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olitir.nl
THE '• HOYS I.\ UI.I E " AltE COMING.
WRITTEN 11V ROBERT HAXVLEY, ESY., OF WLU.IAMSI'OBT ■
1.
They arc coming, Andy Johnson—a host of "Boys
in Blue "
i'resh from a hundred fields of war, the battle
scarred and true ;
y\.t ii > with gleaming bayonet aud roll of mar
tin drum,
1 ,i : : 1 with ballots for the Right, iu peaceful
ranks they come,
To shield the starry Hag they bore from traitors
hands anew ;
They are coming, Andy Johnson—a host of Boys
in Blue.
11.
TLey are coming, Andy Johnson—the loyal Boys
in Blue,
From Maine and from New Hampshire, and the
Bay State, ever true ;
From the Green Mountains of Vermont and little
Ehodey's shore;
From tin. home steads of Connecticut the hardy
veterans pour,
As late when I'. bin ; o'er the land the news of ;
Snmpter flew,
They are cum. .Andy Johnson—the loyal Boys j
in Blue.
in.
They are coming, Andy Johnson—the loyal Boys
iu Blue,
From New .Jersey nud from Delaware, and Mary
land tried anil true,
And from the grand old Keystone—man answering
to man,
With pledges for the "Star Brigade " axd Geary—
in the van—
To yield the soldiers' meed of praise to worth and
valor due—
They arc coming, Andy Johnson—the loyal Boys
in Blue.
rv.
They are coming, AudyJohnsou—the earnest Boys
in Blue.
T m shop and mill, and forge and field—the
steadfast and the true,
I'ia -heroes of the Empire State, despite her rec
reant son,
Vi.j lurus to shame and mockery the good deeds
he has done,
IV .-jmm with wrath the Moses false, the faithless
Aaron, too,
T'.. y arc coming, Andy Johnson—tho earnest Boys
in Blue.
v.
Tiii-y an corning, Aiuly Johnson—the vet'rans of
the West,
a their grand prairies and their lakes—the j
finest and the best ;
..i tie- broad rivers whose strong waves bear >
joyous to the sea
TLi- tn- litres of a continent—the tribute of the ;
ftee.
Tost - ik once more, in thunder-tones, a People's i
behest;
1 ■ y are coming, Andy Johnson—the vet'rans of
the West.
VI.
•y ar--coming, Andy Johnson—the freemen of
ta-J laud,
the prize they won with blood from Trea
-oii \s eager hand ;
"tat • White House to Lake Michigan they've
heard your wanton speech,
i ji-tin and threats and curses loud this plain re
spouse they teach:
by tLt memory of Antietam and Lookout moun
t-on high ;
by the noble dead of Gettysburg,in honored graves
who lie;
v„.
by memory of Pot t Donelson and Shiloh's bloody
shore ;
by memory of the Wilderness and Vicksburg's
cannon roar ;
by memory of Fort Pillow's slain—by scenes we :
may not tell
Libby and of Anderson, and many a rebel hell;
those ~ ho fill when Sherman marched proudly
to the sea ;
by those who swell'd at ltichmoud the shouts of
victory.
vm.
by memory of the loved and lost of many a North
ern home,
mothers', widows', orphans' tears, for those
who ne'er may come—
j by memory ol' "our Martyr Chief," by foul assas
sins' slain ;
N'o rebel horde, no traitor hand shall rule our land
again ;
Put traitors shall be punished, und treason odious
made,
And woe to him, or high or low, by whom wo are
betrayed."
IX.
Tin y are coming, Andy Johnson—a host of Boys
in BIHC,
1 resh from a hundred fields of war, the battle
worn and true,
b t now with gleaming bayonet and roll of martial
drum,
Tut armed with ballots for the right, in peaceful
ranks they come,
guard the starry flag they love from traitors'
hands anew,
Ih< y nre coming, Andy Johnson—a host of Boys
in Blue!
BQu The Copperheads howl "millions of
u-ebirs lr the nigger Bureau 1" General
• i ag r Swane reports officially that two
■liars have been expended from the Bu
au fund for the poor Southern whites,
one is paid for the Frecdmen. Thon
■'l > s of poor white Democrats in the South
•''•'been saved from starvation
v '-! \ Bureau.
M- O. GOODRICH, Publisher.
VOLUME XXVII.
ADDRESS
OF THE
NATIONAL UNION COMMITTEE,
To the American People.
FELI.OW-CITT7.ENS : Very gravely differ
ences have arisen between your immediate
Representatives in Congress and the Presi
dent who owes his position to your votes,
we are impelled to ask your attention there
to, and so suggest the duties to your coun
try which they render imperative.
We shall avoid the use of hard words.—
Of these,there have already been too many. I
And, that the matters iu issue may be
brought within the narrowest compass, let
us first eliminate from the-controversy ail
that has already been settled or has never
been in dispute.
The Republic has been desperately as
sailed from within, and its very existence
seriously imperiled. Thirteen States were
claimed as having withdrawn from the Un
ion, and were represented for years in a
hostile Congress meeting at Rich nit nd. Ten
of these States were, for a time, wholly in
the power of a hostile confederacy ; the
other three partially so. The undoubtedly
loyal States were repeatedly and formida
bly invaded by Rebel armies, which were
only expelled after obstinate and bloody
battles, Through four years of arduous,des
perate civil strife, the hosts of the Rebel
Confederacy withstood those of the Union.
Agents of that Confederacy traversed the
civilized world, seeking allies in their war
against the Republic, and inciting the
rapacious and unprincipled to fit out armed
corsair sto prey upon her commerce. By
State authority,aud in the perverted names
of patriotism and loyal ity,hundreds of thou
sands of our countrymen were conscripted
into Rebel armies aud made to fight des
perately for our national disruption and ru
in. And though, by the blessing of God
and the valor and constancy of our loyal
people, the Rebellion was finally and utter
ly crushed, it did not succumb until it had
caused the destruction of more than Half a
Million of precious human lives,not to speak
of property to the value of at least Five
Billions of Dollars.
At length, the Rebel armies surrendered
and the Rebel armies surrendered and the
Rebel power utterly collapsed and vanish
ed. What then ?
The claim of insurgents that they either
now reacquired or had never forfeited their
constitutional rights in the Union,including
that of representation in Congress, stands
iu pointed antagonism alike to the require
ments of Congress and to those of the act
ing President. It was the Executive alone
who, after the Rebellion was no more, ap
pointed Provisional Governors for the now
submissive, unarmed Southern States, on
the assumption that the Rebellion had been
"revolutionary," and had deprived the peo
ple under the sway of all civil government,
and who required the assembling of "a Con
vention,composed of delegates to be chosen
by that portion of the people of said State
who are loyal to the United States, and no
others, lor the purpose of alteriug and amen
ding the Constitution of said State." It was
President Johnson who, so late as October
last—when all shadow of overt resistance
to the Union had long since disappeared—
insisted that it was not enough that a State
which had revolted must recognize her Or
dinance of Secession as null and void from
the beginning, and ratify the Constitution
al Amendment prohibiting Slavery evermore
but she must also repudiate "every dollar
of indebtedness created to aid in carrying
on the Rebellion." It was he who ordered
the dispersion by military force of any leg
islature chosen under the Rebellion which
should assume power to make laws after
the rebellion had fallen. It was he who re
ferred to Congress all inquirers as to the
probability of Representatives from the
States lately in revolt being admitted to
seats in either House, and suggested that
they should present their credentials,not at
the organization of Congress,but afterward.
And finally,it was he, and not Congress,who
suggested to his Gov.Sbarkey of Mississippi,
that
"If you could extend the elective franchise to ull
persons of color who eau read the Constitution of
the United States in English and write their names,
and to all persons of color who own real estate val
ued at no less than $230 and pay taxes thereon,
you would completely disarm the adversary, and
set an example that other States will follow."
If, then, there be any controversy as to
the right of the loyal States to exact con
ditions and require guaranties of those
which plunge madly into Secession and Re
bellion, the supporters respectively of An
drew Johnson and of Congress cannot be
antagonist parties to that contest, since
; their record places them on the same side.
It being thus agreed that conditions of
restoration and guaranties against future j
rebellion may be exacted of the States late
ly in revolt,the right of Congress to a voice
in prescribing those conditions and in shap
ing those guaranties is plainly incontesti
blc. Whether it take the shape of law or
of a constitutional amendment, the action
of Congress is vital. Even if they were to
be settled by treaty, the ratification of the
Senate, by a two thirds vote, would be in
dispensable. There is nothing in the Fed
eral Constitution, nor in the nature of the
case, that countenances an Executive mon
oploy of this power.
What, then, is the ground of complaint
against Congress ?
Is it charged that the action of the two
Houses was tardy and hesitating? Consid
er how momentous were the questions in-"
volvcd, the issues depending. Consider
how novel and extraordinary was the situ
ation. Consider how utterly silent and
blank is the Federal Constitution touching
the treatment of insurgent States, whether
during their flagrant hostility to the Union
or after their discomfiture. Consider with
how many embarrassments and difficulties
the problem is beset, and you will not won
der that months were required to devise,
perfect, and pass, by a two-thirds vote in
either House, a just and safe plan of recon
struction.
Yet that plan has been matured, it has
passed the Senate l>y 33 to 11, and the
House by 138 to 30. It is now fairly before
the country, having already bcu ratified
by the Legislatures of several States and
rejected by none. Under it, the State of
Tennessee has been formally restored to all
the privileges she forfeited by Rebellion,in
cluding representation in either House of
Congress. And the door thus passed through
stands invitingly open to all who still lin
ger without.
TO WAND A, BRADFORD COUNTY, PA., SEPTEMBER 27,1866.
Are the conditions thus prescribed intol
erable, or even humiatiug ? They are in
substance these :
I. All persons born or naturalized in this
country are henceforth citizens of the Uni
ted States, and shall enjoy all the rights of
citizens evermore ; and no State shall have
power to contravene the most righteous and
necessary provision.
11. While the States claim and exercise
the power of denying the elective franchise
to a part of their people,the weight of each
State in the Union shall be measured by
and based upon its enfranchised population.
If any State shall choose, for no crime, to
deny political rights to any race or caste
it must no longer count that race or caste
as a basis of political power in the Union.
111. He who has once held office on the
strength of his solemn oath to support the
Federal Constitution, and has nevertheless
foresworn himself and treasonably plotted
to subvert that Constitution, shall hence
forth hold no political ollice till Congress,
by a two-thirds vote, shall remove or modi
fy the disability.
IV. The National Debt shall be nowise
repudiated nor invalidated ; and no debt
incurred in support of the Rebellion shall
be assumed or paid by any State ; nor
shall payment be made for the loss or
emancipation of any slave.
V. Congress shall have power to enforce
these guarantees by appropriate legisla
tion.
Such, Fellow-Citizens, are the conditions
of reconstruction proposed by Congress and
already accepted by the loyal Legislature
of Tennessee Are they harsh or degrad
ing? Do you discern therein a disposition
to trample on the prostrate or push an ad
vantage to the uttermost ? Do they em
body aught of vengeance, or any confisca
tion but that of Slavery? We solicit your
candid, impartial judgment.
What is intended by the third section is
simply to give Loyalty a fair start in the
reconstructed States. Under the Johnson
policy, the Rebels monopolize power and
place even in communities where they are
decidedly outnumbered. Their Generals
are Governors and Members elect of Con
gress ; their Colonels and Majors fill the
Legislatures, and officiate as Sheriffs. Not
only are the steadfastly loyal
but even stay-at-home Rebels have little
chance in competition with those who
fought to subvert the Union. When this
Rebel monopoly of office shall have been
broken up, and loyalty to the Union shall
have become general and hearty, Congress
may remove the disability, and will doubt
less make haste to do so.
We do not perceive that the justice or
fitness of the fourth section—prescribing
that the Union Public Debt shall be prompt
ly met, but that of the Rebel Confederacy
never—is seriously contested.
There remains, then, but the second sec
tion, which prescribes iu substance that po
litical power in the Union shall henceforth
be based only on that portion of the people
of each State, who are deemed by its con
stitution fit depositories of such power. In
other words : A Slate which chooses to
hold part of its population in ignorance and
vassalage—powerless, uneducated, unfran
chised—shall not count that portion to bal
ance the educated, intelligent, enfranchised
citizens of other States.
We do not purpose to argue the justice
of this provision. As well argue the shape
of a cube or the correctness of the Multipli
cation Table. He who does not feel that
this is simply and mildly just, would not
be persuaded though one rose from the
dead to convince him. That there are those
among us who 'would not have it ratified,
sadly demonstrates that the good work of
Emancipation is not yet complete.
" But," says some, " this section is de
signed to coerce the South into according
Suffrage to her Blacks." Not so, we reply ;
but only to notify her ruling caste that we
will no longer bribe them to keep their
Blacks in serfdom. An aristocracy rarely
surrenders its privileges, no matter how
oppressive, from abstract devotion tojus-
tice and right. It must have cogent, pal
pable reasons lor so doing. We say, there
fore, to Soth Carolina, " If you persistently
restrict all power to your 300,000 Whites,
we must insist that these no longer bal
ance, in Congress and the choice of Presi
dent, 700,000 Northern White freemen, but
only 300,000. If you keep your Blacks ev
ermore in serfdom, it must not be because
we tempted you so to do and rewarded you
for so doing."
Fellow-citizens of every State, but es
pecially of those soon to hold elections !
we entreat your earnest, constant heed to
the grave questions now at issue. If those
who so wantonly plung* d the Union into
Civil War shall be allowed by you to dic
tate the terms of Reconstruction, you will
will have heedlessly sown the bitter seeds
of future rebellions and bloody strife. Al
ready, you are threatened with a recogni
tion by the President of a shain Congress
made up of the factions which recently co
alesced at Philadelphia on a platform ot
Johnsonism—a Congress constituted by
nullifying and overriding a plain law of
the land—a Congress vi holly inspired from
tho White House, and appealing to the
sword alone for support. So glaring an at
tempt at usurpation would be even more
criminal than absurd. Happily, the Peo
ple, by electing an overwhelming majority
of thoroughly loyal representatives, are
rendering its initiation impossible.
We cannot close without a most deserv
ed tribute to the general fidelity where
with, in view of the President's defection,
the great body of the people, and even of
the Federal office-holders, stand fast by
their convictions and their principles. The
boundless patronage of the Executive,
though most unscrupulously wielded against
those to whose votes ha owes it,has corrupt
ed very few, either of those who shared or
of those who would gladly share in its en
joyment. Not one of the 22 States which
voted to re-elect Abraham Lincoln has giv
en in its adhesion to the President' policy ; j
while New Jersey—the only Free State j
that voted against him—has added herself j
to their number.
Our great war has taught impressively j
the peril of injustice ; and the lesson has
sunk deep into millions of hearts. Hie
American people, chastened by 6ull'ering,
are wiser and nobler than they were, with
a quicker and more open ear for every gen
erous suggestion. The fearful lessons
Memphis and New Orleans have not been
lost on them, as is proved by the result of
the recent elections in VERMONT and MAINE.
REGARDLESS OF DENUNCIATION FROM ANY QUARTER.
Wc cherish no shadow of doubt that Penn
sylvania, Ohio, ludiaua and lowa first, then
New York, New Jersey, Illinois, Michigan,
Wisconsin, Kansas and Minnesota, will do
likewise, and that a true restoration, a gen
uine, abiding Peace, will thus be secured
to our country—a peace that will endure,
because based on the everlasting founda
tions of Humanity, Justice and "Freedom.
Yours,
MARCUS L. WARD, New Jersey, Chairman.
JOHN D. DEFUSES, Indiana, Secretary.
HORACE GREELEY New York.
•S. A. PURIVANCE Pennsylvania,
WILLIAM CLAFLIN Massachusetts,
N. B. S.WITHERS Delaware,
H. W. HOFFMAN Maryland,
H. H. STARKWEATHER Connecticut,
11. B. Co WEN Ohio,
JOHN It. CLARKE N. Hanipshiro,
SUMITEL F. HUSSEY Maine,
ABRAHAM 15. GARDNER Yeruiout, .
J. S. FOWLER Tennessee,
BURTON C. COOK Illinois,
MARSH GIDDINGS Michigan,
D. P. STURBS lowa
A. W. CAMPBELL West Virginia,
8 . J UDD Wisconsin,
D. It. GOODLOE North Carolina,
8. H. BOYD Missouri,
W. J. CORNIYG Virginia,
THOS. SIMPSON Minnesota,
C. L. liouiNsoN Florida,
N FWTON EDM UNDS Dakota.
PROCEEDINGS OF CONGRESSIONAL CON
FERENCE.
The Congressional Conferees of the 13th
District met at the Montour House, Dan
ville, on Wednesday, the 12th of Septem
ber, 1860. The Counties were represented
as follows :
Bradford —U. Lawrence Scott, W. 11.
Caruachan, ,0. F. Young, C. F. Sayles, U.
N. Williams, C. F. Nichols.
Columbia —Dr. P. Polin, Geo. U. Willita,
1). A. Beckley, M. Whitmoyer.
Montour —l). 11. B. Brower, George B.
Brown, Wesley Shannon.
Wyoming- -J. E. Howe, W. 11. Barnes.
Snttiuan—C. M. King, 11. R. Dunham.
On motion, ii. Lawrence Scott, Esq., was
called to the chair, and Dr. P. John and
Dr. 1). 11. B. Brower were chosen Secre
taries.
On motion of D. A. Beckley, the Confer
ence proceeded to nominate a candidate for
Congress, when the Hon. ULYSSES MERCUR
was nominated by acclamation.
On.motion, Dr. P. John, H. N. Williams
and W. H. Barnes were appointed a com
mittee to draft resolutions. After retiring,
the committee reported the folio wing, which
were unanimously adopted :
liesolved, That we have unbounded confidence
in the ability and integrity of Hon. ULYSSES MER
CUR ; that we fully endorse his course in Congress,
and that we pledge him the support of the loyal
Union loving electors of this District.
2. Resolved, That we enter into the coming can
vass with a firm conviction that the Eight will tri
umph ; that the friends of the Union will rally
around our candidate because he stood firm and
true in defense of the great principles for the tri
umph of which the nation has sacrificed so much
of treasure and of blood.
3. liesolved , That we accept the amendments
proposed by Congress to the Constitution of the
United States as our National platform ; and that
we endorse the resolution adopted by tho Union
Republican State Convention at Harrisburg on the
7th of March last, pledging all honorable efforts
for the election of Gen. JOHN W. GEARY to the
Guoernatioual chair of Pennsylvania.
On motion, Dr. D. 11. B. Brower aud Capt.
M. Whitmoyer were appointed a Committee
to inform Hon. ULYSSES MERCUR of his nom
ination.
On motion of 11. 11. Dunham it w r as de
cided to hold the next Congressional Con
ference at Towanda on the Wednesday af
ter the first Monday in September in iB6O.
On motion adjourned.
L. L. SCOTT, Brest.
PALEMON JOHN, \
I). 11. B. BROWER, J
HIESTER CLYMER.—We want to do MR.:
Clymer the justice to Bay that in? entered !
the campaign for Governor with all the ar- !
dor of a man deeply imbued with the san
guine feelings of success. lie was claimed
by the Democracy as "the gayest" stand
ard-bearer iliai ever took up their tlug to j
carry it in the van of a fight. But long
before th it light is over Mr. Clyiuer has be
come dismayed, disheartened, sickened,and
ready to give up in despair. TO DAY HIES- I
TELL CLYMER IS THE SADDEST MAN IN PENNSYL- j
YANIA ! He lias met the people, and now J
confess that he is a whipped man. lie ;
gives up the election by default. He lias !
confessed to his friends that lie will receive
the smallest vote ever polled for any can
didate for Governor. He advises all his
personal acquaintances to make 110 bets on
the general result, as in doing so they
might us well make the stakes a present
to Republicans. The old adage that straws
show which way the wind blows, is illus
trated in Clyiner's case, with the difference
that Hiester is the heaviest log ever shoul
dered by the Copperhead leaders. He is a
worse load to carry than Andy Johnson,
and approaches Jeff. Davis nearest, in the
political odium in which he is held by the
masses of the people.
JE® 1 " The Copperheads and Coppcrjolm
sons, conceding the election of that gallant
soldier, General John W. Geary, are turn
ing their attention to Congressmen and the
Legislature, hoping by defeating our can
didates for the House of Representatives at
Washington to secure a sufficient number
of new members to carry out Andrew John
son's treasonable plans, and by electing
their own men to the Legislature to be able
to return to the United States Senate the
man who now so basely misrepresents the
people of Pennsylvania. Three hundred
thousand dollars, it stated, have been
raised in New York and Washington to
wards the success of these Johnsonian
plans ; but when the night of October 'Jth
arrives the contributors to this fund will
find that all their efforts have been in vain,
and that Pennsylvania lias followed in the
wake of Maine in the glorious results atten
ding her election.
A DRUNKEN PRESIDENT AND IMBECILE SECRE
TARY OF STATE. —Gentlemen high in official
position, and possessing the very best op
; portunies for information are of opinion
j that Mr. Seward is disordered in his intel
■ lect. His strange and incoherent precced
j ings and larguage, give color to the be
-1 lief that his long excessive use of Btimu
j iants, the shuck of Paiue's asault, and the
natural infirmities of years have been too
much lor the proper balance of bis mind.
With an insane Secretary of State, and a
j clownish drunken President, the people
I may well pray "God save the State."
THE POLITICAL POSITION OF GEN. GRANT.
A correspondent of the Chicago Republi
can, who travelled with the Presidential
party, in a despatch sent from Cincinnati,
furnished tho following significant explana
tion of the reasons which induced the illus
trious leader of our armies to decline the
compliment tendered him by the " Boys in
Blue " in that city, and of Gen. GRANT'S po
sition iu reference to the political issues of
the day :
GEN. GRANT AND OUR REPORTER.
The fact is, that Gen. Grant knows, as
has been patent to every one during the
whole of this trip, that continued efforts
have been made to embitter, if possible, his
relations with the President, by exciting
the jealousy of the latter, or by making in
vidious distinctions between tbem, and he
is determined that no act of his shall lend
any encouragement to any such contempti
ble proceeding on the one hand, or those
that have been made with like persistency to
identify him with the political views of the]
President on the other. Gen. Grant feels
that, next to the President, he is the head
of the army of the United States, not the
leader of a political party. He does not
consider the army a place for a politician,
and therefore will not permit himself to be
committed to the support of either of the
present political parties, nor that the army
shall be made a party machine.
GEN. GRANT'S ENDORSEMENT.
I have submitted the above to the Gene
ral wlio entirely approves of what I have writ
ten, and says that it fully and exactly express
es his views. I will, however, state that as
originally written, the concluding sentence
was in these words : " When he becomes a
partisan he intends immediately to resign
his present position," aud to this the Gen
eral objected, saying tbat it might be ta
ken to imply that at some future time he
did intend becoming a partisan, where
as iiis only intention iu using these
words was to express, as an officer of the
army his disapprobation of any attempt to
identify him with any political party what
ever.
For what follows ol interest in my de
spatch, it will be best that the public should
receive it in the chronological order in
which it really occurred, in order that it
may note the essential meanness of the
men who are the particular friends and de
voted the man who could
slander the Union men of New Orleans,and,
as is alleged and not contradicted, tamper
with the despatches of Gen. Sheridan.
The above conversation with Gen. Grant
took place in the baggage and refreshment
car attached to the train, in the presence
of Major Gen. Rawlings, chief of staff to
Gen. Grant; also of another major genera!,
who, I think, was Gen. Stoneman ; hut of
this I am not certain, for I did not take
any particular notice who it was.
In addition to these military men, there
were also present Mr. Warden, who is con
nected with the New York Times; John
Hogan, of St. Louis, Mo; Mr. Chadwick, of
Willard's Hotel, Washington, and one or
two members of the Columbus delegation
whose names I don't know.
General Grant afterward.retired from the
refreshment car, and as Mr. Warden imme
diately entered into conversation with Gen.
Rawling with great eagerness, apparently
respecting what might have been said to
me by General Grant, aud frequently look
ed in my direction, wishing to do a good
turn to a fellow reporter, who had the same
chance of obtaining inlormation as himself,
I offered to inform him as to the conversa
tic 111 which had passed betweeu myself and
the General, and in general terms did so. 1
We shortly afterward left the baggage car j
for the ear next to the President's, where 1 j
was busily engaged writing out my de- j
spatch and making the alteration request- i
<d by General Grant. Mr. Warden sat a 1
few seats from me, in front, and when Sen-'
ator Patterson of Tennessee,the well-known
1 Unionist who took office under the Coufede
iae3 r , entered tlie car, he immediately stop
ped him and began a somewhat excited
i conversation, at the end of which the loyal
Senator shook his finger toward the Corner
:n which 1 sat, aud then went into the Pres
, ideut's car.
GENERAL GRANT AGAIN.
In about a minute afterwards General
! Grant, who had been into the President's
! car to present himself to the people assem
bled at West Junction, re-entered the car,
and, having seated himself, beckoned to me
to come and speak with him. I did so,and,
on seating myself by his side, he went on
to say that he thought that if I published
the account already submitted to him, he
would like it to be understood that he had
refused to receive the proposed demonstra
tion entirely, because be felt it his duty to
refuse any reception or demonstration ten
dered separately to himself while travell
ing with the President, or to do anything
which might be construed as favoring any
political party. He then went on to reiter
ate bis determination not to be used by
those sought to commit him either for or
against President's policy, or to attacli any
political significance to his presence on the
President's excursion. He had also been
mucli annoyed at the use which had been
made of his name by John Hogan, who had
presumed to state that General Grant was
politically with the President, and on one
similar occasion by Mr. Seward ; he felt it
was, abovw all things, desirable for officers
of the army to avoid participation in ordi-1
nary political conflicts, except that it was '
their duty as citizens to support only men
who could show a record of consistent loy
alty. Whether a man's sentiments were
Johnsonian or Republican, he said he felt
that it was an insult to any loyal man to
ask him to vote for any candidate who was
not a loyal man in 1801. In this connec
tion, he said that without expressing any
views of his own for or against the Johnson
policy, lie yet felt it to be a misfortune for
Mr. Johnson that the advocates of his poli
cy in the States through which we had just
passed—Missouri, Illinois and Indiana—
had in some in tances put upon their ticket
men who in 1801 and 1802, had been guilty
of known disloyalty to the Government;
because (and this was said in a very em
phatic manner) he felt that to ask men
whose sons had shed their blood for the
Union to vote for men who had been dis
loyal to it, was the greatest insult that
could be offered. Southern men he could
make allowances for, and he could ride
through the South and get out on a plat
form and shake hands in friendship with
I such men men as Lee, Johnson or Forrest,
per Annum, in Advance.
'because, though they had been almost edu
! cated into secession, they come now truly
honest and loyal in their adherence to the
Union, and were seeking to strengthen it.
But he did not feel in that way toward
Northern men who had once been disloyal,
and neither desired to associate with them
nor have them for his friends. No such
men should have his support, nor ought
they to be supported by Mr. Johnson's
friends throughout the Northern States. lie
particularly instanced, as a specimen of this
objectionable class of men, HEISTER CLYNER,
the Democratic candidate for Governor of
Pennsylvania, saying that to ash any soldier
to vote for such a man, of, at one time, known
disloyalty, against another who had served
four years in the Union army, with credit to
himself and benefit to his country, was a gross
insult. If men desired to support Mr. John
son's policy let them, but at all events let
them vote only for such men as were true
to their country in 1861.
General Grant endorses nobody's policy.
Of course he has his own opinions, and I
presume will give them expression in his
vote ; but until he shall himself have ex
pressed them, or become a candidate for
some political office—a very unlikely oc
currence—it is only impertinence in any
one to inquire what these opinions are, or
to presume to speak for him, or to associa
ate him in any way with men who cannot
show a clear record for loyalty.
The significance of this remarkable and
emphatic statement cannot be overestimat
ed. To be thoroughly understood, it must
be recollected by our readers that among
the old officers of the regular army it is
considered a serious breach of propriety to
be involved in the ordinary political con
troversies in which all other classes of citi
zens engage. Gen. Grant evidently re
spects this feeling of his distinguished mil
itary associates and the traditions of his
department, and has resolutely endeavored,
for this good reason, to avoid the arena of
partisan politics. But even the limit of his
forbearance was reached by the ungener
ous, impudent and unauthorized statements
of orators connected with the Presidential
party, and he was determined to flatly con
tradict the allegations of Mr. Ilogan and
Secretary Seward. lie speaks with no un
certain sound. He does not support "My
Policy," and on the contrary deems it the
duty of every patriotic citizen to support
as candidates for office "only men who can
show a record of consistent loyalty." In
reference to the contest in Pennsylvania he
speaks in terms of unqualified condemna
tion of Heister Clymer, declaring that it is
an insult to any soldier to be asked to vote
for such a man. He cordially and fully en
dorses General Geary, on the other hand,
as one " w r ho had served four years in the
Union army with credit to himself and ben
efit to his country," and thus silences for
ever the calumnies of the Copperhead
press.
This authoritative exposition of the
views of General Grant is the crowning
disaster of the political pilgrimage to Chi
cago. It brands with falsehood the only
statement made during that trip that shook
even momentarily the faith of a single loy
al voter, and it proves that the illustrious
leader of the national armies, like the rank
and file, " keeps step to the music of the
Union 1"
' FALSEHOOD CORRECTED-SOLDIERS BOUN
TIES.
To the Editor of The Press:
SIR : Every Copperhead orator, every
! Copperjohnson newspaper in the State, per
! sets in asserting that Congress has voted
a large bounty to the black soldier than the
| law gives to the white soldier. Now, let us
! look at the facts of the case :
Previous to the passage of the acts of
.Tunc loth, 1804 (section 2), and July 4th,
1864 (section 1) but few, if any, of the col
ored troops were entitled to any bounty.—
These acts merely placed the colored sol
dier upon the same footing "as other soldiers
of the regular or volunteer forces of the Uni
ted States of like arm of the service." I
; quote the exact words of the law.
The only discrimination that exists is in
| favor of the white soldier, who, by the act of
I July 28, 1866, is entitled to an extra boun
| ty of one hundred dollars, which the color
|ed soldier does not get. The Copperjohn
j son orators and newspapers know, or ought
j to know,that these are the facts of the case.
I It is true that the colored man who served
{two years can get, and many of them have
: been paid, SIOO bounty ; so has the white
; man ; but the white man, by the act of Ju
ly 28, 1860, is entitled to another SIOO,
which the colored soldier cannot get, as
tliere were no colored troops in the service
at the time for which this SIOO extra boun
ty is to be paid. This bill was signed by
President Johnson, and it is rather strange
to see the friends of the President trying to
bring discredit upon Congress for passing
a bill which he himself approved,and which
would not have become a law without his
signature.
Why is this extra bounty of SIOO to the
white troops not paid 1 The bill allowing it
has passed both Houses of Congress, and
been approved by the President. There is
money euough in the treasury to pay it ;
and if it is not paid, it is the fault alone of
the Presideut and his office-holders. They
are withholding the payment of this extra
bounty for no other purpose than to influ
ence the elections. Let the white soldiers
hold them responsible for it.
A W NITE SOLDIER.
ROOMS UNION STATE CENTRAL COMMITTEE,
1105 CHESTNUT STREET,
PHILADELPHIA, Sept. 13, 1806.
C. 11*. Aschorn, Esq., Ilopeicell, Pa.:
DEAR SIR : Yours, of the lltli instant, is
I duly received, enclosing that shamelessly
j false card on the subject of bounties given
by Congress to white and colored soldiers.
Our political adversaries are acting upon
the adage,"A lie well adhered to is as good
as the truth." As military agent of Penn
sylvania at Washington for more than two
years, I became familiar with all the laws
of Congresß' granting bounties to soldiers.
I most positively affirm that no acts of con
gress discriminate against white soldiers,or
in favor of colored Soldiers. All assertions
to the contrary are falsehoods, intended to
mislead and deceive.
You are at liberty to make any use you
! please of this communication,
i! Yours, truly,
FR. JORDAN, Chairman.
LETTER FROM MARIETTA, PA
EDITOR REPORTER—I herewith enclose you
an article taken from the Lancaster Daily
Exjiress, referring to a Union meeting
which was held here on last Thursday Ev
ing, September 18,-giving a statement of
one of the most cowardly acts yet beenjper
petrated by the Copperheads.
Tue article below is not as bad as the
affair really was. There were eight per
sons wounded instead of four, as mention
ed below—for I assisted Dr. F. III.VKI.E in
dressing six, and was up most of the night
with them —there were two shot very bad
ly. There were four from Columbia, two
from Mount Joy, one from Lancaster, and
one from this place. I can vouch that this
is the truth as I was an eye witness of the
cowardly act.
Yours, most respectfully,
C. H. B.
UNION MEETING AT MARIETTA—COWARDLY
ASSAULT ON TIIE PROCESSION— FOUR MEN
WOUNDED.—Last evening a large and en
thusiastic meeting of the Republican Un
ion citizens of Marietta and vicinity was
held in front of the Town Hall, and was
addressed by Major A. C. Ileinoehl, Gen. J.
W. Fisher, J. B. Amwake, esq., and 1). M.
J. Loop, esq. Tlie Columbia Zouaves turn
ed out in strong force, and while parading
through the streets of the town were ston
ed and fired at by Copperhead guerrillas
concealed between the canal and the river.
Some four or five meu were struck by bul
lets from revolvers and badly injured. The
Zouaves were passing along peaceably at
the time ard nothing was done or said to
provoke an attack. The assault was en
tirely unexpected. The Zouaves made a
rush for the spot from whence the firing
came, but the miscreants made good their
escape by jumping into a boat and pushing
across the river. The whole affair was a
most brutal and cowardly assault, and had
evidently been planned beforehand. Among
the wounded were John Torbet and James
McDevitt. The former in the head and the
latter in the neck, both seriously. One of
the persons named is a Democrat and was
looking at the procession as it passed a
long. Two other men, named Findley and
Patterson, were also wounded.
—Since the above was written we learn
from a gentleman from the neighborhood of
Marietta, that the procession was stoned in
various parts of the town—that the guer
rillas wherever they could conceal them
selves took advantage of the concealment
and hurled stones at the Zouaves. The
same tactics seem to have been pursued in
Marietta that were followed here a week or
two since, when the Boys in Blue had their
parade. Wherever the cowards could con
ceal themselves in dark alleys and out-of
the-way places, they did so, and under cov
er of night escaped. It is also known that
the copperhead guerrillas were armed with
billies and other dangerous w apons, and
wherever they found a Zouave alone, they
assaulted him, These are facts, and can
be testified to by citizens of Marietta. We
hope to have fuller particulars by to-mor
row.
FACTS FOR GOVERNMENT BOND HOLDERS
READ AND REFLECT—THEN SELL YOUR BONDS—
OR BUY MORE 1
In 1861 eleven States seceded ; and
twenty three only since that time, have
been represented in Congress.
All the United States Bonds—s-20s,
7-30s and HMOs—all the greenbacks and
all the National Banks were created by
this Congress of twenty-tliree States.
President Jobnsou says it is an " assum
ed Congress"—therefore not legal. Ills
supporters and friends call it a " rump
Congress," a "usurping Congress," there
fore not a lawful Congress ; and they are
trying to elect Congressmen in the North,
and admit enough from the rebel States to
enforce this " Policy."
If a Congress of twenty three States is
not a lawful Congress, every United States
Bond you own, and your greenbacks and
Bank notes, are worth nothing ; because
[ an UNLAWFUL Congress could not make a
I LAWFUL Bond or lawful money—and your
money is worthless as your Bonds.
If Johnson's " Policy " succeeds, it brings
into Congress nine-four Congressmen from
the Rebel States, instead of eighty-five—
as before the war—thus they gain nine
j Congressmen by their treason. The North
| era States lose nine Congressmen by their
; victory over treason.
If tlie rebels get their ninety-four Con
| gressmen, and the Johnson " Policy " men
elect enough in the North to give them a
I majority, United States Bonds will be hcM
J ILLEGAL, and United States Bondholders will
j lose principal and interest.
If you want to prove Congress illegal,
and the Bonds illegal, vote to elect Coppei-
Jolnißou -National - Rebel - Union-Congress
men, who oppose the Constitutional Amend
ment, so that the National debt may be re
pudiated when they get into power, but be
sure to sell all your Bonds first, for there
will be no market for them afterwards.
If you want to prove Congress legal,
vote to sustain it—the party that created
the Bonds—the party that fought and won
the war—that says Congress represents
the people—that is pledged to keep f.iitli
with the Bond-holders—and thus secure the
adoption of the Constitutional Amendment,
and forever prevent repudiation—hut buy
all the Bonds you can first.
Remember also—our Loaus are depreci
ated in Europe by the London Times, which
defends Johnson's Policy, hoping to get
Rebels back into Congress, and by their
votes do what they could not do with their
arms—destroy our National Credit.
FIIGY- LET it he remembered that Heister
Clymer, the Copper-Johnson candidate for
Governor of Pennsylvania, voted against
arming the State ; against sustaining the
soldiers in the field ; against allowing sol
diers to vote ; against punishing treason ;
against paying bounties ; against allowing
Governor—now President Johnson to speak
in the Capitol in favor of Southern loyal
ists ; against the war; against sustaining
it, and in favor of peace when peace meant
success to the rebels His sympathies were
with the rebels then, as they are with An
drew Johnson now. The people, however,
fully understand tin's matter, and will pass
their judgment upon it at the polls in Oc
tober, in a manner whioh will be as signifi
cant as it will be effective.
ONE INCIDENT OF MANY. —When the Presi
dent and his party arrived at Tyron city,
Pennsylvania, Mr. Johnson made his appear
ance on the platform of the car,when Grant
and Farragut were loudly called for. On
their appearance they were loudly cheered,
after which three cheers were proposed
"for a loyal Congress," and given with a
hearty good will. Meanwhile the President
maintained his position on the platform un
til the train left,when he departed uncheer
ed and almost unnoticed.
NUMBER 18.