Br HENRY J. STABLE. 38" YEAR. TERMS OF TEE COMPILER. [l : 7 The Republican lampfler is published every Monlay morning, by HENRY J. STAIILE, at $t,75 per annum if paid in advance-2.00 "per annum, if not paid. in advance. No sub scription discontinued. unless at the option of the publisher, until all arrearages are paid. ADVEKTISEM - EYrS.. inserted at the usual rates. JO3 WORK: done, neatly, cheaply, and with dispatch. . ,r Office on South Baltimore street, direct _ opposite Wanipler's Tinning Establishment, one and a half squares trout the Court House. PRESIDrENT'S MESSAGE. l'ellow citizens of Me Senate and rf the House qf Representatives: The constitution of the United States pro vides that Congress 51 assemble' annually -on the first Monday cember, and it has been usual for the President to make no com munication of a public character to the . Senate and House of Representatives until advised of their readiness to receive it. have deferred to this usage until the close of the-first month of the session, but my convictions of duty will we longer to postpone the discharge of the obligation enjoined by the constitution Upon the President:go give to the Congress information of the state of the Union, and re commend to their consideration such measures as he shall judge necessary and expedient." It is matter of congratulation that the Re public is tranquilly advancing' in a career of prosperity and peace. FOR I(NE RELATIONS-CENTRAL AMERICA. Whilst relations of amity continue to exist 'between the United States and all foreign powers, with some of them grave questions are depending which may require the consideration of Congress. Of such questions, the most important is that which has arisen out of the negotiations with Great Britain in reference to Central America. By the convention concluded between" the two Governments on the 19th of April, 1850, both parties covenanted that "neither will ever occupy,, or fortify or colonize, or assume or ex ercise any dominion over Nicaragua, Costa Rica, the Mosquito coast or any part of Central A merica." It was the undoubted understanding of the United States, in making this treaty, that all the present States of the former republic of Central America, and the entire territory of each, would thenceforth enjoy complete_inde pendence; and that both contracting parties engaged equally, and to the same extent, for the present and for the future ; that if either then had any claim of right in Central Atneri ea, each claim, and all occupation or authority under it, were unreservedly relinquished by the stipulations of the convention ; and that no dominion was thereafter to be exercis.d or assumed — in any part of Central America, by Great, Britain or the United States. This government consented to restrictions in` regard to a region of country wherein we had specific and peculiar interests, only upon the conviction that the like restrictions were in the sane sense obligatory on Great Britain. But for this understanding of the force and effect of the convention it would never have Wen concluded by us.- So clear was this understanding on the part of the United States: that, in correspondence contemporaneous with the ratification of the convention, it was distinctly expressed that the mutual covenants of non-occupation were intended to apply to the British establishment at the Balize. This qualification is to he as cribed to the fact that, in virtue of successive treaties with previous sovereigns of the coun try, Great Britain had obtained a concession of the right to cut mahogany, or dye-woods at • the Balize, but with positive exclusimi of all domain or sovereignty ; and thus it confirms the natural construction and understood import of the treaty as to all the rest of. the region to . avhich the stipulations applied. It, however, became apparent, at an early day after entering,mpon the discharge of my present functions that Great Britain still con tinued in the exercise or assertion of large au thority in all that part of Central America commonly called the Mosquito coast, and cov ering the entire length of the State of - Nicaragua and a part of Costa Rica ; that she regarded the Balize as her absolute domain, and was gradually extending. its limits at the expense of the State of Honduras ; and that she had formally colonized a considerable insular group known as - the Bay Islands, and belonging, of right to that State. All these acts or pretensions of Great Bri tain. being contrary to the rights of the States of Central America, and to the manifest tenor of her stipulations with the United States, as understood by this government, have been made the subject of negotiation through the American Minister in London. I transmit herewith the instructions to him on the sub ject,.and the corre , pondence between him and the British Secretary of Foreign Afnirs, by which you will perceive that the two govern ments differ wint ly and irreconcileably as to the construction of the convention, and its ef fect on their respective relations to Central America. Great Britain so construes the convention as to maintain unchanged all her previous ;pre tensions over the Mosquito coast, and in ditrer cut Jatts of l'entrai America. These preten- sious, a.: to L C ompilt) CoaSL, ate the assuutption of political relation between Great Niitain and the remnant of a tribe of In dians on unit coast, entered into at a time when the whole country was a colonial possession o f Spain. It cannot be successfully contravened that, by the public law of Elrope and America. no possible act of such Indians or their prede cessors conld confer on Great Britain any po litical rights. Great Britain does not allege the assent of Spain as the origin of her claims on the Mos quito coast. Ste has, ou the contra.y, by re peaLed an d succ e ssive treaties, renounced and reliminished all pretensions of her own. and recognized the full and sovereign rights of Spain in the most unequivocal terms'. Yt.st these pretensions. so 'without solid foundatiiii in the beginning - , and thus repeatedly ahjuted. were, at a recent period, revived 'by GI eat Britain against the Central American States. the legiti mate sutieessors to m • ll the ancient jurisdicti o n o p f: d Spain in that reg . They were first ap= ' 1. ) , _co_oiliy a. io_ t e Med—part. —Ol--the--coast--0-1- .1\ icaragna, iiitel"%% al (LI to the w hole of its A t.-- ' I.tlittc cJasa, awl _lastly to a part of Costa Ht_., ; anl the: - ate ar.),v rc-azscriel lii C.'ii.:, ci.- 3 lanillg 3ictuspapr----Druntit to 3griruiturr, litrnaturr, fArtg mat Varkrts, 6rurral rumrEtir nub ,farrign Jutrtligrurr, Maertising, lintsmurnt, kr. OM lent, notwithstanding engagements to the U States. On the pastern coast of Nicaragua and Costa Rica. the interference of Great Britain. though exerted at one Lime in the form of military oc cupation of the port of San. Juan del Norte. then in the peaceful possession of the appro priate atithoritie3 of the Central American States, is now presented by tier as the rightful exercise of a protectorship over the Mosquito tribe of Indians. But the establishment at the Balize. now reaching far beyond the treaty limits into the State of Honduras. and that. of the Bay Islands, appertaining of right to the same State, are distinctly colonial governments as those of Jamaica or Canada, and therefore contrary to the very letter as well as the spirit of the con vention with the United Suites, as it was at the time of ratification, and now is, understood by this goverment. The.interpretation , which the British govern ment, thus in assertion and act, persists in as cribing to the convention, entirely changes its character. While it holds its to all our obliga dons, it in a great measure releases Great Britain from those which constituted the con sideration of this government for entering into the convention. It is impossible, in my judg ment, for the United States to acquiesce in such a construction of the respective relations of the two governments of Central America. To a renewed call by this government- upon Great Britain, to abide by, and carry into ef fect, the stipulations of the convection accord ing to its obvious import, by withdrawing torn the possession or colonization of portions of the Central American States of Honduras, Nicaia: gua, and Costa Rica, the British government has at length replied, affirming that the opera tion of the treaty is prospective only, and did not require Great Britain to abandon or con tract any possessions held by her in Central America at.the date of its conclusion. This reply substitutes a 'partial issue in the place of the general one presented by the United States.- The British government passes over the question of the rights of Great Britaiti, real or supposed, in Central America, and assumes that she had such rights at the date of the treaty, and that those rights comprehended the protectorship of the- Mosquito lndians, , the ex tended jurisdiction and • limits of the Bahze, and the colony of the Bay islands, and there upon proceeds by implication to infer that, if the stipulations of the treaty be merely future in effect, Great Britain may still continue to hold the contested portions of Central Amer The United States cannot admit either the in ference or the premises: We steadily deny that, at the date of the treaty, (treat Britain had any possessions there, other than the lim ited and peculiar establishment at the Balize, and maintain that, if she had any, they were surrendered by the convention. This Government, recognizing the obligations of the treaty, has, of course, desired to see it executed in good faith by both parties, and in the disbussion.therefore,bas nut looked to rights which we might assert independently of the treaty, in consideration of our geographical po sition and of other circumstances, which create for us relations to the Central American States different front those of any government of Europe. The British Government, in its last commu nication, although well knowing the views of the U. States, still declares that it sees no reason why a conciliatory spirit may not ena ble the two governments to overcome all ob stacles to a satisfactory adjustment of the sub ject. Assured of the correctness of the construc tion of the treaty constantly adhered to by this i government, and resolved to insist on the tights of the United States, yet Reunited also by the same desire which is air!),wed by the British government, to remove all causes of serious misunderstanding between two nations associated by so many ties of interest and kin dred, it has appeared to inc proper not to con sider an amicable solution of the controversy hopeless. There is, however, reason to apprehend that, with Great Britain in the actual occupation of the disputed territories, and the treaty there fore practically mill, so far as regards our rights, this international difficulty Cammt long remain undetermined, with int involving in se rious dan'er the frienoly relations winch it is the interest as well as duty of both countries to cherish and pregerve. It. will afibrd me sincere gratification if future efforts shall re sult in the success anticipated heretofore with more confidence than the aspect 0f,,,atc„.c,a.*.1 permits me now to entertain. RECULUITM EN T One other subject of discussion between the United States awl Great Britain has grown out of the attempt, which the exigencies of the war in which she is engaged with Russia induced her to make, to draw recruits flow the United States:- It is the traditional and settled policy of the lilted States to maintain impartial neutrality luring the wars which from time to time oc ur among the great powers of the woi Id. l'er mining all the duties of neutrality towards le respective belligerent States, we may rea onably expect them not to interfere with our awful enjoyment of its benefits. Notwithstanding the existence of such hos ili ties, our citizens retain the individual right to continue all their accustomed pursuits, ' ind or by sea, at home or abroad, subject only to such restriction:, in this 'elation as the laws of war, the usage of nations, or special treaties. may impose ; and it is our sovereign right that or '.LiLlfil_iiiiiSiliction_shalLnut hr in. vaded by either of the belligerent parties, for the transit of their armies, the operations of their fleets, the levy of troops fur their services, the lilting out of cruise's by or against either, or any other act or incident of war. And these undeniable rights of neutraii._e, individual and national. the United States will under no cir cumstances surrender. la porsuance this policy, the laws of the Lait.ed States do nut forbid their cameos to sell to either of the belligcrent poivers articles conirihand of war, ur to take munitions of war or soldiers on hoard the a pu crate ships for Ira:lNi - sal:Won : and although, in so dot ig. the iudi phial citi4en exposes hi-, pzuperty or per :Non to stpine Of the Inizirds of war, his acts do not iilSulye any breach of national neu trality, tan of themselves implicate the govern ment. 'fulls, duria . .; the pro B ress of the pit:S eat. VV,Ir to Eulope f our ciLlL:uts have, without, national responsibility thetelor, sold gunpow der and arms LU all - oti_vej-,, regazdiess of the destination of those' articles. )(ll' tuet csant -men -have-d.wen.--a nd-sttil-con tinue to lie, -large ly empluyed oy (ileac Ericson and France. In .transpoi Ling. Li °op, ,pioyi-,1011z., and munitions 0: tti pz.:l:•;p.o....:_iLi or .:rialLary GETTYSBURG, PA.: MONDAY, JAN. 7, 1.856. Lions, .and in bringing home their sick and wounded soldiers ; hut such use of our mercan• tile marine is not interdicted either iiy'the in• ternational:or by our municipal law, and there fore does not cotnprotnit our neutral relations with Russia. But our municipal law, in . accordance with the law of nations. peremptorily forbids, not only foreigners. but our own citizens, to fit out, within- the limits of the United States.--a vessel to commit hostilities against any state with which the United states are at peace,'or to increase the force of any foreign armed ves sel intended for such hostilities against, a friend ly state. Whatever concern may have been felt by either of the belligerent powers lest .private armed cruisers, or other vessels; in the service .of one, might be fitted out in the pOrts of this country to depredate on the property of the other, all such fears have proved to, be utter ly groundless. Our citizens have been with held front any such act or purpose by good faith, and by respect for the law. hile the laws of the Union are thus per emptory in their prohibition-of theequipment or armament of belligerent cruisers in our ports, they provide not less absolutely that no person shall, within the territory or jurisdic tion of the United States,,enlist or ertier.him self, or hire or retain another person to enlist or enter hirnself, or to . go beyond the limits or jurisdiction of the United States with intent to be enlisted or entered, in the service of any foreign Rtate, either as a soldier, or as a ma rine or seaman on board of any vesser'of war, letter of tnarque or privateer. And these en actments are also in strict conformity with the law of nations, which declares that no state has the tight to raise troops for land or sea service in another state without its consent, and that, whether forbidden by the municipal law or not, the very attempt to do it, without such con sent, is an attack on the naiorial sovereignty. Such being the public rights and the munic ipal, law of the United States, no solicitude on the subject was entertained by this govern ment, when, a year since, the British Parlia ment passed an act to provide -for the 'enlist ment of foreigners in the military service of Great Britain. Nailing on the face of the act, or in its public history, indicated that the British governinent proposed to. attempt , re cruitment in the. United-States ; nor did it ever give intimation of such intention to this gov ernment. It was matter of surprise, therefore, to find, subsequently, that the engagement of persons within the United States to proceed to Halifax in the British ptovince of Nova Scotia, and there enlist in the service of Great Britain, was going on extensively, with little or no dis guise. Ordinary legal steps were immediately taken to arrest and punish pat ties concerned, and so put an end to acts infringing the' mu nicipal law and derogatory to our sovereignty. Meanwhile suitable representations on the sub ject were addressed to the British government. Thereupon it. became known, by the 'slim of the British government itself, that the attempt to draw recruits from this country originated with it, or at least had its approval and satiation ; but it also appeared that the public' agents engaged in it had "stringent in structioes" not to violate the tutluicipal law of the United States. It is difficult to understand how it should have been supposed that troops could be raised here by Great Britain without a violation of the municipal law. The unmistakable object of the law was to prevent every such act, which, if performed, must be either in viola tion of the law or in studied evasion of it ; and. in either alternative, the act done would be alike injurious to the sovereignty (lithe United States. In the meantime, the matter acquired addi tional importance by the recruitments in the United States not being discontinued, and the disclosure of the fact that they were prosecuted upon a systematic plan devised I ) . y official au thority; that recruiting 'l'endezvons had been opened in our principal cities, and depots for the reception of reci tilts es‘alplished on our fron• tier ; and the whole ,business conducted under the supervision and by the regular co-operation of Brinsh officers, civil and military, sonse in the North4,,erican provinces, and some in the '''taves. The complicity of those officers in an undertaking which could only be accomplished by &lying-our- laws, throw ing suz,picnon over our attitude of neutrality, and di:•regarding our territorial rights, is cull clusivelyr-proved by the evidence elicited on the trial or such of their agents as hive been eapprentmletlaird COFIV4CIed. Some of the offi cers thus implicated are rot high official posi tion, and many of them beyond our jurisdic tion, so that legal proceedings could riot reach the source of the mischief. These considerations, and the fact that the cause of complaint was not a mere casual occur rence, but a deliberate design, entered upon with full knowledge of our laws and national policy, and conducted by responsible public Mut:tummies, impelled me to present the case to the British government, in order to secure, not only a cessation of the wrung, but its rep aration. The suiject is still under dis'eussion, the result of wlncii will be communicated to you in due tune. EltlTl,ll ItRIATIONS—CMItitI tied reiwit fate recominend.aloll SUbmitted to Coligre.;S proVislon ht; trride for tin: appointment of t cOolliltiSmiolt , .T. in connec tion with t:reit Britain, to sufvey and estab• li , h the boundary line which divides th- ter ritory of 11 ashingion from the coniiguuns iosses,ions. By tel if of lIIP extoALt and of the country in dispute, there has been viiininent dai:ger of collision between the suhjeots of Grout Britain and the citizens of Me United States, including their respective authorities in that