chintzes and Percales. '
Lawns, Organdies and Chillies.
Plain and Plaid Traveling Material.
llarseilles and Pique, in'variety:
. . liodeand Buff Ground Di °hairs. .
Pimple and•white and Green and White Plaids. i
1i1081,1138 at wholesale prices at , , ...
tiT9IOD3 4 WOOD'B,7o2.B.rchataietv,
114 , 11Pfuivi i .ELNT
The Bight Place To Go.
For the best and largest .stock of
Linens. -
For Linen Goods of the best quality,
Fot pure Linens, warranted.
For Linens at Importer's' prices.
For Irish Shirting Linens.
For SW died Shirt Bosoms.
For Table Linens, all kinds.
For Linens, - Shmtings and Pillow
Nursery, Diapers and Bi - d Eyes,.
Toweling, all kinds,
Linen Lawns and Cambrics.
Linen. Thins and . Coatings.
For all kinds of Linen Goods.
.2.54 Arch street.
F. B.—Tbe - new styles of Linen Cambric Dresses ezz
pected by next steamer from Europe. feta at
The subscribers are now opening a fresh and choice
assortnient of the newest and most approved styles Oi
Such as French and English Cambric Muslin, heavy
and light, soft and extra width, Wash Blond, Jaconet
Nainsook, India Mull, Tarlatans, Sheer French Has..
lin. Swiss 31uslin,.plain and figured, Lace striped Mus...-
lin , Lace plaid Muslin.
Embroidered lace striped Muslin, Plaid Organdie
Plaid and Striped Nainsook and Cambric Hair Cord
Checks and Striped.
Brilliants—lndia. Twills, striped and plain Cambria
and French Dimities, Bishop and Victoria Lawns+
E hirred Muslin, Tucked Muslin. White Pique, Linea
Cambrics, Percales, Black and White Wegan,
dz. Also,
A full assortment of Cambric Edgings and Insert:
Logs, Hamburg Es gings and Insertings, Embroidered
Bands, Swiss Edgings and Insertings, Vincennes
Edging, Embroidered and Plaits Linen Breakfast
- .
Cambric Hdkfe, Embroidered, Ifemmed,Lace,Trtna:
med and Plain, of all qualities. for Ladies, Gentlemen
and Children.
Sheppard,Van Harlingen& Arrison
No. 1008 Chestnut Street.:
L STOBE.—J'AMES T;F:F invite the attention at
their friends and others to their large stock of season•
able goods, which they are selling at greatly reducedi
Superior Black French Cloths.
Superior Colored French Cloths. •
Overcoat Clothe, all qualities.
Black French Doeskins.
Black French Cassimeres. .
Mixed and Plain Cassimeres.
Fancy Cassimeres, of every description.
Scotch and Shepherd's Plaid Cassimeres.
Cords, Beaverteers and Satinetts.
Plain and Neat Figured Silk Vestings.
Black Satins and Fancy Vestings.
With a large assortment of Tailors' Trimmings;
Boys' wear, etc., for sale, wholesale or retail, by
JAMS. dr. T:F lry
No. 11 North Second st., Sign of the Golden Lamb.
11911 - " T fin lab, just adapted for Evening presses.
4-4 White Alpacas.
White Irish Poplins,
White Wool Poplins,
Pearl Color Irish Poplins,
White Opera Cloths_
White Cloths, - with Spots;
Scarlet Cloths.
EDWIN WATT, & CO.. 26 South Second tit.
I', 'I=IDJ 1-1 1 : WZMWIOI- 17IP 11' all - an ;4.!
F 1 7 - IS T. A T)0.11
Chestnut St.. Phil
Has just received a large and splendid assortment 0
Some in plain cases, others beautifully enameled an
engraved and others inlaid with diamonds.:
Purchasers wishing a handsome LADY'S WA •
will do well to call at once and make a selection.
Also a large assortment of
Gentlemen's and Boys' Watches;
In Gold and Silver cases. Elalltf
Rave constantly on hand a complete assortment
CLOCRB, &c., for Railroads, Banka and Conn
Rouses, which they offer at reasonable rates.
watN. B. Particnlar Attention paid to the repairing
fine Watches and Clocks. . . • jail-am
This is no Hair. Dye.
It will cleanse the scalp, and thereby promote t
growth of the hair."
If the hair is dry, stiff and lifeless, It will give I
softness and lively youthful appearance.
If the hair is becoming thin, weak and Wing oil,
will restore its, strength and beauty.
lithe hair is gray, or beconalug so, it will restore it
its original color without staining scalp Cr head.
It is live from all impurities or poisonous drugs.
It is no hair dye, but an infallible restorative, a.
twill do all that is promised, when usedby the direct% ,
./V6.1:3 21Torfft .Fifth, between Chestnut and Pine, Si. Lou
Agent for Pennsylvania, D'i OTT S CO., W. or
Second atseet.Philada. js IS th,s,tu Sm
• .Crosse . dr, ..Blackwell's English Plc.kles, Cava
trances; Du.rham Mustard, OLIVes, dro., landing
'ship Yorktown and for sale by SOB. 8. - SURAIRR
CO A 10i!eoutkITelaiwire avenue.
No. 244 South FRONT street