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O rJ WHERE ARE THEY I v.'' ;> are they with whom 1 started, 41 i awlling o'er life's joyful way ; l u-i S have vanished since we parted, I ..in here but where are they ? blissful hours that blest us, 1> iho friends that once caress'd ns— ■ i>ni friends that fondly pn.ss'd us, Where are they ? j the early crystal dawning, ieral ls in a glorious day ; was life's enraptured morning, j lhight with Hope's delusive ray ; Scenes of Heav'nly brightness seeming— Scenes with fadeless lustre gleaming— Lit with smiles of Beauty beaming, Where arc they ? I.\s the stars in clustering bands, - tiy smiling, smoothly roll; - ~ith clasped hearts and hands, fall of bliss we sought the goal: IT .sine's radiant sky was o'er us, Hope on gilded pinions bore us, Levi in angel guise before us, Woo'd the soul. As the streamlets dancing by, Joyful ever— ever sings ; A .rystil'Devening sky, GeL sof auty ever brings; they -in bright appearing— Evr glowing —ever cheering, Y.'r t our As in love endearing, Life the spring. Tli* y have gone whose hearts were lightest; They to whom I fondly clung, TI. y ;L >so buoyant hopes were brightest, They who sweetest smiled and sung ; i'„hy forms in grace arrayed, ' :.s where Beauty blushing played, i, s where Love his conquests made, Hearts among. ■ h! why, this mournful feeling, V.,iy siiould tears embittering flow? . u silent swiftness ste ding, : where bowers of glory grow ? ..ere, I'll meet the buoyunt hearted, I cose with whom in life I started— -1 - • with whom I weeping parted, ] Long ago ! I" . ut Jolntson and his Accomplices. if ,c U'autic Monthly for November,) J.'itxsoN has dealt the most all blows to the respectability of "ion which rejoices in his name.— 1 the political Pecksniffs and a ps contrived so to manage the . C nvo-ution at Philadelphia that it \ . .* ol the proprieties of intrigue j -uh : of the decencies ol dishonesty, > ; commander-in-chief of the combi 'k tiie field in person, with the iu u 1 carrying the country by assault. • dive point was the grave of Duug- CII became, by the time he arrived, ffave also of his own reputation and [■< •of his partisans. His speeches '*■**■ route were a volcanic outbreak of j -ui'.ty, conceit, bombast, scurrility, ig ■ , insolence, brutality, and balder -1 - Screams of laughter, cries of dis- Slashings of shame, were the various I 7 a.scs of the nation he disgraced to ■ ira.agues of this leader of American vatisui." Never before did the Siice in the gift of the people appear ; ■ *r an object of human ambition as Andrew Johnson made it an eminence | !i to exhibit inability to behave and | -j'Tcity to reason. His low cunning ! spired with his devouring egotism to I iiim throw off all the restraints of uf -1 decorum, in the expectation that he lind duplicates of himself in the *: ' ! .* he addressed, and that mob difl'used i -rdly sympathize with mob imper • ! Never was blustering demago -1 by a distempered sense of self-im n.cu into a more fatal error. Not only • great body of the people mortified gnanl, but even his " satraps and | i :nts," even the shrewd politicians— • its of an Accident and shadows of a —wh>> had labored so hard at Philfe •nia to weave a cloak of plausibilities •ver his usurpations, shivered with ap itension or tingled with shame as they i the reports ot tlieir master's impolitic •1 ignominious abandonment of dignity i decency in his addresses to the people d-tempted alterrately to bully and ca- Tiiat a man tlius self-exposed as un i thy of high trust should have had the to expect that intelligent constituen > would send to Congress men pledged support Ats policy and his measures ap '■an-d for the time to be as pitiable a spec of human delusion as it was anexusp- I >t ,g example of human impudence. : •'* the least extraordinary peculiarity | : these addresses from the stump was the 1 - 1 protuberance they exhibited of the al pronoun In Mr. Johnson's speech, 1 " resembles the geometer's descrip infinity, having " its centre every - | •' and its circumference nowhere."— the many kinds of egotism in which pi nee is prolific, it may be difficult : '>-tt-n on the particular one which is Id detestably or most laughable ; but it :i! - to us that when his arrogance apes ; >tv it is deserving, perhaps, of an in ■■''f degree of scorn or derision than it riots in bravado. The most offen l'art which he plays in public is tiiat ot •Uinble individual," bragging of the s of his origin, hinting of thegreat • - which could alone have lilted him to aunt exalted station, and represent- E - GOODRICH, I^ixblisliei-. VOLUME XXVII. ing himself as so satiated with the sweets ol unsought power as to be indifferent to its honor. Ambition is not for him, for am bition aspires ; and what object lias he to aspiit to? From his contented mediocrity as alderman of a village, the people have insisted on elevating him from one pinnacle of greatness to another, until they have at last made him President of the United States. He might have been Dictator hail he pleased ; but what, to* a man wearied with authority and dignity, would dictator ship be worth ? If he is proud of anything it is ot the tailor's bench, from which he started. He would have everybody under stand that he is humble—thoroughly hum ble. Is this caricature? No; it is'im possible to caricature Andrew Johnson when be mounts his high horse of humility and becomes a sort of cross between Uriah Lieop and Josiuh Bounderby, of Coketown. Indeed, it is only by quoting Dickens' des cription of the latter personage that we have anything which fairly matches the traits suggested by some statements in the Pi i sident's speeches. " A big, loud man," says the humorist, "with a stare and a metallic laugh. A man made out of coarse material, which seemed to have been stret ched to make so much of him. A man with ! i great puffed head and forehead, swelled veins in his temples, and such a strained i skin to his face that it seemed to hold ids ! eyes open and lift his eyebrows up. A man with a pervading appe irauce on him of be ing inflated like a ha! oon, and ready to start. A man who could never sufficiently vaunt himself a self-made man. A man who was continually proclaiming, through that brassy speaking-trumpet of a voice of his, his old ignorance and his old poverty. A man who was the bully ol humility." If we turn from the moral and personal to the mental characteristics of Mr. John son's speeches, we find that Ids brain is to be classed with notable cases of arrested development. He has strong forces in his nature, but in their outlet through his mind they are dissipated into a confusing clatter of unrelated thoughts and inapplicable phrases. He seems to possess neither the power nor the perception of coherent think ing and logical arrangement. He does not appear, to be aware that prepossessions are not proofs, that assertions are not argu ments, that the proper method to answer an objection is not to repeat the proposition against which the objection was directed, that the proper method of unfolding a sub ject is not to make the successive state ments a series of contradictions. Indeed, he seems to have a thoroughly annualized intellect, destitute of the notion of rela- i tious, with ideas which are but the form of j determinations, and which derive their j torce, not from reason, but from will. With j an individuality thus strong even to fierce- j ness, but which ha* not been developed in j the mental region, and which the least gust of passion intellectually upsets, he is inc. - pabie of looking at anything out of rela tions to himself—of regarding it from that neutral ground which is the condition of in telligent discussion between opposing minds. In truth, he makes a virtue of be ing insensible to the evidence of facts and the deductions of reason, proclaiming to all the world that he has taken his position that lie will never swerve from it, and that all statements and arguments intended to shake his resolves are imp rtineuces, indi cating that their authors are Radicals and cut mies of the country. lie is never wea ry of vaunting his firmness, and firmness he doubtless has,!.hc firmness of at least a score of mules ; but event-* have sin wn that it is a different kind of firmness from that which keeps a statesman firm to his principles, a political leader to ids pledges, a gentleman to his word. Amid all changes of opinion, he has been conscious of un changed v. ill, and the intellectual element f unis so small a portion of his being, that, when he challenged "the man, woman, or child to come forward " and convict him of inconstancy to his professions, he knew that, however it might be with the rest of mankind, he would himself be unconvinced by any evidence which the said man or wo man, or child might adduce. Again, when he was askt d by one of his audience why he dia not hang Jeff. Davis, lie retorted by exclaiming : " Why don't you ask me why 1 have not hanged Stevens and I Fen ded Phillips ? They are as much traitors as Davis." And we are almost charitable enough to suppose that lie saw no differ ence between the moral or legal treason of the man who for four years hud waged op en war against the Government of the Uni ted States, and the men who for one year had sharply criticized the acts and utter ances oi Andrew Johnson. It is not to be expected that nice distinctions will be made by a magistrate who is in the habit of de nying indisputable facts with the fury of a pugilist who has received a personal af front, and of announcing demonstrated fal lacies with the "imperturbable serenity of a | philosopher proclaiming the fundam ntal i laws of human belief. His train is entire | ly ridden by his will, and of all the public j men in the country its official In-ad is the ! one whose opinion carries with it the least j intellectual weight. It is to tiie credit of ; our institutions and our ststemen that the man least qualified by largeness of mind and moderation of temper to exorcise un controlled power should be the man who aspired to usurp it. The constitutional in stinct in the blood and the constitutional principle in the brain of our real statesmen preserve them from the folly and guilt of setting themselves up as imitative of Cte ears and Napoleons the moment they are trusted with a little delegated power. Still we are told that, with all his defects, Andrew Johnson is to be honored and sup i ported as a "conservative" President en gaged in a contest with a " Radical " Con gress ! It happens, however, that the two persons who specially represent Congress in this struggle are Senators Trumbull and Fesseuden. Senator Trumbull is the auth or of the two important measures which the , President vetoed ; Senator Fesseuden is ! the chairman and organ of the Committee i o{ Fifteen, which the President anathema tizes. Now we desire to do justice to the gravity of bice which the partisans of Mr. i Johnson preserve in announcing their most j absurd propositions, and especially do we ! commend their command of countenance ' while it is their privilege to contrast the j wild notions and violent sp. ellion, but from the year which fol ! lowed its suppression. Itrnay, in old times ! have been a politic trick of shrewd politi- \ cians to involve the fonudations of States in the mists of a mythical antiquity, but we happily live in an historical period, and there is something peculiarily stupid or pe culiarly impudent in the attempt of the publicits of the Philadelphia convention to ignore the origins of political societies, for which, alter they have obtained a certain 1 degree of organization, they claim such j eminent traditional rights and privileges, i Respectable as these States may be as in fant phenomena, it, will not do to Methusah ize them too recklessly, or assert their equality in muscle and brawn with giants full grown. It is evident from the nature of the case that Mr. Johnson s labors were purely ex perimental and provisional, and needed the endorsement of Congress to be of any force. The only department of the Government constitutionally capable to admit new states or rehabilitate insurgent ones is the legis lative. When the Executive not only took the initiative in reconstruction, but assum ed to have completed it; when he present ed his States to Congress as the equals of the States represented in that body ; when lie asserted that the delegates from his States should have the right of sitting and voting in the Legislature whose business it was to decide on their right to admis sion ; when, in short, he demanded that criminals at the bar should have seats on the bench, and an equal voice with the judges in deciding on their own case, the effrontery of Executive pretension went be yond all bounds of congressional endurance. The real difference at first was not on the question of imposing conditions—for the President had notoriously imposed them himself—but on the question whether or not additional conditions were necessary to secure the public safety. The President, with that facility " in turning his back on himself" with all other logical gymnasts had pronounced an impossible feat, then boldly took the ground that, being satisfied with the conditions lie had himself exacted, ths exaction of conditions was unconstitu tional. To sustain this curious proposition he adduced no constitutional arguments, but lie left various copies of the Constitu tion in each of the crowds he recently ad dressed, with the trust, we suppose, that somebody might be fortunate enough to find in that instrument the clause which supported his theory. Mr. Johnson, how ever, though the most consequential of in dividuals, is the most inconsequential of reasoners ; every proposition which is evi dent to himself he considers to fulfil the definition of a sell-evident proposition ; but I his supporters at Philadelphia must have ! known that in affirming that insurgent i States recover their former rights by the | fact of submission, they were arraigning ! the conduct of their leader, who had noto i riously violated those " rights." They took up his work at a certain stage, and then, | with that as a basis, they affirmed a gen j eral proposition about insurgent States which, bad it been complied with by the ; President, would have lett them no founda tion at all ; for the States about which they so glibly generalized would have had no | show of organized governments. The pre mines of their argument were obtained by I the violation of its conclusion ; they infer red from what was a negation of their in ference, and deduced from what was a i death-blow to their deduction. It is easy enough to understand why the Johnson convention asserted the equality of the Johuson reconstructions of States with the States now represented in Con gress. The object was to give some ap pearance of legality to a contemplated act of arbitrary power, and the principle that insurgent States recover all tbeir old rights by the fact of submission was invented in order to cover the case. Mr Johnson now intends, by the admission of his partisans, to attempt a coup d'etat on the assembling of the Fortieth Congress, in caße seventy one members of tin* House of Representa tives, favor .ble to his policy, are chosen, in the elections of this autumn, from the twenty-six loyal States. These, with the fifty Southern delegates, would constitute a quorum ot the house ; and the remaining hundred aud nineteen members are, in the President's favorite phrase, "to be kicked out" from that " verge " of the govern ment on which they now are said to be " hanging." The question, therefore, wheth er Congress, as it is at present constituted, is a body constitutionally competent to legislate for the whole country, is the most important of all practical questions. Let us see how the case stands. The Constitution, ratified by the people of all the States, establishes a government of sovereign powers supreme over the whole land, and the people of no State can rightly pass from under its authority except by the consent of the people o* ail the States,with whom it is bound by the most solemn and binding of contracts. The rebel States broke in fact the contract they could not break in ri'jht. Assembled in conventions of their people,they passed ordinances of secession, withdrew their Senators and Representa tives from Congress, and began the war by assailing a iurt of the United States. The secessionists had trusted to the silence of the Constitution in relation to the act they performed. A State in the American Union, as distinguished from a territory, is consti tutionally a part of the Government to which it owes allegiance, and the seceded States had refused to be parts of the Gov ernment,and had forsworn their allegiance. By the Constitution, the United States, in cases of "domestic violence" in a Si ate, is to intcif re, "on application of the Legisla ture, or of the Executive,when the Legisla ture cannot be convened." But iu this case legislatures, executives, conventions of the people, were all violators of the domestic peace, and of course made no application for interference. By the Constitution, Con gress is empowered to suppress insurrec tions ; but this might be supposed to mean insurrections like Shay's rebellion in Mas sacims. tt and the Whiskey insurrection in Pennsylvania, aad not to cover the action of States seceding irom the Congress which is thus empowered. The seceders, there fore, felt somewhat as did the absconding James II when he flung the great seal into the Thames, and thought he had stopped the machinery of the English government. Mr. Buchanan, then President of the Uni ted States, admitted at once that the seces sionists had done their work in such away that, though they had done wrong,the Gov ernment was powerless to compel them to do right. And here the matter should have rested, if the Government established by the Constitution was such a Government as Mr. Johnson's supporters now declare it to be If it is impotent to prescribe terms of peace in relatiou to insurgent States, it is certainly impotent to make war on insur gent States. If insurgent States recover their former constitutional rights in laying down their arms, then there was no crimi nality in their taking them up ; and if there was no criminality m their taking them up, then the United States was criminal in the war by which they were forced to iay them down. On this theory we have a govern ment incompct ut to legislate for insurgent States, because lacking their representa tives, waging against them a cruel and un just war. And this is the real theory of the defeated rebels and Copperheads who formed the great mass of the delegates to the Johnson convention. Should they get into power, they would feel themselves log ically justified in annulling,not only all the acts of the "Rump Congress" since they submitted, but all the acts of the Rump Congresses during the time they had a Con federate Congress of their own. They may deny that this is their intention : but what intention to forego the exercise of an as sumed right, held by those who are out of power, can be supposed capable of limiting their action when they are in ? But if the United States is a government having legitimate rights of sovereignty con ferred upon it by the people of all the States, and if, consequently, the attempted seces sion of the people of one or more States only makes theui criminals, without impair ing the sovereignty of the United States, then the Government, with all its powers, remains with the representatives of the loy al people. By the very nature of govern ment as government, the rights and privi leges guaranteed to citizens are guaran teed to loyal citizens ; the rights and priv ileges guaranteed to States are guaranteed to loyal States ; and loyal citizens and loy al States are not such as profess a wnlling uess to be loyal after having been utterly worsted in an enterprise of gigantic disloy alty. The organic unity and continuity of the Government would be broken by the return of disloyal citizens and rebel States without their going through the process of being restored by the action of the Govern ment they had attempted to subvert ; and the power to restore carries with it the power to decide on the terms of restoration. And when we speak of the Government we are not courtly enough to mean by the ex pression simply its executive branch. The question of admitting an implicity of resto ring States, and of deciding whether or not I States have a republican form of govern ' ment, are matters left by the Constitution jto the discretion of Congress. As to the rebel States now claiming representation, they have succumbed, thoroughly exhaus ted, iu one of the costliest and bloodiest wars in the history of the world—a war | which tasked the resources of the United ! States more than they would have beeu : tasked with a war with all the great Pow- I ers of Europe combined—a war which, in 18t>2, had assumed such proportions that the Supreme Court decided that it gave the United States the same rights and privi leges which the Government might exer cise in the case of a national and foreign war. The inhabitants of the insurgent States being thus judicially declared pub lic enemies as well as rebels, there wonld seem to be no doubt at all that the victo* #3 per Annum, in Advance J rious close of actual hostilities could not deprive the Government of the power of deciding on the terms of peace with public enemies. The Government of the United States found the insurgent States thorough ly revolutionized and disorganized, with no State governments which could be recog nized without recognizing the validity of treason, and without the power or right to take even the initial steps for State reorg anization. They were practically out of the Union as States ; their State govern ments had lapsed ; their population was composed of rebels and public enemies, by the decision of the Supreme Court. Under such circumstances, how the Commander in-Chief, under Congress, of the forces of the United States, could recreate these de funct States, and make it mandatory on Congress to receive their delegates, has al ways appeared to us one of those mysteries of unreason which require faculties either above or below humanity to accept. In addition to this fundamental objection,there was the further one that almost all of the delegates were rebels presidentially par doned into "loyal men," were elected with the idea of forcing Congress to repeal the test-oath, and were incapaciated to be leg islators even if they had been sent from loyal States. The few who were loyal men in the sense that they had not served the rebel government were still palpably elec ted by constituents who had ; and the char acter of the constituency is as legitimate a subject of congressional inquiry as the character of the representative. It not being true, then, that the twenty two thousand ioyai voters who placed Air. Johnson in office, and whom he betrayed, have no meaus by their representatives in Congress to exert a controlling power in the reconstruction of the rebel communities, the question comes up as to the conditions which Congress has imposed. It always appeared to us that the true measure of conciliation, of security, of mercy,of justice, was one which would combine the princi ple of universal amnesty, or an amnesty nearly universal, with that of universal, or at least of impartial suffrage. In regard to amnesty, the amendment to the Consti tution which Congress has passed disquali fies no rebels from voting,and only disqual ifies them from holding office when they have happened to add perjury to treason. In regard to suffrage, it makes it for the political interest of the South to be just to its colored citizens, by basing representa tion on voters, and not on population, and thus places the indulgence of class preju dices and hatreds under the penalty of a corresponding loss of a political power in the Electoral College and the national House of Representatives. If the rebel States should be restored without this amendment becoming a part of the Consti tution, then the recent slave States will have thirty Presidential Electors and thirty members of the House of Representatives in virtue of a population they disfranchise, and the vote of a rebel white in South Car olina will carry with it more than double the power of a loyal white in Massachu setts or Ohio. The only ground on which this disparity can be defended is, that as "one Southerner is more than a match fur two Yankees," he has an inherent, contin uous, unconditioned right to have this supe riority recognized at the ballot-box. In deed, the injustice of this is so monstrous that the Johnson orators find it more con venient to decry all conditions of represen tation than to meet the incontrovertible reasons for exacting the condition which bases representation on voters. Not to make it a part of the Constitution would be, in Mr. Shellabarger's vivid illustration, to allow "that Lee's vote shouid have double the elective power of Grant's ; Secures' dou ble that of Farragut's ; Booth's—did he live —double that of Lincoln's, his victim !" It is also to be considered that these thir ty votes would in all future sessions of Con gress decide the fate of the most important measures. In 1862 the Republicans, as Congress is now constituted, only bad a majority of twenty votes. In alliance with the Northern Democratic party, the South, with these thirty votes, might repeal the civil rights bill, the principle of which is embodied in the proposed amendment. It might assume the rebel debt,which is repu diated in that amendment. It might even repudiate the Federal debt, which is affirm ed in that amendment. We are so accus tomed to look at the rebel debt as dead be yond the power of resurrection as to for get that it amounts, with the valuation of the emancipated slaves, to some four thou sand millions of dollars. If the South and its Northern Democratic allies should come into power,there is a strong probability that a measure would be brought in to assume at least a portion of this debt—say two thousand millions. The Southern members would be nearly a unit for assumption, and the Northern Democratic members would certainly be exposed to the most frightful temptation that legislators ever had to re sist. Suppose it were necessary to buy fif ty members at a million of dollars a piece, that sum would only be two and a half per cent, of the whole. Suppose it were neces sary to give them ten millipus a piece,even that would only be a deduction of twenty five per cent, from a claim worthless with out their votes. The bribery might be con ducted in such away as to elude discovery, if not suspicion,and the measure would cer tainly be trumpeted all over the North as the grandest of all acts of statesmanlike "conciliation," binding the south to the Union in indissoluble bonds of interest.— The amendment renders the conversion of the rebel debt into the most enormous of all corruption funds an impossibility. But the character and necessity of the amendment are too well understood to need explanation, enforcement or defence. If it or some more stringent one be not adopted, the loyal people will be tricked out of the fruits of the war they have waged at the expense of such unexampled sacrifices of treasure and blood. It never will be adop ted unless it be practically made a condi tion of the restoration of the rebel States ; aud for the unconditional restoration of those States the President,through his most trusted supporters, has indicated his inten tion to venture a coup d'etat. This threat has failed doubly of its purpose. The tim id, whom it was expected to frighten,it has simply scared into the reception of the idea that the only way to escape civil war is by the election of over a hundred and twenty Republican Representatives to the Fortieth Congress. The courageous, whom it was intended to defy, it has only exasperated into more strenuous efforts against tho in solent renegade who had the audacity to make it. Everywhere in the loyal States there is an uprising of the people only par alleled by the grand uprising of 18(51. The President's pian of reconstruction having passed from a policy into a conspiracy, IDS chief supporters are no v. not HO much his partisans as his accomplices; and aga' > t him and his accomplices the people will this autumn indignantly record the most overwhelming of verdicts. SELF-CONQUEST. The wisest of men, King Solomon, says, "The beginning of strife is as when one let teth out water." In some countries where the shore is low, as in Holland, they raise immense mounds, or dykes ot earth,to keep out the waves of ocean. If there should be the smallest breach in the dyke, the wat' r begins to press from all parts towards the opening ; and if not immediately stopped, the sea overcomes all resistance,and sweeps away the barriers, burying cities and villa ges beneath the flood, and spreading mis ery and ruin all around. "Therefore," speaks Solomon again,""leave oil contention before it be meddled with," —rather, before it in "mingled together that is, before y in spirits be joined in conflict, before you deal out hard words against one another. "Greater," says Solomon, "is ho that ruleth his own spirit than he that taketh a city." Courage and skill only are needed in the one case ; but what eff orts,and above all, what strength from God, to accomplish the other ! Such conquests, however, may and have been made, and that even by the young. As an illustration, let me mention how a little girl acted under circumstances of provocation, and the victory which she gained over herself. Two little sisters—Frances about seven, and Augusta about five years old—were as happy as little girls could be, loving their parents and each other dearly. Sometimes however,as it happens with the best friends, little differences would arise. On one of those occasions, Frances, perceiving how matters were tending, with a thoughtfui ness, decision,and self-command surprising in so young a child, said, "I am getting an gry ; I had better go out of the room for a few minutes." She acted immediately up on her resolution, and left the room for a short time. When she returned the storm was hushed, and they went to their play as happy as ever. This is no imaginary story,but a tact,and occurred just as it is related ; and it teach es our young friends, nay, all of us, a most useful lesson. Were all children to act like the little girl 1 have mentioned,how many sad scenes would be avoided, and what happiness ! would spring up in youthful hearts from self-conquest! There is this to encourage, that just as bad habits grow in strength the more they are yielded to, so each time temper is overcome will strength be gained for future conflict. Only remember, no ef fort of your own can accomplish it without the aid of God's Holy Spirit. The aid will be given if you earnestly and devoutly seek it. If parents, though sinful, know how to give good things unto their children, how much more shall your Father which is in heaven give the Holy Spirit to them that ask Him ?" NUMBER 23. DON'T LIKE MY BUSINESS- There is no greater fallacy in the wori-1 than that entertained by many young nun that 6ume pursuit in life can be found wh -i ly suited to their tastes, whims,and faucie;.-. This philosopher's stone can never be dis covered, and every one vvno makes his liie a search for it will be ruined. Much truth is contained in the Irishman's rem uk : "It is never aisy to work hard." Let,there fore, the fact be always remembered by the young, that no life-work can be found en tirely agreeable to a man. Success always lies at tbe top of a hill ; if we would react, it, we can do so only by hard, persevering effort, while beset with difficulties ol even kind. Genius counts nothing in the battle of life. Determined,obstinate perseverano in one single channel is everything. Hence, should any one of our young reader, be de bating in his mind a cl.tinge of business, imagining he has a genius for some other, let him at once dismiss tin thought, as he would a temptation to do evil. If you think you made a mistake in cho> sing the purse i; of profession you did, don't make another by leaving it. Spend all your energies :. working for and clinging io it,as you woui-i to the life-boat that sustained you in ti. midst of the ocean. If you leave it, it is almost certain that you will go down ; but if you cling to it, informing yourself about it until you are its master, bending your every energy to the work, success is cer tain. Good, hard, honest effort, steadily persevered in, will make your love for your business or profession grow, since no one should expect to reach a period when be can feel that his life-work is just the one lie could have done best, and like best. We are allowed to see and feel the reughncs in our own pathway,but not in others ; ye; all have them. PROFANITY. — Why will men take the name of God in vain ? What possible advantage is to be gained by it ? And yet iln. wan ton, vulgar sin of profanity is evid-miij m the increase. Oaths fall up a the ear .11 the cars and at the corners of streets. Tin North American Review BUYS well : "There are among us not a few who ieel that a I simple assertion or plain stab meat t: ob vious facts will pass for nothing, unless they swear to its truth by all the nana sol the Deity and biistei their lips v. it!, u. variety of hot and sulphurous oaths. It' we observe such persons very closely, v. e sh ii generally find that the fierceness of their profanity is an inverse ratio to the allium,e of their ideas. We venture to affirm that the profah'est men within the circle ol y. ur knowledge, are afflicted with a chronic weakness of the intellect. The utterance of an oath, though it may prevent a vacum in sound- is no indication of sense. It re requires no genius to swear. The reckless taking of sacred names in vain is as little characteristic of true independence of thought as it is of high moral culture. In this breathing and beautiful world, filled,a it were, with the presence of the Deity and fragrant with its incense from a thou: . •! altars of praise, it would be no severity should we catch the spirit of reverent wor shippers,and illustrate in ourselves the sen timent that the "Christian is the highs .it style of man." GOOD ADVICE. — Some one say : " tin let us tell you a stubborn truth 1 No young woman ever looks so well io a t.ei-- sible young man, as when dressed in a plain, neat, modest attire without ornament about her person. She lot . s then as though she possessed worth in hr self, and needed no artificial rigging to i hance her value. If a young woman would t pend so much time in cultivating her mind, training her temper, and eheris.i.g kindness, meekness, mercy, and other good qualities, as most of them do in extra dress and ornaments, to increase their personal charms, she would, at a glance, be known among a thousand—her character would be read in her countenance."