'NEXIXth CONGRESS,-WMT SESSION.
CLOSE OF YESTERDAY'S . FROCEEDENOSs
SENATE.—Mr. Wilson (Mass.) introduced
the following joint resolution, which was
referred to the Military Committee:
Resolved, That it is the duty and privilege
. v,;(ll..Congress to express the gratitude of the
..nation to the officers, soldiers and seamen of
the 'United States, by whose valor and en
.. mlaiance, on the land and on the sea, the re
t.'.liellion has been crashed and its pride and
' ;its Tower have been humbled, by ,whose
fidelity to the cause of freedom the govern
linent of the people has been preserved and
,maintained, and by whose orderly return
from the field and blood of civil war to the
- - peaceful pursuits of private life, the exalting
and ennobling influences of free institutions
- upon a nation have been signally manifested
to the world.
Mr. Henderson (Mo.) presented the peti
'don of women of New York asking for the
right of suffrage. Accompanying this peti
tion was a letter to Mr. Henderson from the
signers, expressing astonishment at the
views on-this-subject recently expressed by
Messrs. Yates and Sumner, especially from
such a champion of equal rights as the latter
gentleman.
Mr. Henderson was proceeding with a few
remarks on the subject of the position, when
he was called to order by Mr. Saulsbury
(Del.), who said.it was not in order for one
who had lived an old bachelor so long as
Mr. Henderson to discuss the question of
woman's rights. [Laughter.]
Mr. Yates, at the conclusion of Mr. Hen
derson's remarks, said: I wish to ,ask the
Senator from Missouri a question. I un
derstand him to be in favor of amending the
Constitution of the United States so that
, there shall be no distinction on account of
color. Will he accept an amendment to that
proposition, thatthere shall be no distinc
tion on account of sex? I ask the Senator
from Missouri whether he will accept that
amendment.
Mr. Henderson— I have given my views
on that question very distinctly. If the
Senator had listened to the latter part of
what I said, he would not have to ask the
question he does. Ido not think, upon the
-mere presentation of a petition, it is in
order to discus the merits of the petition;
theiefore I hdpe he will not persist in his
6: question.
Mr. Yates—l simply. desire to say that I
am not , proposing to amend the Constitu
tion. I simply desire to give, by act of Con
gress, rights to those who have rights already
under the Constitution, as already amended.
When I propose to amend the Constitution,
the question will come up whether I will be
in favor of giving the right of suffrage to
women.
Mr. Sumner—l wish to make one obser
vation. The Senator began by an allusion
to myEelf and the remarks which fell from
me, the other day, on presenting petition
from women of the United States, calling
for the ballot. I took occasion then to re-
mark that, in my opinion, the petition at
that time was not judicious. That was
Xll I said. I did not undertake to express
'any opinion on the great question whether
,women should or should not vote. I did
venture to say that in my opinion it was
not judicious for them at this moment to
bring forward their claims, so as to'com
promise in any way the great question of
equal rights for an enfranchised race which
is now before Congress. The Senator has
read from a letter a suggestion that I did not
present the petition in a creditable way. I
have to felicitate my excellent friend in the
very creditable way in which he has pre
sented the petition.
Mr. Yates—Allow me to suggest, that
when two gentlemen arrive at the age, one
of forty-mne and the other of sixty-three,
without testifying their appreciation of
woman by getting married, they have no
right to discuss the question of woman's
rights in the Senate. [Laughter.]
- Mr. Sumner, from the Committee on For
eign Relations, reported the House joint re-
Rintion to encourage and facilitate tele
graphic communication between the Eastern
and Western continents, which was passed.
It instructs the Secretary of the Navy to
derail a steam vessel of war, from tho
Pacific squadron or elsewhere, to assist in
making surveys and soundings in that part
of the coast, both of America and. of
Asia, where it is proposed to establish the
said telegraph, in laying the submerged
cable, and giving other needed assistance to
the enterprise.
The resolution goes back to the House for
concurrence in certain verbal amendments
adopted by the Senate.
Mr. Wade (Ohio) moved that when the
Senate adjourns it adjourn to meet on Fri
day next, so as to give Senators an oppor
tunityto be present at the memorial services
on the death of Henry Winter Davis, in the
hall of the House of Representatives to
morrow. Adopted.
Mr. Fessenden (Me.) rose and moved that
the regular order, which was the constitu
tional amendment on the subject of repre
sentation, be postponed, and the Senate
proceed to the consideration of the House
concurrent resolution, declaring that no
Senator or Representative from any State
lately in rebellion shall be admitted into
either Hduse until Congress shall have de
clared such State to be entitled to represen
tation.
Mr. Buckalew (Pa.), who was entitled to
the floor on the constitutional amendment,
objected to the consideration of the resolu
tion named by Mr. Fessenden. He held
that it was necessary first to refer it to a
committee.
The Chair (Mr. Foster) decided that the
motion of Mr. Fessenden was in order. '
Mr. Buckalew desired to inquire whether
a resolution of the House did not require
reference to a committee.
The Chair said it was in order to move to
take up the resolution. When it was be
fore the body it would he in order to move
to refer it.
Mr. Doolittle desired to state that the
Senator from Pennsylvania (Mr. Buckalew)
was entitled to the floor, and expected to
address the Senate on the constitutional
amendment.
Mr. Fessenden—He can regain the floor
and address the Senate when that question
comes up again.
Mr. Buckalew wished to state that he did
not make the remarks he had made with a
. view to his own speech. On his own account
- he cared nothing. He called for the yeas
and nays on the motionto take up the House
concurrent resolution.
Mr. Fessenden reiterated that Mr. Bucka
lew could retain the floor. He could address
the Senate when the subject apon which he
wished to speak was called up.
Mr. Sherman suggested that Mr. Fessen
den had better let Mr. Bnckalew proceed
with his speech, and let the concurrent re
solution come up afterwards.
Mr. Buckalew said he was entirely indif
ferent on his own account.
Mr. Dixon—l rise to a point of order,
• whether, under the twenty-sixth rule, this
.resolution must not lie over one day?
The Chair—lt is in order to proceed to the
consideration of the resolution called for'by
the Senator from Maine. !It can receive
but one reading, except by common con
sent.
Mr. Sumner (Mass.)—Allow me to ask of
the Chair,. whether a concurrent resolution
need be read more than once?
The Chair—The Chair is not advised of the
character of the resolution.
Mr. Cowan (Pa.)—l would suggest that
the resolution be read.
ThAresolution was then read as it passed
the. House yesterday.
_ Mr. Cowan—l think the resolution had
better go over to give us time to consider
and ren d it
The hair—The question is upon 'takinz
tip the resolution. It is now before the4Aßenate.
- ittr. cOWAU—i cannot say certain that this
is •
not the most iniportant resole don - ever
offered in this body. I canno conceive
anything myself of more impolance than
that weshould decide upon the
,pur of the
moment that eleven States shall be shut out
of this Union without debate and without
due consideration. It may be that Senators
have made up their minds to thi . It may
be that it has been determined,b t certainly
I thinkno man who desires the p rmanence
of this Union ought to desire top h it.
I s
After the struggle that we hav made for
the Union; after the sacrifices; aft r the dead
have been buried; after the . cos has been
found out, are we to determine ere, as the
Chicago Convention determined, that this
war was a failure, and that the Union can
not be restored. I think the. resolution, at
least, deserves the careful, deliberate •and
dispassionate consideration of th'.s body.
Senators will remember how many peo
ple have a stake in this thing, how many
people in this country and in othe countries
—what the hazard may be in c ming to a
determination of this kind. I think cer
tainly the Senator from Maine (Mr. Fes
senden) would not desire a resolution of this%
kind to pass without at least that consider
ation which becomes wise and temperate
men, invested with a high and solemn trust.
I say I think no man will declare that this
resolution should pass through this body
suddenly and in haste and heat, or without
that careful consideration that the magni
tude of the subject demands. Let it, there
fore, go over for the present. Le us think
over it, consider it and read it.
Mr. FesSenden—One would imagine, Mr.
President, that the importance of these
questions, and attachment to the Union,
the proper consideration of all matters rela
ting thereto, were exclusively
I tonfined to
the breast of the honorable Se ator from
Pennsylvania. From the solemtity of his
tone, and the manner in which h addresses
the Senate upon that subject, :One would
suppose that the great majoriof the Se
nate, composing, as it was thoug t a day o
two ago, something over two-t irds of th
body, had really a little attach ent for th
Union of the States and a littl power o
considering what was best for he United
States of America, and a reason ble degree
of patriotism, which should lead them to
consider all these questions witcare and
with all the deliberation which belongs to
them. Sir, we do not need the arning of
3: F r
the Senator from Pennsylvania. I do not
need them for myself, and Ido of believe
others need them.
The question submitted in that
le ^ It
/ .
is a very simple one. _t is ques
whether Congress has any power irrrelation
to the great question of reconstrtion, and
restoring the Union to its forme condition,
whether it has any power except simply to
ri
judge whether a man who prese is himself
here with credentials from any portion of
the country, come in due rform; r whether
the Congress of the United State —Senators
elected by the States and repr sentatives
elected by the people of the Stet —have or
have not something to do with th reorgani
zation of this government to its forme
shape; whether they are anything! more than
mere tools and instruments, to look at pa
pers and decide whether they are in due
form; or whether they have a right to bring
their deliberate judgment to the considera
tion of all great questions.
Now, sir, it is said that all these questions
should be considered deliberately, with
care and conscientiousness. That all the
time that is necessary should be afforded,
in order to understand them well and de
cide well, I agree with the gentleman. The
rules of this body are such that all the time
must necessarily be given. Every member
of this body may speak ad libitum, in
season and out of season, in breath and out
of breath, in ideas and out, of ideas,
as we have sometimes witnessed in this
body. The rules allow that, and we cannot
control the rules; and it has never occurred
in my day that a question of importance
has been decided in the Senate until it
had been thoroughly, ably and well dis
cussed.
Now, sir, that is all pretence, if the hon
orable Senator from Pennsylvania will
allow me to say so. He has no fears of this
matter being passed upon withoUt due con
sideration. The question is simply one of
bringing the resolution before the Senate,
and deciding when we shall begin its con
sideration. In my judgment there is no
time so proper as now to take up precisely
that question, and ascertain before we go
any further in the consideration of this
great question whether or not we have any
power over this subject at all.
Sir, we have done nothing, hardly any
thing from the beginning of the Session but
debate this very question on way or
another, participated in by gentlemen of
all shades of opinion, some contending that
the Southern States were not Statei, others
contending they were States for, some pur
poses and not for others. What 'I say now,
and what I insist upon is, that at the earli
est moment the Senate will proceed to the
consideration of this question, which lies at
the foundation of all others. If we have a
right to consider and discuss the question,
or if we haire a right to do imythlog besides
looking at credentials that come here, and
seeing whether they are right—if we have
such a right, it is time we should know it.
If we have not the right,it is time we should
know it. Has the Congress of the United
States no right to look upon these great
questions as a body of men having some•
thing to do with the principles and the
character of the institutions of the country ?
That, sir, is the reason why I am unwilling
to proceed with any other question until
this is settled. 'I don't know what the
views of the Senate may be.
ii ;Mr. Dixon—l renew the question of order.
I beg leave to read the twenty-sixth rule.
It provides that "all other resolutions shall
lie upon the table one day for consideration;
also, reports of committees."
The Chair stated that Mr. Dixon's point
was well taken, except that the resolution
was not yet Before the Senate. ' After a vote
to proceed to the consideration, the point
would be in order.
Mr. Cowan replied to the remarks of Mr.
Fessenden. He supposed he had quite as
much interest in the maintenance of the
Union, its peace and prosperity, as Mr.
Fessenden had, did not know why he
should! not be supposed to know as much
about this question as Mr. Fessenden. He
had not the honor to be a member of the
Committee of Fifteen who have charge of
this Union—who carry about their girdles
the keys of the Union—at whose nod the
Southern States wait to be admitted to the
Union; but lie still had some interest in the
question.
He represented a State in the Union,
whether well or ill it was the people of
Pennsylvania and not for the Senate to de
cide. He agreed with Mr. Fessenden, that
this was a great question—overshadowing
all other questions, and he asked whether it
was improper pr out of the way, to ask that
that question be postponed until at least the
Senate had time to see the resolution in
print„ and to contemplate the 'length and
breadth of the,,proposition contained in it.
He,thought there was nothing so extraor
dinary in all that as for him (Mr. Cowan) to
be subject to denunciation by the Senator
from Maine. He was not to be affected by
such denunciation, come from what quartir
it may. When he thought a great 9nestion
was presented here, involving the interests
not only of,the people of his State but of all
the States—and he might say of all the
world—he would certainly say what he
thought about it, let the consequences be
what they may. We have been consider
ing from that' committee, from day to day,
another proposititYn, which I understand
was to be a fundamental proposition to set
tle and determine all these questions, and
to restore the country to peace and pros
perity. Can we not continue ; that discus
sion for a day longer? or must this new
banning that comes from the CoMmittee of
lift - eel; be thrust upon tos suddenly, and
DAILY EVENING BULLETIN : PHILADELPHIA, THURSDAY, FEBRUARY 22, 1866.
• -
rushed through the Senate as it has been
rushed through elsewhere? I think it 1 .
not consistent with the tusagei of this body.
.Mr.' Saulsbury (Del.) rose to a point qf
order. He held that this resolution was
properly the subject of a joint'resolution,
not of a concurrent resolution, He held
that the subject matter of the resolution
could' only be embraced in a joint resold
tion, or a law of Congress. ,• I
The Chair decided that the point-wouki
be in order when the resolution was before
She Senate; at present it was not.
Mr. Doolittle said the question of taking
up the resolution was a mere question of
time ; but he held that as the resolution was
legislative in its character, it must be in the
form of a law of Congress or a joint resolu
tion. In his judgment, whatis there pro
posed could not be carried out under the
form of a concurrent resolution.
It was finally agreed that the resolution
should be read -a first time.
After the reading, Mr. Dixon said, I now
submit that the resolution cannot be acted
upon without unanimous consent.
The Chair—That is the opinion of the
chair.
Mr. Fessenden—l do not understand whe
ther the Senator objects.
Mr. Dixon—l object.
The Chair—Objections being made, the
resolution cannot be considered at' the pre
sent time.
Mr. Fessenden—l move, then, that it be
made the special order for Friday, at one
o'clock.
Several Senators—lt is not in order to
make that motion.
The Chair—That motion cannot be en
tertained, objections having been made to
the consideration of the resolution.
At the suggestion of Mr. Wade and Mr.
Sumner, Mr. Fessenden gave notice that he
would call it up on Friday next.
Mr. Lane (Kansas) gave notice that on
Friday he would introduce a bill to con•
tinne in force the existing Freedmen!s
Bureau, which, by the terms Of the law es
tablishing it, expires one year after the
termination of the rebellion.
The regular order, which was the pro
posed amendment to the Constitution an
the subject of representation, being called
up—
Mr. Buckalew (Pa.) addressed the Senate
on;the general subject of representation in
Congress, under the following heads:
First. The Senatorial representation of the
Eastern States.
Second. The admission of Senators and
representatives from the South; and
Third. The proposed amendment to the
Constitution limiting representation in the
House for the future.
resolution
tion
The six States of the East, commonly
called the New England Stetes, have twelve
Senators for a total population of 3,135,258,
showing a ratio or number to each Senator
of 261,273. The eighteen central and west
ern States represented in Congress during
the war, beginning with New York ann
ending with Oregon, have a population of
19,255,129, Dividing this total by thirty-six
the number of their Senators will show a
ratio of 534,976.
The population of the seven Southern
States now unrepresented is 8,753,634,5h0w
ing a Senatorial ratio of 397,592, and adding
the population of all the States together,
except Nevada, and dividing the total h%
the whole number of their Senators, vri..
show a common ratio for the whole coon
try, 444,972. The New England ratio falls
short of this 188,699; consequently her defi
money of population for her twelve Senators
amounts to the enormous extent of 2,204,-
388. The case will stand thus with all the
States represented, but at present the defi
ciency is greater, making the calculatica,
for the States actually represented in the
Senate. The deficiency of the easternpopu
lation at this calculation is 2,463,320; that is,
the east has Senatorial representation for
nearly two and a half million persons who
are actually located in the central and
western States. Such is the inequality, or
departure from an equal apportionment, as
shown by the figures derived from the cen
sus of 1860.
The power and influence of the East., aris
ing from over representation, is shown in
the selection of presiding officers in the Se
nate in caucuses of the majority and in the
constitution of committees. While the East
contains but one-seventh of the populatici,
of States represented in the Senate, she has
the chairmanship of nine committees out or
twenty-six, or one-third of the %hole num
ber. In the last Congress she had fourteen
chairmen out of twenty-eight, or one-halt
the whole, including most of the leading
ones.
By a resolution of the Senate a quorum
for transacting business is declared to be a
majority of members admitted to seats.
The quorum, therefore,is now only twenty
six, and a majority of the quorum com
petent to enact a law is barely fourteen; so
that it is possible that two votes added to the
New England vote may enact a statute for
the whole people of the United States. The
fishing bounds have been kept in existence
by the Eastern vote, and several measures
of favor to that section during the war were
secured by the same interest. The details
of the tariff and tax laws and the general
political and financial policy of the govern
ment, have been shape by the East. The
remedies for this over-representation and
undue influence of the East are two.
First, The admission Of Senators from the
Southern States, for by increasing the whole
number of members in the Senate the ex
isting inequality will Rink in relative im
portance.
The second remedy will be an amend
ment of the Constitution re-adjusting Sena
torial representation upon a more just basis.
Let it be provided that States containing
less than one million inhabitants shall have
one Senator; States with more than one
million and less than three millions, two
senators, and States with more than three
millions, three Senators. This arrangement
will make a representation in the Senate
more equal and satisfactory, while the
State basis, which is one of the best features
of our constitutional system, will be re
tained.
i 3
Mr. Buokalew thenproceeded to speak on
the subject of admittin members from the
South. He thought t e Lincoln State gov
ernments, £m set up uring the war, were
legimate and proper,but only for loyal pur
poses, and in aid of our military power.
They were, in fact, military and provisional
and utterly unfit to wield the former politi
cal power of the States in the Federal gov
ernment. Hence, Flshback and Baxter,
claiming to be Senators from Arkansas,
were properly rejected by the Senate. And
very properly, also, Congress, by a joint re
solution, refused to count the electoral votes
of Louisiana, Arkansas, Tennossee and Vir
ginia for President and Vice President, and
now the claim of those State governments
to recognition must rest upon the ground
that they are acquiesced in by the people of
the States concerns d,military control being
withdrawn.
But most of the Southern States have
had their State governments recognized at
the instance of the President, and their new
constitutions are valid and effectual. They
have been, in fact, made by the people, and
are not affected by any question of irregu
larity in tlit initiation of the proceedings for
their formation. They are as regular in this
respect as the Pennsylvania Constitution of
1776 and 1790. The Senatorb arid Represen
tatives chosen under their authority should
be admitted into Congress.
• Mr. Buckalew then spoke at length on
the subject of amending the Constitution,
and plirticularly.upon the Blaine amend
ment pending before the Senate, Which pro
vides that wheneyer, in any State, there
shall be any exclusion from the elec
live franchise on account 9f race or color,
all persons of such race or Oiler shall be ex
eluded from enumeration for purposes 'of
representation in the lower House of Con
gress, This is a penal amendment, a deol-
sion by Congrese that - to withhold nagro suf
frage for any' cause is a criminality, for
which punishment shall be inflicted by
three-fourths of the Statesup6n the remain-
After an elaborate answer to the argu
ment in favor of this amendment, he pro
ceeded to state the general objections to
submitting constitutional amendments to
the States by Congress at this time: First.
That eleven. States are unrepresented in
Congress. Second. Tbat the amendments
now proposed will be partisan ones. Third.
This is a new Congress, and the members
were not chosen with any reference to the
subject of amendment. Fourth. The
amendment was to be submitted to the
Legislature now in session, and not to the
people or popular conventions. Neither in
submitting them or in adopting them are
the people to act directly. They are not
even to choose the members of their Legis
latures with reference to the question of
, ratification. Fifth. Finally, in submitting
amendments now, we invite a dispute upon
the amount of Legislative assent necessary
to their adoption. If ratified by less than
three-fourths of all the States, their validity
will be denied.
But if amendments are to be proposed,the
whole subject must be opened. Senatorial
representation must be corrected, and it
would be exceedingly desirable also that
personal representation should be intro
duced in electing members of the House.
The plan expounded by Mr. Hare, of Bag
land, and warmly endorsed by John
Stuart Mill, deserves the study of every
American statesman. It applies thoroughly
our principle of government by the people.
and its adoption would be one of the greatest
possible improvements in our representative q
system.
At the conclusion of Mr. Buckalew's re
marks,
Mr. Anthony (R. I.) rose to say that in
relation to what Mr. Buckalew had said
about New England influence in the Senate,
Senators had been promoted always on
committees in regular order of seniority,
very much as is done in the army. Promo
tion was not made on thogrouna of a Sena
tor coming-from any particular section, but
on the sole ground of seniority, The oldest
member of a committee belonging to the
majority party was always made the chair
man. When he (Mr. Anthony) came to the
Senate there was not a New England chair
man in the body.
Mr. Wilson also replied briefly to Mr.
Buckalew's strictures upon New England's
prominence in the Senate.
After which Mr. Nye (Nevada) took the
floor on the pending question, but gave way
to Mr. Sumner, who moved an executive
session, soon after which the Senate ad
journed till Friday next.
HorsE.—Mr. Hooper (Mass.) asked leave
to report from the Committee of Ways and
Means a resolution, unanimously agreed to
by them, declaring it as the sense of the
Horse that it is inexpedient to make any
change in the excise duty on distilled
spirits.
Mr. Eldridge (Wis.) objected to the intro
duction of the resolution.
Mr. Washburne (Ill.) desired the floor for
a moment to call the attention of the House
to the effect of the resolution of Mr. Ttsinks,
passed by the House on Monday, in regard
to giving the use of a man-of-war to the
Russian and American Telegraph Company,
bat obiection was made.
Mr. Stevens sportively said they had bet
ter not act upon this subject now, as eleven
States were absent, and they had etter wait
until they are represented.
Mr. Laflin (IC. ;Y.) offered a resolution
that the head of each Department be di
rected to inform Congress the cost of print
ing and paper in each for the year 1865.
Mr. Washbunae (I 11.) said the gentleman
might obtain the information more readily
by calling upon the Superintendent of Pub
lic Printing.
Mr. Laflin said the call for information
included all printing outside of what was
executed by the Superintendent.
Mr. Stevens said the gentleman should
add, "and what are the expenses of print
ing pardons." He merely made the sug
gestion.
The resolution ' was adopted.
The HoLise proceeded to the consideration
of the Indiana contested election ease of
Henry D. Washburne against D. W. Vor
hees.
Mr. Vorhees said he never saw the report
of the committee until last night. He
wanted to know what was the programme
of the gentleman from Massachusetts, but
was, nevertheless, ready at anytime to enter
upon the case.
Mr. Dawes replied if the gentleman was
ready now, why did he catechise him? He
would endeavor to treat him and all the
House with the utmost liberality.
Mr. Vorhees explained that what he
meant by being ready was that he would
not shrink from the subject
Mr. Dawes said hew - ould be ready to close
the case to-day. He made some remarks
in support of the report, which concludes
with a resolution "That Mr. Vorhees is not
entitled to a seat in this House as a Repre
sentative from the seventh district of In
diana in the Thirty-ninth Congress," and
also a resolution that Henry D. Washburn°
is entitled to the seat.
Mr. Marshall (Ill.), of the minority of the
committee, said that members had not had
time to read the reports and consider the
important principles involved.
Mr. Vorhees said that any arrangement
which the gentleman might make would
satisfy him.
Mr. Dawes suggested and the House post
poned the further consideration of the ques
tion until Friday next.
The House proceeded to the consideration
of the special order, being the Loan bill,
heretofore reported from the Committee on
Ways and Means.
Mr. Morrill (Vt.)said it was not in order
to allude to what had recently taken place
in the Senate; but, happen what may, Union
men will not forget they have a country to
save. The measure under consideration
touches what may be called "the apple of
the err" of the public credit. It was pro
posed to pledge not only our past accumu
lations and resources, but prospectively the
wealth of thirty-six millions of people, who
earn more annually than any other nation
of fifty millions on the globe.
In order to carry a loan on favorable
terms, the present bill was only a patch on
an old garment, extending the act of March
3d, 1865, so as to authorize the Secretary of
the Treasury, at his discretion, to receive
any treasury notes or other obligations
issued under any act of Congress, whether
bearing interest or not, in exchange for any
description of bonds authorized by the act
to which this is a supplement. The bill, it
was true, conferred „large powers; but it
merely substituted a new debt for an old
one. Our entire debt cannot thus be in
creased a single dollar. It was known the
Secretary of the Treasury contemplated a
return to specie payments at the earliest
practicable day. We have been fortunate
in our Secretaries of the TreasUry during
the past five years, one of whom was ap
priipriately called to occupy the highest ju
dicial station. It was a relief to the loyal
people when his successor, Mr. Fessenden
was appointed, commanding, as he did, so
much of the public confidence.
These men asked and received all they
wanted from Congress, and did not betray
their trust; and now we have a Secretary of
the TreasuFy in Mr. McCulloch, whose con
duct has wan golden opinions at home and
abroad, and a vote of unexampled unani
mity on the part of this House. His highest
ambition seemed to be teat of a financier.
His fame in, that direction will , be perma
nent, while, mere political power is ephe
meral. This bill gave to him the same
power as was bestowed on his predecessors.
Our present debt is two thousand seven
hundred and sixteen millions, leaving one
thousand and fifty-seven million's of it to be
funded.
. Let no one be deceiyed. All our financial
dangers are not yet passed. The 'Perils of
high rates of interest, and even commercial
revulsions may overtake us unless our
affairs are managed 'with consummate skill.
If we give the Secretary of the Treasury the
power conferred by this bill it may be of
more worth to us%than to him. If Congress
shall pursue a , course of due economy in
appropriations, as he was persuaded they
must, and will reduce the military estab
lishment within, reasonable limits, we may
hope that the public has reached its maxi
mum when me can pay as we go. The Sec
retary hopes to get along without loans for
the present year. If it should be considered"
necessary hereafter to resort to loans, Con
gress would have time enough to act upon
the subject before the close of the present
Session. A gradual extinction of the public
debt should, and will be carried on. Owing
to thet treachery of those engaged in treason
and rebellion the entire receipts for the
year ending June 30, 1861, were only $41,-
476,299, but the measures adopted by Union
men, amid all the embarrassments,changed
these solid figures in 1863 to $112,000,000,
more than twice this amount in 1864, or
$264,000,000, and in 1865 $333,000,000, while
the actital estimated receipts of the present
year are $450,000,000, and over $500,000,090,
if the receipts in gold are estimated in paper
currency. There would be no modification
of the laws to a large extent until our debt
is permanently funded, and never below
the point to cover our ordinary expenses,
and to pay the interest on the public debt.
Perhaps the revenue from whisky will be
set aside and applied to the reduction of the
f rinciple of the public debt. This would
be understood by all, and about which
there / could be no embarrassment. Oar
securities are the safest and best in the
world. His opinion was that our own peo
ple should hold them. He hoped that the
time would never come when foreigners
would prize our bonds higher than we our
selves. The bill contained authority to
make a foreign loan; but this was op
tional, and might not be exercised. He
further expressed his views on the financial
question.
Mr. Stevens (Pa.) said that this bill placed
one thousand six hundred and forty-four
millions at the absolute control of the Secre
tary of the Treasury, and he proposed to
amend the bill by striking out various por
tiont of it so that it might simply provide
that the act of March 3, 1865, shall be ex
tended and continued to authorize any de
scription of bonds authorized by the said act
to such an amount in such manner, and at
such rates, not less that par, as the Secretary
may think advisable for lawful money of
the United States, or for any Treasury notes,
certificates of indebtedness, or certificates of
deposits, or other representatives of value,
which have been or which may be issued
under any act of Congress, and the proceeds
thereof shall be used only for retiring
Treasury notes, or other obligations bearing
interest, issued under the authority of Con
gress; but nothing herein contained shall be
construed to authorize any increase of the
public debt.
The essential changes proposed by Mr.
Stevens are striking out the discretionary
power of the Secretary of the Treasury, and
also, the foreign loan clause. He intended
to offer a bill in this form as a substitute for
the original bill.
Mr. Hooper (Mass.) addressed the House,
saying in conclusion : It has been said that
the United States notes and the fractional
currency took the place of the coin whic.
had been previously circulated. It is very
certain that they did not displace the bank
notes, for they have increased in amount
instead of being diminished since the issue
of the United States notes. While the sup
ply of money was regulated by the State
banks there never was, in my opinion, a
suitable amount of money far the proper
conduct of the business of the country. It
seems to me that the Treasury could resume
specie payments with regard to the banks,
and that the United States notes could be
continued in circulation as the equivalent
of coin, after specie payments were re
sumed, and until there was a sufficieht
amount of coin in toe country to supply
their place. The United States notes would
he more convenient for use within the
United States, and so long as the foreign
exchanges were in favor of this country
there would be no legitimate demand upon
the Treasury to redeem the notes in coin.
During the past four years the great obiect
in all the financial bills before Cengresilia.s
been to provide means to carry on the war.
That necessity having passed, no more loan
bills are required. It is our duty to be cau
tions in determining upon the changes to
be made in the regulation of the money of
the country, involving as it does the value
of all property, and affecting the ;interest of
every one in the community.
My chief objections to withdrawing the
United States notes from circulation, by
converting them into bonds, are, however,
the expense that would be incurred for in
terest on the bonds, my belief that a larger
amount of money than formerly is now re
quired for the business of the country, and
my fear that some other paper not so good
may be allowed to take place, by which the
country would be further than ever from a
currency convertible into coin.
The loan bill passed by the last Congress,
approved March 3, 1865, empowered the
Secretary of the Treasury to issue bonds of
any description authorized by that act, for
the purpose of converting into such bonds
any treasury notes or other obligations,
bearing interest, issued under any act of
Congress. This is the power which the Sec
retary of the Treasury has now. He Is
authorized to issue bonds for any period not
less than five nor more than forty years
from their date; the rate of interest not to
exceed six per centum, but only for the pur
pose of converting or funding other inte
rest-bearing obligations.
The bill under consideration proposes to
amend that act so as to enlarge the power
so far as to permit the Secretary of the
Treasury, when he deems it expe4ient,
to convert obligations not bearing interest,
and also to dispose of any of the bonds,
either in this country or in Europe, for the
purpose only of retiring other - obligations,
but not for any increase of the public debt.
This amendment authorizes any of the
bonds disposed of in any foreign country to
be expressed, and the principal and interest
paid in the currency of that country, but
limits the rate of interest ^..n them not to
exceed five per centum.
I understand that the Secretary of the
Treasury does not expect to use this power,
but deems it important that it should be
given to him, to be exercised only in case
circumstances may arise that in his opinion
would render it advantageous and expe
dient. The power to borrow money under
the act of last year is exhausted, and the
amendment of that. act proposed by this
bill does not authorize any new loan. Its
only object is to facilitate the funding of the
existing obligations.
Mr. Kelley (Pa.) took exceptions to the
remarks of the members of the Committee
of Ways and. Means who had just preceded
him. They had offered no argument, ex
cepting such as had been wrung from the
past. The return of specie payment,and the
extinguishment of the national debt were
most desirable, but "caution is speed when
dangers are in the way."
Be argued that to redeem non-interest
bearing notes would lead to bankruptcy,for
if fifty millions of greenbacks were called
in, every national bank would becompelled
to sell the national securities in their pos
session to meet the contraction. They
should act with caution, although the kad
confidence,in the Secretaryof the Treastry.
The latter was only a financier and the pre
sent crisis demanded the wisest statesman
ship. He warned gentlemen not to give
any one the power to contract or threaten to
contract the currency while there should be
ne increase of the currency, and no increase
of the public debt. We should foster our
home industry and keep our mineral
wealth. Labor should be relieved of many
of the burdens which now oppresses it, and
with our largely increasing fields of agri
culture and mechanic arts Jive or ten years
would quietly and safely bring us to specie
payments.
The further consideration of the Loanbill
was postponed till Wednesday.
On motion of Mr. John L. Thomas, a re
solution was adopted requesting the Secre
tary of the Navy to furnish to the House at
what cost to government a suitable location
for a coal and naval store can be located at
or near Canton, in the city of Baltimore.
The House adjourned until Friday.
RETAIL DRY GOODS
H. STEEL & SON
WILL OPEN THIS MORNING,
case of
CALICOES. FA ST COLORS ,
At 12 1-2 Cents.
All the best Calicoes at low prices.
Bleached Muslim at low prices,
Unbleached Muslims at low prices;
Our entire stock of Winter Dress Goods closing ont
below cost.
Nos. 713 and 715 N. Tenth St.
fell-at
1866. Spring Importation. 1866,
1,5
E. R. NEEDLES
Has Just opened,
1,000 PIECES WHITE GOODS ,
In PLAIN. FANCT,STRIPED, PLAID and ,
Figured Jacouets, Cambrics, Nainsook,
ties. Swiss. Mull and other Muslin, compris
ing a most complete stock. to which the atten
tion of purchasers is solicited as they are of
fered at a large RPDBL.TION from last SEA
SON's PRICES.
HO pieces SHIRRED MESLINS for Bodies.
100 pieces PIQUES in all varieties of style and
price from itOc. to $t 50.
2.e0 PARIS GOFFERED SKIRTS, newest
styles, of my own importation.
rf I HE OLD ESTABLISHED CHEAP CLAYTH..
STORE.—JAMES t LEE invite the attention of
their friends and others to their large stock of season
able- goods, which they are selling at greatly reduced
prices.
Superior Black French Cloths.
.Surienor Colored French Cloths.
Overcoat Cloths, all qualities.
Black French Dotskias.
Black French Cas.simeres. •
Mixed and Plain Cawirneres.
Fancy Cassimeres, of every description.
Scotch Ind Shepherd's Plaid CAssimerey,
Cords, Beaverteens and Satinetts.
Plain and Neat Figured Silk Vestings.
Black Satins and Fancy Vestings.
With a large assortment of Tailors' Trimmlnm
Boys' wear, &c.; for sale, wholesale or retail, by
JA3DIH & TO Wl 7 ,
No. 11 North Second st., Sign of the Golden Lamb.
WIRE 6: LAIiDE.LL, FOURTH AND AWE, have
I.:J Just rspleoished their assortment of
STAPLE HOUSEHOLD GOODS,
And are now fully Kepared to soppli c tales with
GOOD Irtsw, s, BY PE
GOOD SHIRTING LLNTE_Nrs.
GOOD TABLE LINENS.
GOOD BED TICEINGS.
GOOD WHITE FLANNELS.
GOOD FINE BLANKETS.
GOOD DAMASK NAPKINS.
MARSEILLVS, QUILTS.
PINK MARSEILLES QUILTS.
FINEST AND LARGEST WJEUTIE DIY
ISISH BIRD-EYE AND scowl( Towv - rxkas.
NEW LOT OF BRILLIANTS, MARSHILLFI3,6:e.
SPRING STYLE CHINTZES, PFRrIAT•FXS, &C.
EDN't - LN 1 : t A LL & CO., 26 Shah Second street, would
invite the attention of the Ladies to their stock of
SILKS, and recommend them purchasing now, as we
„have no doubt of their having to pay a much advanced
'rice for them next month and the coming spring.
Colored Moire Antiques.
Black Moire antiques,
Colored Corded Silks,
Colored Poult de Soles,
Black Corded Silks,'
Black Gros Grainer,
Black Taffetas,
Black Gros delta:anew,
N. 13.—A fine stock of Evening Silks on hand.
50_CENT BLACK ALPACAS.
U,. 75 and $, superior Alpaca&
1
I OD Wide Black Wool Helaine&
I 50 for finest VI wide Black Cashmeres.
1 Mfor new Spring Shades Wide Wool Delalnes.
ew White Piques, Brilliantes, Cambrics, Plaids, &c,
Heavy Nursery Diapers, some extra wide goods,
Fine Towels ; 40-cent Towels- a bargain,
tie and IS Napkins are much under value.
Lin Richardson's Heavy i Lining and fine Fronting
en&
Table Damasks under rk et mice.
COOPER & OONAB.D,
S. E. corner Ninth and Market streets,
ArkiN LNG OF SYRIAN G 000 oS.
V Spring Chintzes and Percales.
Lawns, Organdies and Challies.
Plain and Plaid Traveling Material
Marseilles and Pique, in variety.
Mode and Buff Ground Mohairs.
Purple and White and Green and White Plaids:.
MUSLIMS at wholesale prices at
& WOOD'S, W 2 Arch street.
84 adTapEteTiglivje.,94ADCE, with
‘"k.
4-4 White Alpacas.
White Irish Poplins,
White Wool Poplins,
Pearl Color Irish Poplizirt,
White Opera Cloths
White Cloths with Spots,
Scarlet Cloths.
EDWIN HALL & CO.. 2S South Second at,
HAIR RESTORATIVES.
r'• V ALL u"~.~e
THE
INFALLIBLE HAIR RESTORATIVE ! t
This is no &air Dye
~abl:~.;~] V;S~/:~'i~Y:~:~:n:~:~:dYich:plh~Mia:N
It will cleanse the scalp, and thereby promote tho
• •wth of the hair.
If the hair is dry, stiff and lifeless, It will give B a
softness and lively yonthral appearance.
If the hair is becoming thin, weak and falling off, it
will seeder° its strength and beauty.
lithe hair is gray or becoming so, it will restore it tO
its original color without staining scalp or head.
It is free from all impurities or poisonous drugs.
It is no hair dye, but an infallible restorative, Said
will do all that is promised, when used by the directions..
sou), WHOr yr.,A.1,8 AND DETAIL. BY
ROBERT FISHER, Sole Agent,
No. 25 North Fifth, between Chestnut and Pine, Se. Louis.
Agent for Pennsylvania, l YOTT es CO., 232 North.
Second street, Philada. is 18 th,s,to. amj
. .
FkNCY GOODS.
PAPIER MACHE GOODS,
PAPIER MACHE GOODS.
TARTAN GOODS,
SCOTCH PLAID GOODS.
A fine assortment el Papier - Mach() Work Tablas,.
Writing Desks, Inkstands and Scotch Plaid Goods,
just received per the steamer "St. George," too late for
Christmas sales, suitable for Bridal Gifts, ao., will be ,
sold low.
ISAAC TOWNSEND,
House Furnishing Store of tile late JOHN A. MUR
PHY,
922 GRESTSIIIT STREET,
Ja2ottl Below Tenth street,
IPV - ,iNML
W ANTED.—Solicitors for a Life Insurance Com-
Wee. fe platy. Address FRANCIS, RV,ENLWO BIIL
21 -StLET.Ilsr
pzTO ENNT.—FOIL SIX MONT}Id FROM MAY
Ist-for g2OO pPr month, a completely furnished'
we in Delancey‘ Place. Address Box 2896, Philadel
phia Post office. ren.3t*
CM — WANTED TO RENT FOR THE SUMMER,
Ka a furnished house in the country, easy access.
Address, - E.' S.. B.
125 South Front street.
MWANTED ,EOll. RENT—.S. COMBIODIOI7B
dwelling, with modern conveniences, in German
town. Apply to J. H. CURTIS do SON, Real Estate
Brokers, 433 Walnut street.