TSBMS OF nnuoAfKM. The REPORTER is published every Thursday Morn- BV E o. GOODRICH, at $2 per aunnrn, in nd- exceeding fifteen lines are ' rtoc 5 at TES CENTS per lino for first insertion, ' N ; • IVE CENTS per line for subsequent insertions oial notices inserted before Marriages and will BE charged FIFTEEN CENT, per line for ''insertion All resolutions of Associations; ''•innindentions of limited or individual interest, 'I ao ii t - c s of Marriages and Deaths exceeding five tare charged TEN CENTS per line. 1 Year. 6 mo. 3 mo. '"oluinn, s*s !t4O ° ue ' 40 25 15 o! ie Square, lb 7i 5 . trav Caution, Lost and Found, and oth rr advertisements, not exceeding 15 lines, three weeks, or less, $1 50 inistrator's and Executor's Notices.. .2 00 > ai ])tor'B Notices 2 50 cosiness Cards, five lines, (.per year) 5 00 •hints and others, advertising their business ■1 be charged S2O. They will bo entitled to 4 confined exclusively to their business, with nrivilt f change. .y Advertising in all cases exclusive of sub scription to the paper. TOli PRINTING of every kiud in Plain andFan cV lors, done with neatness and dispatch. Hand ,' ls, blanks, Cards, Pamphlets, &c., of every ra rity and style, printed at the shortest notice. The RVVOSTEB OFFICE has just been re-fitted with Power . and every thing in the Printing line can he executed iu the most artistic manner and at the lowest rates. TEPvMS INVARIABLY CASH. olitir.nl THE '• HOYS I.\ UI.I E " AltE COMING. WRITTEN 11V ROBERT HAXVLEY, ESY., OF WLU.IAMSI'OBT ■ 1. They arc coming, Andy Johnson—a host of "Boys in Blue " i'resh from a hundred fields of war, the battle scarred and true ; y\.t ii > with gleaming bayonet aud roll of mar tin drum, 1 ,i : : 1 with ballots for the Right, iu peaceful ranks they come, To shield the starry Hag they bore from traitors hands anew ; They are coming, Andy Johnson—a host of Boys in Blue. 11. TLey are coming, Andy Johnson—the loyal Boys in Blue, From Maine and from New Hampshire, and the Bay State, ever true ; From the Green Mountains of Vermont and little Ehodey's shore; From tin. home steads of Connecticut the hardy veterans pour, As late when I'. bin ; o'er the land the news of ; Snmpter flew, They are cum. .Andy Johnson—the loyal Boys j in Blue. in. They are coming, Andy Johnson—the loyal Boys iu Blue, From New .Jersey nud from Delaware, and Mary land tried anil true, And from the grand old Keystone—man answering to man, With pledges for the "Star Brigade " axd Geary— in the van— To yield the soldiers' meed of praise to worth and valor due— They arc coming, Andy Johnson—the loyal Boys in Blue. rv. They are coming, AudyJohnsou—the earnest Boys in Blue. T m shop and mill, and forge and field—the steadfast and the true, I'ia -heroes of the Empire State, despite her rec reant son, Vi.j lurus to shame and mockery the good deeds he has done, IV .-jmm with wrath the Moses false, the faithless Aaron, too, T'.. y arc coming, Andy Johnson—tho earnest Boys in Blue. v. Tiii-y an corning, Aiuly Johnson—the vet'rans of the West, a their grand prairies and their lakes—the j finest and the best ; ..i tie- broad rivers whose strong waves bear > joyous to the sea TLi- tn- litres of a continent—the tribute of the ; ftee. Tost - ik once more, in thunder-tones, a People's i behest; 1 ■ y are coming, Andy Johnson—the vet'rans of the West. VI. •y ar--coming, Andy Johnson—the freemen of ta-J laud, the prize they won with blood from Trea -oii \s eager hand ; "tat • White House to Lake Michigan they've heard your wanton speech, i ji-tin and threats and curses loud this plain re spouse they teach: by tLt memory of Antietam and Lookout moun t-on high ; by the noble dead of Gettysburg,in honored graves who lie; v„. by memory of Pot t Donelson and Shiloh's bloody shore ; by memory of the Wilderness and Vicksburg's cannon roar ; by memory of Fort Pillow's slain—by scenes we : may not tell Libby and of Anderson, and many a rebel hell; those ~ ho fill when Sherman marched proudly to the sea ; by those who swell'd at ltichmoud the shouts of victory. vm. by memory of the loved and lost of many a North ern home, mothers', widows', orphans' tears, for those who ne'er may come— j by memory ol' "our Martyr Chief," by foul assas sins' slain ; N'o rebel horde, no traitor hand shall rule our land again ; Put traitors shall be punished, und treason odious made, And woe to him, or high or low, by whom wo are betrayed." IX. Tin y are coming, Andy Johnson—a host of Boys in BIHC, 1 resh from a hundred fields of war, the battle worn and true, b t now with gleaming bayonet and roll of martial drum, Tut armed with ballots for the right, in peaceful ranks they come, guard the starry flag they love from traitors' hands anew, Ih< y nre coming, Andy Johnson—a host of Boys in Blue! BQu The Copperheads howl "millions of u-ebirs lr the nigger Bureau 1" General • i ag r Swane reports officially that two ■liars have been expended from the Bu au fund for the poor Southern whites, one is paid for the Frecdmen. Thon ■'l > s of poor white Democrats in the South •''•'been saved from starvation v '-! \ Bureau. M- O. GOODRICH, Publisher. VOLUME XXVII. ADDRESS OF THE NATIONAL UNION COMMITTEE, To the American People. FELI.OW-CITT7.ENS : Very gravely differ ences have arisen between your immediate Representatives in Congress and the Presi dent who owes his position to your votes, we are impelled to ask your attention there to, and so suggest the duties to your coun try which they render imperative. We shall avoid the use of hard words.— Of these,there have already been too many. I And, that the matters iu issue may be brought within the narrowest compass, let us first eliminate from the-controversy ail that has already been settled or has never been in dispute. The Republic has been desperately as sailed from within, and its very existence seriously imperiled. Thirteen States were claimed as having withdrawn from the Un ion, and were represented for years in a hostile Congress meeting at Rich nit nd. Ten of these States were, for a time, wholly in the power of a hostile confederacy ; the other three partially so. The undoubtedly loyal States were repeatedly and formida bly invaded by Rebel armies, which were only expelled after obstinate and bloody battles, Through four years of arduous,des perate civil strife, the hosts of the Rebel Confederacy withstood those of the Union. Agents of that Confederacy traversed the civilized world, seeking allies in their war against the Republic, and inciting the rapacious and unprincipled to fit out armed corsair sto prey upon her commerce. By State authority,aud in the perverted names of patriotism and loyal ity,hundreds of thou sands of our countrymen were conscripted into Rebel armies aud made to fight des perately for our national disruption and ru in. And though, by the blessing of God and the valor and constancy of our loyal people, the Rebellion was finally and utter ly crushed, it did not succumb until it had caused the destruction of more than Half a Million of precious human lives,not to speak of property to the value of at least Five Billions of Dollars. At length, the Rebel armies surrendered and the Rebel armies surrendered and the Rebel power utterly collapsed and vanish ed. What then ? The claim of insurgents that they either now reacquired or had never forfeited their constitutional rights in the Union,including that of representation in Congress, stands iu pointed antagonism alike to the require ments of Congress and to those of the act ing President. It was the Executive alone who, after the Rebellion was no more, ap pointed Provisional Governors for the now submissive, unarmed Southern States, on the assumption that the Rebellion had been "revolutionary," and had deprived the peo ple under the sway of all civil government, and who required the assembling of "a Con vention,composed of delegates to be chosen by that portion of the people of said State who are loyal to the United States, and no others, lor the purpose of alteriug and amen ding the Constitution of said State." It was President Johnson who, so late as October last—when all shadow of overt resistance to the Union had long since disappeared— insisted that it was not enough that a State which had revolted must recognize her Or dinance of Secession as null and void from the beginning, and ratify the Constitution al Amendment prohibiting Slavery evermore but she must also repudiate "every dollar of indebtedness created to aid in carrying on the Rebellion." It was he who ordered the dispersion by military force of any leg islature chosen under the Rebellion which should assume power to make laws after the rebellion had fallen. It was he who re ferred to Congress all inquirers as to the probability of Representatives from the States lately in revolt being admitted to seats in either House, and suggested that they should present their credentials,not at the organization of Congress,but afterward. And finally,it was he, and not Congress,who suggested to his Gov.Sbarkey of Mississippi, that "If you could extend the elective franchise to ull persons of color who eau read the Constitution of the United States in English and write their names, and to all persons of color who own real estate val ued at no less than $230 and pay taxes thereon, you would completely disarm the adversary, and set an example that other States will follow." If, then, there be any controversy as to the right of the loyal States to exact con ditions and require guaranties of those which plunge madly into Secession and Re bellion, the supporters respectively of An drew Johnson and of Congress cannot be antagonist parties to that contest, since ; their record places them on the same side. It being thus agreed that conditions of restoration and guaranties against future j rebellion may be exacted of the States late ly in revolt,the right of Congress to a voice in prescribing those conditions and in shap ing those guaranties is plainly incontesti blc. Whether it take the shape of law or of a constitutional amendment, the action of Congress is vital. Even if they were to be settled by treaty, the ratification of the Senate, by a two thirds vote, would be in dispensable. There is nothing in the Fed eral Constitution, nor in the nature of the case, that countenances an Executive mon oploy of this power. What, then, is the ground of complaint against Congress ? Is it charged that the action of the two Houses was tardy and hesitating? Consid er how momentous were the questions in-" volvcd, the issues depending. Consider how novel and extraordinary was the situ ation. Consider how utterly silent and blank is the Federal Constitution touching the treatment of insurgent States, whether during their flagrant hostility to the Union or after their discomfiture. Consider with how many embarrassments and difficulties the problem is beset, and you will not won der that months were required to devise, perfect, and pass, by a two-thirds vote in either House, a just and safe plan of recon struction. Yet that plan has been matured, it has passed the Senate l>y 33 to 11, and the House by 138 to 30. It is now fairly before the country, having already bcu ratified by the Legislatures of several States and rejected by none. Under it, the State of Tennessee has been formally restored to all the privileges she forfeited by Rebellion,in cluding representation in either House of Congress. And the door thus passed through stands invitingly open to all who still lin ger without. TO WAND A, BRADFORD COUNTY, PA., SEPTEMBER 27,1866. Are the conditions thus prescribed intol erable, or even humiatiug ? They are in substance these : I. All persons born or naturalized in this country are henceforth citizens of the Uni ted States, and shall enjoy all the rights of citizens evermore ; and no State shall have power to contravene the most righteous and necessary provision. 11. While the States claim and exercise the power of denying the elective franchise to a part of their people,the weight of each State in the Union shall be measured by and based upon its enfranchised population. If any State shall choose, for no crime, to deny political rights to any race or caste it must no longer count that race or caste as a basis of political power in the Union. 111. He who has once held office on the strength of his solemn oath to support the Federal Constitution, and has nevertheless foresworn himself and treasonably plotted to subvert that Constitution, shall hence forth hold no political ollice till Congress, by a two-thirds vote, shall remove or modi fy the disability. IV. The National Debt shall be nowise repudiated nor invalidated ; and no debt incurred in support of the Rebellion shall be assumed or paid by any State ; nor shall payment be made for the loss or emancipation of any slave. V. Congress shall have power to enforce these guarantees by appropriate legisla tion. Such, Fellow-Citizens, are the conditions of reconstruction proposed by Congress and already accepted by the loyal Legislature of Tennessee Are they harsh or degrad ing? Do you discern therein a disposition to trample on the prostrate or push an ad vantage to the uttermost ? Do they em body aught of vengeance, or any confisca tion but that of Slavery? We solicit your candid, impartial judgment. What is intended by the third section is simply to give Loyalty a fair start in the reconstructed States. Under the Johnson policy, the Rebels monopolize power and place even in communities where they are decidedly outnumbered. Their Generals are Governors and Members elect of Con gress ; their Colonels and Majors fill the Legislatures, and officiate as Sheriffs. Not only are the steadfastly loyal but even stay-at-home Rebels have little chance in competition with those who fought to subvert the Union. When this Rebel monopoly of office shall have been broken up, and loyalty to the Union shall have become general and hearty, Congress may remove the disability, and will doubt less make haste to do so. We do not perceive that the justice or fitness of the fourth section—prescribing that the Union Public Debt shall be prompt ly met, but that of the Rebel Confederacy never—is seriously contested. There remains, then, but the second sec tion, which prescribes iu substance that po litical power in the Union shall henceforth be based only on that portion of the people of each State, who are deemed by its con stitution fit depositories of such power. In other words : A Slate which chooses to hold part of its population in ignorance and vassalage—powerless, uneducated, unfran chised—shall not count that portion to bal ance the educated, intelligent, enfranchised citizens of other States. We do not purpose to argue the justice of this provision. As well argue the shape of a cube or the correctness of the Multipli cation Table. He who does not feel that this is simply and mildly just, would not be persuaded though one rose from the dead to convince him. That there are those among us who 'would not have it ratified, sadly demonstrates that the good work of Emancipation is not yet complete. " But," says some, " this section is de signed to coerce the South into according Suffrage to her Blacks." Not so, we reply ; but only to notify her ruling caste that we will no longer bribe them to keep their Blacks in serfdom. An aristocracy rarely surrenders its privileges, no matter how oppressive, from abstract devotion tojus- tice and right. It must have cogent, pal pable reasons lor so doing. We say, there fore, to Soth Carolina, " If you persistently restrict all power to your 300,000 Whites, we must insist that these no longer bal ance, in Congress and the choice of Presi dent, 700,000 Northern White freemen, but only 300,000. If you keep your Blacks ev ermore in serfdom, it must not be because we tempted you so to do and rewarded you for so doing." Fellow-citizens of every State, but es pecially of those soon to hold elections ! we entreat your earnest, constant heed to the grave questions now at issue. If those who so wantonly plung* d the Union into Civil War shall be allowed by you to dic tate the terms of Reconstruction, you will will have heedlessly sown the bitter seeds of future rebellions and bloody strife. Al ready, you are threatened with a recogni tion by the President of a shain Congress made up of the factions which recently co alesced at Philadelphia on a platform ot Johnsonism—a Congress constituted by nullifying and overriding a plain law of the land—a Congress vi holly inspired from tho White House, and appealing to the sword alone for support. So glaring an at tempt at usurpation would be even more criminal than absurd. Happily, the Peo ple, by electing an overwhelming majority of thoroughly loyal representatives, are rendering its initiation impossible. We cannot close without a most deserv ed tribute to the general fidelity where with, in view of the President's defection, the great body of the people, and even of the Federal office-holders, stand fast by their convictions and their principles. The boundless patronage of the Executive, though most unscrupulously wielded against those to whose votes ha owes it,has corrupt ed very few, either of those who shared or of those who would gladly share in its en joyment. Not one of the 22 States which voted to re-elect Abraham Lincoln has giv en in its adhesion to the President' policy ; j while New Jersey—the only Free State j that voted against him—has added herself j to their number. Our great war has taught impressively j the peril of injustice ; and the lesson has sunk deep into millions of hearts. Hie American people, chastened by 6ull'ering, are wiser and nobler than they were, with a quicker and more open ear for every gen erous suggestion. The fearful lessons Memphis and New Orleans have not been lost on them, as is proved by the result of the recent elections in VERMONT and MAINE. REGARDLESS OF DENUNCIATION FROM ANY QUARTER. Wc cherish no shadow of doubt that Penn sylvania, Ohio, ludiaua and lowa first, then New York, New Jersey, Illinois, Michigan, Wisconsin, Kansas and Minnesota, will do likewise, and that a true restoration, a gen uine, abiding Peace, will thus be secured to our country—a peace that will endure, because based on the everlasting founda tions of Humanity, Justice and "Freedom. Yours, MARCUS L. WARD, New Jersey, Chairman. JOHN D. DEFUSES, Indiana, Secretary. HORACE GREELEY New York. •S. A. PURIVANCE Pennsylvania, WILLIAM CLAFLIN Massachusetts, N. B. S.WITHERS Delaware, H. W. HOFFMAN Maryland, H. H. STARKWEATHER Connecticut, 11. B. Co WEN Ohio, JOHN It. CLARKE N. Hanipshiro, SUMITEL F. HUSSEY Maine, ABRAHAM 15. GARDNER Yeruiout, . J. S. FOWLER Tennessee, BURTON C. COOK Illinois, MARSH GIDDINGS Michigan, D. P. STURBS lowa A. W. CAMPBELL West Virginia, 8 . J UDD Wisconsin, D. It. GOODLOE North Carolina, 8. H. BOYD Missouri, W. J. CORNIYG Virginia, THOS. SIMPSON Minnesota, C. L. liouiNsoN Florida, N FWTON EDM UNDS Dakota. PROCEEDINGS OF CONGRESSIONAL CON FERENCE. The Congressional Conferees of the 13th District met at the Montour House, Dan ville, on Wednesday, the 12th of Septem ber, 1860. The Counties were represented as follows : Bradford —U. Lawrence Scott, W. 11. Caruachan, ,0. F. Young, C. F. Sayles, U. N. Williams, C. F. Nichols. Columbia —Dr. P. Polin, Geo. U. Willita, 1). A. Beckley, M. Whitmoyer. Montour —l). 11. B. Brower, George B. Brown, Wesley Shannon. Wyoming- -J. E. Howe, W. 11. Barnes. Snttiuan—C. M. King, 11. R. Dunham. On motion, ii. Lawrence Scott, Esq., was called to the chair, and Dr. P. John and Dr. 1). 11. B. Brower were chosen Secre taries. On motion of D. A. Beckley, the Confer ence proceeded to nominate a candidate for Congress, when the Hon. ULYSSES MERCUR was nominated by acclamation. On.motion, Dr. P. John, H. N. Williams and W. H. Barnes were appointed a com mittee to draft resolutions. After retiring, the committee reported the folio wing, which were unanimously adopted : liesolved, That we have unbounded confidence in the ability and integrity of Hon. ULYSSES MER CUR ; that we fully endorse his course in Congress, and that we pledge him the support of the loyal Union loving electors of this District. 2. Resolved, That we enter into the coming can vass with a firm conviction that the Eight will tri umph ; that the friends of the Union will rally around our candidate because he stood firm and true in defense of the great principles for the tri umph of which the nation has sacrificed so much of treasure and of blood. 3. liesolved , That we accept the amendments proposed by Congress to the Constitution of the United States as our National platform ; and that we endorse the resolution adopted by tho Union Republican State Convention at Harrisburg on the 7th of March last, pledging all honorable efforts for the election of Gen. JOHN W. GEARY to the Guoernatioual chair of Pennsylvania. On motion, Dr. D. 11. B. Brower aud Capt. M. Whitmoyer were appointed a Committee to inform Hon. ULYSSES MERCUR of his nom ination. On motion of 11. 11. Dunham it w r as de cided to hold the next Congressional Con ference at Towanda on the Wednesday af ter the first Monday in September in iB6O. On motion adjourned. L. L. SCOTT, Brest. PALEMON JOHN, \ I). 11. B. BROWER, J HIESTER CLYMER.—We want to do MR.: Clymer the justice to Bay that in? entered ! the campaign for Governor with all the ar- ! dor of a man deeply imbued with the san guine feelings of success. lie was claimed by the Democracy as "the gayest" stand ard-bearer iliai ever took up their tlug to j carry it in the van of a fight. But long before th it light is over Mr. Clyiuer has be come dismayed, disheartened, sickened,and ready to give up in despair. TO DAY HIES- I TELL CLYMER IS THE SADDEST MAN IN PENNSYL- j YANIA ! He lias met the people, and now J confess that he is a whipped man. lie ; gives up the election by default. He lias ! confessed to his friends that lie will receive the smallest vote ever polled for any can didate for Governor. He advises all his personal acquaintances to make 110 bets on the general result, as in doing so they might us well make the stakes a present to Republicans. The old adage that straws show which way the wind blows, is illus trated in Clyiner's case, with the difference that Hiester is the heaviest log ever shoul dered by the Copperhead leaders. He is a worse load to carry than Andy Johnson, and approaches Jeff. Davis nearest, in the political odium in which he is held by the masses of the people. JE® 1 " The Copperheads and Coppcrjolm sons, conceding the election of that gallant soldier, General John W. Geary, are turn ing their attention to Congressmen and the Legislature, hoping by defeating our can didates for the House of Representatives at Washington to secure a sufficient number of new members to carry out Andrew John son's treasonable plans, and by electing their own men to the Legislature to be able to return to the United States Senate the man who now so basely misrepresents the people of Pennsylvania. Three hundred thousand dollars, it stated, have been raised in New York and Washington to wards the success of these Johnsonian plans ; but when the night of October 'Jth arrives the contributors to this fund will find that all their efforts have been in vain, and that Pennsylvania lias followed in the wake of Maine in the glorious results atten ding her election. A DRUNKEN PRESIDENT AND IMBECILE SECRE TARY OF STATE. —Gentlemen high in official position, and possessing the very best op ; portunies for information are of opinion j that Mr. Seward is disordered in his intel ■ lect. His strange and incoherent precced j ings and larguage, give color to the be -1 lief that his long excessive use of Btimu j iants, the shuck of Paiue's asault, and the natural infirmities of years have been too much lor the proper balance of bis mind. With an insane Secretary of State, and a j clownish drunken President, the people I may well pray "God save the State." THE POLITICAL POSITION OF GEN. GRANT. A correspondent of the Chicago Republi can, who travelled with the Presidential party, in a despatch sent from Cincinnati, furnished tho following significant explana tion of the reasons which induced the illus trious leader of our armies to decline the compliment tendered him by the " Boys in Blue " in that city, and of Gen. GRANT'S po sition iu reference to the political issues of the day : GEN. GRANT AND OUR REPORTER. The fact is, that Gen. Grant knows, as has been patent to every one during the whole of this trip, that continued efforts have been made to embitter, if possible, his relations with the President, by exciting the jealousy of the latter, or by making in vidious distinctions between tbem, and he is determined that no act of his shall lend any encouragement to any such contempti ble proceeding on the one hand, or those that have been made with like persistency to identify him with the political views of the] President on the other. Gen. Grant feels that, next to the President, he is the head of the army of the United States, not the leader of a political party. He does not consider the army a place for a politician, and therefore will not permit himself to be committed to the support of either of the present political parties, nor that the army shall be made a party machine. GEN. GRANT'S ENDORSEMENT. I have submitted the above to the Gene ral wlio entirely approves of what I have writ ten, and says that it fully and exactly express es his views. I will, however, state that as originally written, the concluding sentence was in these words : " When he becomes a partisan he intends immediately to resign his present position," aud to this the Gen eral objected, saying tbat it might be ta ken to imply that at some future time he did intend becoming a partisan, where as iiis only intention iu using these words was to express, as an officer of the army his disapprobation of any attempt to identify him with any political party what ever. For what follows ol interest in my de spatch, it will be best that the public should receive it in the chronological order in which it really occurred, in order that it may note the essential meanness of the men who are the particular friends and de voted the man who could slander the Union men of New Orleans,and, as is alleged and not contradicted, tamper with the despatches of Gen. Sheridan. The above conversation with Gen. Grant took place in the baggage and refreshment car attached to the train, in the presence of Major Gen. Rawlings, chief of staff to Gen. Grant; also of another major genera!, who, I think, was Gen. Stoneman ; hut of this I am not certain, for I did not take any particular notice who it was. In addition to these military men, there were also present Mr. Warden, who is con nected with the New York Times; John Hogan, of St. Louis, Mo; Mr. Chadwick, of Willard's Hotel, Washington, and one or two members of the Columbus delegation whose names I don't know. General Grant afterward.retired from the refreshment car, and as Mr. Warden imme diately entered into conversation with Gen. Rawling with great eagerness, apparently respecting what might have been said to me by General Grant, aud frequently look ed in my direction, wishing to do a good turn to a fellow reporter, who had the same chance of obtaining inlormation as himself, I offered to inform him as to the conversa tic 111 which had passed betweeu myself and the General, and in general terms did so. 1 We shortly afterward left the baggage car j for the ear next to the President's, where 1 j was busily engaged writing out my de- j spatch and making the alteration request- i <d by General Grant. Mr. Warden sat a 1 few seats from me, in front, and when Sen-' ator Patterson of Tennessee,the well-known 1 Unionist who took office under the Coufede iae3 r , entered tlie car, he immediately stop ped him and began a somewhat excited i conversation, at the end of which the loyal Senator shook his finger toward the Corner :n which 1 sat, aud then went into the Pres , ideut's car. GENERAL GRANT AGAIN. In about a minute afterwards General ! Grant, who had been into the President's ! car to present himself to the people assem bled at West Junction, re-entered the car, and, having seated himself, beckoned to me to come and speak with him. I did so,and, on seating myself by his side, he went on to say that he thought that if I published the account already submitted to him, he would like it to be understood that he had refused to receive the proposed demonstra tion entirely, because be felt it his duty to refuse any reception or demonstration ten dered separately to himself while travell ing with the President, or to do anything which might be construed as favoring any political party. He then went on to reiter ate bis determination not to be used by those sought to commit him either for or against President's policy, or to attacli any political significance to his presence on the President's excursion. He had also been mucli annoyed at the use which had been made of his name by John Hogan, who had presumed to state that General Grant was politically with the President, and on one similar occasion by Mr. Seward ; he felt it was, abovw all things, desirable for officers of the army to avoid participation in ordi-1 nary political conflicts, except that it was ' their duty as citizens to support only men who could show a record of consistent loy alty. Whether a man's sentiments were Johnsonian or Republican, he said he felt that it was an insult to any loyal man to ask him to vote for any candidate who was not a loyal man in 1801. In this connec tion, he said that without expressing any views of his own for or against the Johnson policy, lie yet felt it to be a misfortune for Mr. Johnson that the advocates of his poli cy in the States through which we had just passed—Missouri, Illinois and Indiana— had in some in tances put upon their ticket men who in 1801 and 1802, had been guilty of known disloyalty to the Government; because (and this was said in a very em phatic manner) he felt that to ask men whose sons had shed their blood for the Union to vote for men who had been dis loyal to it, was the greatest insult that could be offered. Southern men he could make allowances for, and he could ride through the South and get out on a plat form and shake hands in friendship with I such men men as Lee, Johnson or Forrest, per Annum, in Advance. 'because, though they had been almost edu ! cated into secession, they come now truly honest and loyal in their adherence to the Union, and were seeking to strengthen it. But he did not feel in that way toward Northern men who had once been disloyal, and neither desired to associate with them nor have them for his friends. No such men should have his support, nor ought they to be supported by Mr. Johnson's friends throughout the Northern States. lie particularly instanced, as a specimen of this objectionable class of men, HEISTER CLYNER, the Democratic candidate for Governor of Pennsylvania, saying that to ash any soldier to vote for such a man, of, at one time, known disloyalty, against another who had served four years in the Union army, with credit to himself and benefit to his country, was a gross insult. If men desired to support Mr. John son's policy let them, but at all events let them vote only for such men as were true to their country in 1861. General Grant endorses nobody's policy. Of course he has his own opinions, and I presume will give them expression in his vote ; but until he shall himself have ex pressed them, or become a candidate for some political office—a very unlikely oc currence—it is only impertinence in any one to inquire what these opinions are, or to presume to speak for him, or to associa ate him in any way with men who cannot show a clear record for loyalty. The significance of this remarkable and emphatic statement cannot be overestimat ed. To be thoroughly understood, it must be recollected by our readers that among the old officers of the regular army it is considered a serious breach of propriety to be involved in the ordinary political con troversies in which all other classes of citi zens engage. Gen. Grant evidently re spects this feeling of his distinguished mil itary associates and the traditions of his department, and has resolutely endeavored, for this good reason, to avoid the arena of partisan politics. But even the limit of his forbearance was reached by the ungener ous, impudent and unauthorized statements of orators connected with the Presidential party, and he was determined to flatly con tradict the allegations of Mr. Ilogan and Secretary Seward. lie speaks with no un certain sound. He does not support "My Policy," and on the contrary deems it the duty of every patriotic citizen to support as candidates for office "only men who can show a record of consistent loyalty." In reference to the contest in Pennsylvania he speaks in terms of unqualified condemna tion of Heister Clymer, declaring that it is an insult to any soldier to be asked to vote for such a man. He cordially and fully en dorses General Geary, on the other hand, as one " w r ho had served four years in the Union army with credit to himself and ben efit to his country," and thus silences for ever the calumnies of the Copperhead press. This authoritative exposition of the views of General Grant is the crowning disaster of the political pilgrimage to Chi cago. It brands with falsehood the only statement made during that trip that shook even momentarily the faith of a single loy al voter, and it proves that the illustrious leader of the national armies, like the rank and file, " keeps step to the music of the Union 1" ' FALSEHOOD CORRECTED-SOLDIERS BOUN TIES. To the Editor of The Press: SIR : Every Copperhead orator, every ! Copperjohnson newspaper in the State, per ! sets in asserting that Congress has voted a large bounty to the black soldier than the | law gives to the white soldier. Now, let us ! look at the facts of the case : Previous to the passage of the acts of .Tunc loth, 1804 (section 2), and July 4th, 1864 (section 1) but few, if any, of the col ored troops were entitled to any bounty.— These acts merely placed the colored sol dier upon the same footing "as other soldiers of the regular or volunteer forces of the Uni ted States of like arm of the service." I ; quote the exact words of the law. The only discrimination that exists is in | favor of the white soldier, who, by the act of I July 28, 1866, is entitled to an extra boun | ty of one hundred dollars, which the color |ed soldier does not get. The Copperjohn j son orators and newspapers know, or ought j to know,that these are the facts of the case. I It is true that the colored man who served {two years can get, and many of them have : been paid, SIOO bounty ; so has the white ; man ; but the white man, by the act of Ju ly 28, 1860, is entitled to another SIOO, which the colored soldier cannot get, as tliere were no colored troops in the service at the time for which this SIOO extra boun ty is to be paid. This bill was signed by President Johnson, and it is rather strange to see the friends of the President trying to bring discredit upon Congress for passing a bill which he himself approved,and which would not have become a law without his signature. Why is this extra bounty of SIOO to the white troops not paid 1 The bill allowing it has passed both Houses of Congress, and been approved by the President. There is money euough in the treasury to pay it ; and if it is not paid, it is the fault alone of the Presideut and his office-holders. They are withholding the payment of this extra bounty for no other purpose than to influ ence the elections. Let the white soldiers hold them responsible for it. A W NITE SOLDIER. ROOMS UNION STATE CENTRAL COMMITTEE, 1105 CHESTNUT STREET, PHILADELPHIA, Sept. 13, 1806. C. 11*. Aschorn, Esq., Ilopeicell, Pa.: DEAR SIR : Yours, of the lltli instant, is I duly received, enclosing that shamelessly j false card on the subject of bounties given by Congress to white and colored soldiers. Our political adversaries are acting upon the adage,"A lie well adhered to is as good as the truth." As military agent of Penn sylvania at Washington for more than two years, I became familiar with all the laws of Congresß' granting bounties to soldiers. I most positively affirm that no acts of con gress discriminate against white soldiers,or in favor of colored Soldiers. All assertions to the contrary are falsehoods, intended to mislead and deceive. You are at liberty to make any use you ! please of this communication, i! Yours, truly, FR. JORDAN, Chairman. LETTER FROM MARIETTA, PA EDITOR REPORTER—I herewith enclose you an article taken from the Lancaster Daily Exjiress, referring to a Union meeting which was held here on last Thursday Ev ing, September 18,-giving a statement of one of the most cowardly acts yet beenjper petrated by the Copperheads. Tue article below is not as bad as the affair really was. There were eight per sons wounded instead of four, as mention ed below—for I assisted Dr. F. III.VKI.E in dressing six, and was up most of the night with them —there were two shot very bad ly. There were four from Columbia, two from Mount Joy, one from Lancaster, and one from this place. I can vouch that this is the truth as I was an eye witness of the cowardly act. Yours, most respectfully, C. H. B. UNION MEETING AT MARIETTA—COWARDLY ASSAULT ON TIIE PROCESSION— FOUR MEN WOUNDED.—Last evening a large and en thusiastic meeting of the Republican Un ion citizens of Marietta and vicinity was held in front of the Town Hall, and was addressed by Major A. C. Ileinoehl, Gen. J. W. Fisher, J. B. Amwake, esq., and 1). M. J. Loop, esq. Tlie Columbia Zouaves turn ed out in strong force, and while parading through the streets of the town were ston ed and fired at by Copperhead guerrillas concealed between the canal and the river. Some four or five meu were struck by bul lets from revolvers and badly injured. The Zouaves were passing along peaceably at the time ard nothing was done or said to provoke an attack. The assault was en tirely unexpected. The Zouaves made a rush for the spot from whence the firing came, but the miscreants made good their escape by jumping into a boat and pushing across the river. The whole affair was a most brutal and cowardly assault, and had evidently been planned beforehand. Among the wounded were John Torbet and James McDevitt. The former in the head and the latter in the neck, both seriously. One of the persons named is a Democrat and was looking at the procession as it passed a long. Two other men, named Findley and Patterson, were also wounded. —Since the above was written we learn from a gentleman from the neighborhood of Marietta, that the procession was stoned in various parts of the town—that the guer rillas wherever they could conceal them selves took advantage of the concealment and hurled stones at the Zouaves. The same tactics seem to have been pursued in Marietta that were followed here a week or two since, when the Boys in Blue had their parade. Wherever the cowards could con ceal themselves in dark alleys and out-of the-way places, they did so, and under cov er of night escaped. It is also known that the copperhead guerrillas were armed with billies and other dangerous w apons, and wherever they found a Zouave alone, they assaulted him, These are facts, and can be testified to by citizens of Marietta. We hope to have fuller particulars by to-mor row. FACTS FOR GOVERNMENT BOND HOLDERS READ AND REFLECT—THEN SELL YOUR BONDS— OR BUY MORE 1 In 1861 eleven States seceded ; and twenty three only since that time, have been represented in Congress. All the United States Bonds—s-20s, 7-30s and HMOs—all the greenbacks and all the National Banks were created by this Congress of twenty-tliree States. President Jobnsou says it is an " assum ed Congress"—therefore not legal. Ills supporters and friends call it a " rump Congress," a "usurping Congress," there fore not a lawful Congress ; and they are trying to elect Congressmen in the North, and admit enough from the rebel States to enforce this " Policy." If a Congress of twenty three States is not a lawful Congress, every United States Bond you own, and your greenbacks and Bank notes, are worth nothing ; because [ an UNLAWFUL Congress could not make a I LAWFUL Bond or lawful money—and your money is worthless as your Bonds. If Johnson's " Policy " succeeds, it brings into Congress nine-four Congressmen from the Rebel States, instead of eighty-five— as before the war—thus they gain nine j Congressmen by their treason. The North | era States lose nine Congressmen by their ; victory over treason. If tlie rebels get their ninety-four Con | gressmen, and the Johnson " Policy " men elect enough in the North to give them a I majority, United States Bonds will be hcM J ILLEGAL, and United States Bondholders will j lose principal and interest. If you want to prove Congress illegal, and the Bonds illegal, vote to elect Coppei- Jolnißou -National - Rebel - Union-Congress men, who oppose the Constitutional Amend ment, so that the National debt may be re pudiated when they get into power, but be sure to sell all your Bonds first, for there will be no market for them afterwards. If you want to prove Congress legal, vote to sustain it—the party that created the Bonds—the party that fought and won the war—that says Congress represents the people—that is pledged to keep f.iitli with the Bond-holders—and thus secure the adoption of the Constitutional Amendment, and forever prevent repudiation—hut buy all the Bonds you can first. Remember also—our Loaus are depreci ated in Europe by the London Times, which defends Johnson's Policy, hoping to get Rebels back into Congress, and by their votes do what they could not do with their arms—destroy our National Credit. FIIGY- LET it he remembered that Heister Clymer, the Copper-Johnson candidate for Governor of Pennsylvania, voted against arming the State ; against sustaining the soldiers in the field ; against allowing sol diers to vote ; against punishing treason ; against paying bounties ; against allowing Governor—now President Johnson to speak in the Capitol in favor of Southern loyal ists ; against the war; against sustaining it, and in favor of peace when peace meant success to the rebels His sympathies were with the rebels then, as they are with An drew Johnson now. The people, however, fully understand tin's matter, and will pass their judgment upon it at the polls in Oc tober, in a manner whioh will be as signifi cant as it will be effective. ONE INCIDENT OF MANY. —When the Presi dent and his party arrived at Tyron city, Pennsylvania, Mr. Johnson made his appear ance on the platform of the car,when Grant and Farragut were loudly called for. On their appearance they were loudly cheered, after which three cheers were proposed "for a loyal Congress," and given with a hearty good will. Meanwhile the President maintained his position on the platform un til the train left,when he departed uncheer ed and almost unnoticed. NUMBER 18.
Significant historical Pennsylvania newspapers