Bradford reporter. (Towanda, Pa.) 1844-1884, September 20, 1866, Image 1

Below is the OCR text representation for this newspapers page. It is also available as plain text as well as XML.

    TERMS of publication.
The Bepobtee is published every Thursday Morn
,, E o. Goodrich, at $2 per annum, in ad-
Ti \m-EBIISEMENTS exceeding fifteen lines are
' .•ted at ten cents per lino for first inserfcjpn,
1: ; V>l per line for subsequent insertions
. a notices inserted before Marriages and
>. will be charged mms cent, per line for
1 h insertion All resolutions of Associations ;
C niunications of limited or individual interest,
' 7notices of Marriages and Deaths exceeding five
.re charged ten cents per line.
1 Year. 6 iuo. 3 mo.
i,,.. c\,lumu, $75 S4O S3O
,J , ue 40 25 15
One Square, 10 7 J 5
'■stray, Caution, Lost and Found, and olli
ivertisements, not exceeding 15 lines,
ne weeks, or less $1 50
* iniinistrator's and Executor's Notices.. .2 00
Luditor's Notices 2 50
-iaess Cards, five lines, (per year) 5 00
chants and others, advertising their business
•; i e charged S2O. They will be entitled to 4
, inia, cnufiued exclusively to their business, with
privilege of change.
Advertising in all cases exclusive of sub
scription to the paper.
: PRINTING of every kind in Plain audFan
ora, done with neatness and dispatch. Hand
j.'aiiks. Cards, Pamphlets, &c., of every va
,,v ali ,i style, printed at the shortest notice. The
jj.."- tebOxTTCe has just been re-fitted with Power
presses, and every thing in the Printing line can
be executed in the most artistic manner and at the
<ir : —1 have read your letter iu answer
to tiio invitation you received to act as
chaplain to the Cleveland Convention. I
' v ' -d so read most of your sermons, as
were published iu the Independent,
Jif I thought you as short sighted in
; cralt as you seem to be in state-craft,
\ :M prefer being my own guide* to
si, than to follow you. Your voice
v ur pen were once a power iu this
. a; i,* u , —once the hearts of the down trod
u thrilled with your eloquence, but now,
u seem to have abandoned your position
A their best friend, to have forfeited their
r'li'ct and even that of a large class of
r informed men.
Y u say iu that letter " our theory of
• anient has no place for a State ex
•in tlie Union." It certainly has not,
Beecheb. That proposition is just as
trm as that moral proposition, that God's
:!. :y of moral truth requires every man
;. lie in his church. Men place themselves
a antagonism to His Law, : nd how do
you propose to help it? Suppose a com
municant of Plymouth Church becomes
r v.v.yish, and rebels against its govern
ment and d ictrine, separates from its com
icunUn and organizes another, where he
hi: , I gat: bit s to his heart's content,
ilh c erced to .a better behavior
by (i)(. strong arm of the law ; suppose in
the madness of his rebellion against TMy
m iutli Church in i;; •• b en caught in the
act of r tting it on fire, can you as pas
tor of that church, permit him to come again
into fellowship without giving any evi
i!■•nee of sincere repentance, and a reasona
a-surauce of more correct conduct in
ti eto come? Can you break to him the
!•• i ! of life if, at the time he receives it,
oils you he is sorry he did not succeed
ii. : s incendiariaLism, and the hand in
ieii lie takes it, is yet red with the blood
tie lowly brother you have greeted in
:-iiau sympathy? And it is to this you
.v;te us, Mr. Bkecher. What do you mean
• words "moderate succession" in con
u :; in with the admission of Arkansas,
rgi i,Alabama, North Carolina, and Yir
. !.'! lii this qualification you grant the
]>r: icijile the Republican party is
I i g for. If it means no admission
1 . 'per preparation on the part of
States, it is just what Congress
| . and your use of the words implies a
etiou iu your own mind that some
c.i m, some delay, is called for. This
...■I Republican doctrine ; nobody de-
IJ keep those States out of the Union
The time is hastening on when
. ill he morally fit to form a part of
.. . 1 society of States which is found
.. bee suffrage, and obedience to law.
. .. is evidently nut yet. Let us wait,
.(K?., until a few months shall pass
p ' ■ .we do not hear of a school house
iis burned down, a church demolished,
•• : ".i'. c * of the lowly ones of the earth
'••'■: i up and the ground whereon they
j ■' prayer, crimsoned with blood ; uu
ff i. ar of no riot, no rebel police firing
: free citizens peacefully assembled ;
■ find that no ex-rcbel, who has batli
■ Llo dof the country's warmest
•<l-: - J has been elected to office ;
v.' find that Southern men do not
' honor those who have presided in the
■ • re of prisoners of war ; until the
' in press quits railing at Northern
•d threatening another rebellion, and
" it'uern pulpit its unholy and devilish
i f seattf ring fire-brands and death
population that might otherwise be
1 ■ J I ; until the Administration surrenders
■ nsurpi d power, and becomes obedient
Constitution and laws ; until you
I' 1 ■ can g f o into a Southern city and
> our opinions as freely as if we were
manor born." Even you, Mr. Beech
• tirely as you have become the lick
: Southern aristocrats, dare not go,
"o Charleston as you did on the oc
" Sumter Celebration, and speak
0 ie mi. d. With all your unmanly
. ey they would not trust you a
■.!, and in the present state of feeling
i vould be ejected with far less ceremo
-01 was Mr. lloar of Massachusetts,
. \ ars ago. Therefore, we say, let us
iti! we see some better prospect of
i.Y than we now see, and when we do,
•" luthern men appear in Congress on an
footing with men of the North and
!ut until then, may God forbid the
.nee of a Southern rebel to spit his
in upon honest men who have upheld
country through a long and bloody
The people have sworn they shall
—men who conquered treason in its
and poured out blood like water will
übmit to dishonor now. The hand that
] 'v trigger at Gettysburg is still warmed
]. Ie same patriotic current that warmed
i , and can draw another on any and
. battle field which may offer between
i esamaquoddy and the Rio Grande,
it, Mr. Beecher, do Southern gentlemen
want ? I'o they want us to pay them for
g out of the Union as if it were a good
g and we were obliged by it ; for the
"i :n*\ sacrificed iu their unholy effort;
" debt they contracted abroad ; for
- of the slaves their own folly set
• i es, they want all that, and demand
. ' tch and every item with the excep
'f tLe first. There you have in lull,
i a m of the South, the entirety of
y ask, and expect too, of Northern
1 { ; when they come into power ;
connected with an unwearied
•I'sistent effort to prevent the suffrage
ire- dm n, to whom they will coritin
ng with the tenacity of horseleech
esents the base and superstructure of
*' -'Htical action in the Southern States
:; 5 i - ' ' -- ••
K. O. GOODRICH, Publisher.
for the next ten years ; aDd you,by advocat
ing their immediate admission to Con
gress without security for loyal ser
vice are making a common cause with
them. You once had courage to re
sist unprincipled swindling, but you are
craven now. You could once cry dough
face, thief, robber, as loug and as loud as
any one,but you are silent now when thick
est of the fight has come. For the shame 1
You say, had these States beeu admitted
at once, a healthier feeling would now ex
ist at the South. But what prevents a
healthy Southern sentiment, to-day, but
Southern injustice ? The South complains
of a conditiou they brought upon them
selves. They concocted their own troubles,
invited their own misfortunes ; they threw
oil' in disdain their connection with the Un
ion,—every stab at the North was a stab
at their own life, every blow they dealt
rebounded upon their own head. And
now what can the North do to relieve them
of difficulties which are a legitimate result
of their own vices, without undoing all that
has been done in the direction of truth and
justice? Can we reduce the freeman again
to servitude? You, Mr. BEECHER, would
oppose that step with all the power God
has given you. Shall we repeal the Civil
Bights and Freedmens' Bureau Bills? That
would indeed be a satisfaction to them
since it would enable Southern gentlemen
to filch "from the freedmen all they can
earn, as they have done before. But would
it be right ? These Bills are the only pro
tection the freedmen have from the most
grasping oppression,and their repeal would
be the first backward step, in this, the
greatest revolution of modern times. Shall
the Republican party cease all its efforts in
the way of suffrage ? Here again, we come
face to face with that characteristic of the
age we call moral necessity. We must per
severe. " God help us we cannot do other
wise." Our human nature demands it. You
can no more suppress the a piratious, the
hopes, the efforts for universal suffrage,
than you can the surges of the Atlantic.
The Republican party having entered upon
its path of restitution to an oppressed peo
ple cannot hold its hand. You may say we
can conciliate the South, we can bind it to
us yet—we can intermit our efforts in re
spect to the suffrage question and the
South will meet us ; but we ask again, if
it is God's will that we advance in this
path that lies before us, so plain and so
clear, can we stop at a word some weak
mortal has spoken? Can all the words
framed by the mouth of mortal man arrest
the flow of this tide toward universal suf
frage, toward the complete emancipation of
a race from the curses and consequences
of an undeserved and cruel bondage ? Did
you in all your reading of histoxy or in
your experience of human affairs become
acquainted with a revolution which has
made the progress this has, that all at once
stood still, and brought to the hope only a
partial success ? You never have, nor has
any other man. God is not mocked with
You write, Mr. BEECHER, as if no party
had been formed in advocacy of the Presi
dential policy ; as if the instant admission
of the Southern States to Congress*was a
concern, distinct and separate from parti
san effort. If yon mean that some blame
is to be attached somewhere for the pres
ent attitude of parties, please to attach it
to its true source. Why, Sir, among the
first acts of Mr. JOHNSON, was the concoc
tion and elaboration of this very party
which we now see disputing with Congress
and the people, aud opposing the true poli
cy of the country. ANDREW JOHNSON was
faithful to the oppressed race until some
rebel disorganizer or Northern Copperhead
whispered in his ear, that he might become
the next Presidential candidate. It was
then that we first heard of " My Policj'." He
no longer sought the leadership of a people
fleeing in the wilderness—he resigned the
place of Moses,— the prophet's rod devour
ed no more serpents—it smote no more
rocks, but it cudgeled Post Masters with a
will. Of this party of the President you
are a distinguished advocate. Like your
Moses, you have surrendered the place you
have held in the hearts of the people, and
you now consort with partizau black-legs,
and heartless schemers, and wire pullers.
If you are satisfied with your associations
and position so are we, and so are the peo
ple. We bid you go. Honest men have
honored you as an honest man, and hoped
you might be satisfied with your lot—cot
as the first man in the nation, but as one
who deserved well as long as you did well,
and jio longer. Many of us have read your
sermons from week to week, from the Ply
mouth desk, not, however, without some se
cret misgiving that your versatile talent
might one day be employed in subverting
the reputation you had built up. But of
this nothing more now. You have leagued
yourself with a party, even when you de
cry parties, and with that party you must
stand or fall. You, clergyman as you are,
leader of the elect, are dancing in a pup
pet show to the catgut of some low fiddler
from the slums, aud enacting the partisan
as well as disappointing your friends. You
are seeking the friendship of men who have
ever been your enemies, and identifying
yourself with the assassins of one you once
professed to honor more than any living
man. You have said, repeatedly, that be
fore the rebellion, Southern politicans man
aged the nation ; why may they not do so
again ? And why are those who fear they
may, and who seek some security lest they
may, to be charged by your chief with trea
j son, as though they had been caught with
I torpedoes in their pockets to blow us all to
: the moon ?
If, as you say it is, the style of thought
i is freer to-day, why do you give currency
i to ideas that would disgrace a politician of
1 the sixteenth century ? If the young men of
i our times are regenerated, as you say
they are, why do you inculcate princi
ples long ago overwhelmed by the
advancing wave of intellectual freedom?
principles which should never have found
j a harbor in ary American breast since
the Declaration of Independence. Why
do you, in effect, fall back upon ideas
which bore fruit only in past oppression,
only in the fetters which bound the reason,
and the burthens which have crushed the
hopes of the good and the true in every
age. The army has indeed been a school
for the American youth. God be thanked
for it, for it has schooled them to the atroc
ities of Southern barbarism. God of Eter
nal Justice, what a school was that at An-
I dersonville, where the brutal WIRZ was
head teacher ! Ah, how many Northern
youth, the flower of Northern families, the
hope of a thousand hearts, graduated there
where they were taught such lessons of
Southern brutality and wrong. Yes, Mr.
and others famed in Southern colleges.have
inculcated a lesson American young men
can never forget, and it only remains that
you volunteer your valuable assistance to
stamp it indelibly upon their memory, a
memento through all time to come of the
worthy trio to whom the youth of our coun
try are under such lasting obligations.—
They are already actihg upou the wisdom
thus acquired in Southern schools. All over
the land in the East and the West, in the
North and the South, they are rushing in a
thousand streams of animated and indig
nant life, through a thousand channels, to
the great tryst in October and November.
A million voices are uplifted to honor the
flag of the Union, and a million hearts are
I beating in unison with the call Congress
has sounded to the rescue. " To your tents,
0 Israel."
You say "it is fit that the brave men,
who, on sea and land, faced death to save
the nation, should now, by their voice and
vote, consummate what their swords ren
dered possible." It is most fit, 0 most wor
thy and astute BEECHER, — that sounds more
like—most fit and most right it is; but
look you, Reverend Sir, that is not what you
have all along been telling us, in this let
ter, but the reverse. How, if Southern
members are at once admitted to vote
against the Constitutional Amendment, are
the soldiers of the war, deprived to day of
the suffrage, to acquire it ? You want the j
soldier to vote, you say, and you want ,
somebody to say he shan't vote. This may
be BEECHER logic, but it is not the logic of
a straight forward, honest, statesman. If
you are dying for universal suffrage,as you
pretend to be, throw your great influence
against this vampire y'cleped " My Policy "
that will grow fat upou your name and fame
when you are in heaven.
It is most fit, bully for you, Mr. BEECHER.
AS you have joined the slang party take a
little of their slang. Bully for you again.
" Most fit " indeed, how come you to say
it ? After a long column of sophistry to
break right into the the truth at a dash—
it takes our breath !
Republicans never had a doubt of it, nev
er, that those who have faced death upon I
the battle-field should now by their voice
and vote consummate, finish, finish up, so
that it will stay finished, conclude, so that
no art, sophistry, cunning, deceit, wiring
in and wiring out of Southern politicians
and Northern doughfaces can deny what
their swords have rendered possible. Give
them that voice aud vote and the country
is saved.
And it is only right—it is no gift we
make to the soldier, it is no boon we con
fer. It is his right, his, by virtue of his man
hood, his patriotism, his courage, his sacri
fices, wounds and blood ; his, because he
has earned it on the battle-field, face to face
with his rebel enemy in a death struggle ;
his, as his person, name and identity are
his ; and shame on the man who would de
prive him of it, and on the country which
by indirection and cunning would juggle
him out of it at last.
You say the negro is a part and parcel
of Southern society and your inference
from this is that he is subject to the influen
ces which control the white population, and
can direct them to his own advancement.
The least knowledge of Southern society
denies the statement, and the inference.
How large a part is he of Southern socie
ty ? Is he any thing but a despised, hunt
ed man, the scoff and scorn of those who
have grown fat upon his degradation ; and
can he ever rise, while he has no other
chance, to a level with those who feel an
interest in crushing him. We have freed
him from fetters and blows, let us now free
his soul from what is worse than fetters
and blows—the knowledge that neither he
nor his posterity can stand on an equality
with the rest of mankind; that his lot is
ever to be a slave to the caprices of socie
ty. The State may vote him schools, and
it may vote to take them from him. The
State may vote him protection from vio
lence, and it may vote to inflict it; it niay
vote him the right to hold property, and it
may vote to deprive him of it, by excessive
taxation, or by shutting him out of a Court
of Justice to defendjit. In each of these ways
he is subject to wrong without the power
of redress. The Emancipation Act only
freed his person from his hereditary enemy,
—his master—and he is, to-day, as much
the thr.dl of local legislation as he ever
was. That act could be no " bill of rights"
to establish his future status of equality
before the law. No man is free who has
no right to defend himse'f against all com
ers—though personal liberty may be assur
ed him, he is still a slave if his property
may be taken without his consent. He is
still a slave to the State, and that is just
as imbruting as the slavery a master may
Therefore, Mr. BEECHER, we hold that the
ballot is positively necessary to the com
plete restoration of prosperity to the South.
You, in effect, oppose this view of the case
by favoring "My Policy" humbug which
denies it. You may talk, plausibly enough,
of a forty years' pilgrimage iu the wilder
ness to civilize the negro, but with the pres
ent prejudice against him it will take a
thousand years to effect it. Give him the
ballot; that is the great civilizer of mod
ern times. You well know its force. You
have been often enough on the stump to
see how it controls men. Let us not wait
for this long process of civilization, when a
half dozen years' use of the ballot will su
percede it. Politicians, north or south,bend
before it as the.harvest waves before the
wind. Oh, it has a potency no public man
dare despise. A proud Southerner would
soon discover its virtue. In the hand of
an ex-slave it will operate in two ways ;
first, it will beget a sentiment of respect in
the breast of him who desires its favor,
towards its owner. If men would care to
see its power, let them observe the bearing
of a candidate for office for a few months
before an election. Just then it is a whole
some fear, but that is not its whole virtue.
The ballot is power to whomsoever holds
it; and power, however insignificant, com
mands respect, independent of the good or
evil it may do. It confers consequence and
poor, weak human nature yields its tribute.
But in the second place, the good influence
of the ballot will be seen in its effect on its
owner. He will respect himself. He will
see that he has a duty to perform, and such
performance always disciplines, always in
vigorates, always ennobles and elevates.
He will behold himself a man, clothed with
the attributes of manhood ; no longer an
accident, an abortion of nature, no longer
a waif, cast upou the great ocean of hu
manity, for whom no one cares and whom
no one loves. He wili see that he has in
terests to cherish, rights to defend, a soul
that no longer grovels in dust, but one
which rises in its lofty conceptions to the
full measure of all that is magnanimous
and just.
Mr. BEECHER, if the suffrage is given the
colored man, how long will it be, think you,
before he will receive the benefit of the
monies devoted to education ? In all the
South, we are told, there is not a school to
which a colored man has access, and yet
his property is taxed, as is his white neigh
bor's, to defray the expense. The colored
tax phyers, in New Orleans, pay fifteen per
cent, of the school fund and derive no ben
efit from it. This is a civilization with a
vengeance ; a civilization which a Christ
ian public are invoked to perpetuate and
fasten on a race which has paid in labor,
tears, aud blood, the whole price which is
ever paid lor the best; and Christian min
isters engage in the unholy work of teach
ing Christian communicants to wait, wait
for more labor, more tears, more blood.—
Shame ! shame ! What price do you de
mand ? A whole race sacrificed to this in
fernal spirit, this cowardly fear ?
[From the New York Evening Post]
Mr. Montgomery Blair is speaking through
New England, aud seems to be under the
impression that he is supporting President
Johnson. Whatever he may intend, how
ever, if we may judge from the reports of
his Boston speech, he is in reality disgus
ting all sensible and liberty-loving men.
He abuses without stint one of the Pres
ident's most important and highest advisers,
Secretary Stanton. Now, it is se.tled that
the President is responsible for his Cabi
net, and when Mr. Blair speaks against Mr.
Stanton, he speaks against Mr. Johnson,
who chooses that Mr. Stanton shall fill one
of the most important places under the
Again Mr. Blair declares, with great ve
hemence, that if the blacks are suffered to
vote there will be a war of races. Mr.
Blair attempts to make the c lored people
odious by asserting that they helped the
rebels and were not faithful to the Union,
and he winds up with the assertion, "Uni
versal suffrage will create a war of races,"
and insinuates that those who favor gen
eral suffrage are guilty of an attempt to fo
ment a new and cruel war. But the Presi
dent has repeatedly and most postively de
clared his desire that a large part of the
colored men should vote, as witness his
despatch to Governor Sharke, of Mississ
Again, Mr. Blair tries to bolster Alexan
der H. Stephens into popularity,and asserts
the right of that unhung traitor—who de
serves hanging as richly as Jefl. Davis, for
he sinned with his eyes open—to a seat in
the United States Senate. But this is flat
ly opposed by what is called the "Presi
dent's policy," of claiming the admission of
members who can take the oaths prescribed
by Congress, which Mr. Stephens cannot.
But the relations between Mr. Blair and
the President interest us less than tho sen
timents to which Mr. Blair gives utterance.
We say nothing of his indeeecent attempt
to whitewash the Vice President of the reb
el Confederacy. If Mr. Stephens were an
angel he would still, for decency's sake,
having held the prominent place he did in
the rebellion, be set aside, at least for a
time, and iu our opinion for ever. He
should be grateful that he is not hanged
for his crime.
But we think of greater importance Mr.
Blair's assertion about the suffrage. He is
opposed to colored suffrage. He asserts
emphatically " universal siiffrage will bring
on a war of races," aud he condescends to
use some very stale clap trap about placing
negroes over whites to enforce his remarks.
Now we take occasion to say that we dis
agree entirely with Mr. Blair on this sub
The question of extending the suffrage
was not brought into the present canvass
by either party ; so that it is not generally
discussed. But let no one suppose it is
therefore forgotten or abandoned. We
shall not cease to urge it at any rate. We
could not persuade the last Congress to de
clare impartial suffrage in the District of
Columbia, where it had a right to do so ;
but we hope its first act, on reassembling,
will be this one. And if it shall then be
found that the President is of Mr. Blair's
mind, and vetoes an impartial or universal
suffrage bill for the District of Columbia,
we shall demand of Congress to pass it ov
er his veto, as we demanded that it should
pass the civil rights bill over his veto. We
hope this question will hereafter be dis
cussed in ail the States, in Connecticut,
New York, Illinois, and Indiana, as well as
in the Southern States ; and we shall give
an earnest support everywhere to the move
This great reform must be carried by ar
gument, by appeals to the justice, the com
mon sense, aud the interest of parties and
individuals. It will be carried ; and we
are in the more haste to see all the States
represented in Congress, because then the
time for argument and discussion will have
come everywhere.
the President has,in repeated instances, de
nounced all who oppose his Policy of Re
construction as traitors, and dec'ared his
purpose to put them down by force as the
Southern rebels were subjugated. The un
! couth violence of his objugations has fright
i ened his conservative supporters, though
j they have failed to alarm the Radicals.—-
The New York limes urges "it is a great
mistake on the part of the President to as
-1 sume or suppose that the great body of the
people in the North who dissent from his
views, are enemies of the Union or are
seeking consciously to destroy it."
The Times will find it a still greater mis
take for the President to attempt to make
good his threats. Jefferson Davis may find
an unexpected companion on the gallows.
(wich is in Detroit, Michigan,)
SEPT. the 4th, 18G6.
Step by step I am ascendin the ladder uv
fame—step by step I am climbin to a proud
eminence. Three weeks ago I wuz sum
moned to Washington by that eminently
grate and good man, Androo Johnson, to
attend a consultation ez to the proposed
Western tour, wich wuz to be undertaken
for the purpose uv arousin the masses uv
the West to a sence uv the danger wich
wuz threatin uv em in case they persisted
in centralizin the power uv the govern
ment into the hands uv a Congress, "nstid
uv diffusin it throughout the hands uv one
man. wich is Johnson. I got there too late
to take part in the first uv the discussion.
When I arrove they lied everything settled,
ceptin the appintmentuv a Chaplain for the
excursion. The President insisted upon my
fillin that position, but Seward objected.—
He wanted Beecher, but Johnson wuz in
flexibly agin him. "1 am determined," sez
he, " to carry out my policy, but 1 hev bow
els left. Beecher hez done enuff already,
considerin the pay he got. No ! no ! he
shel be spared this trip—indeed he shel."
"Very good," said Seward, "but at least
find some clergyman who endorses us with
out lievin P. M. to his honored name. It
wood look better."
" I know it wood," replied Johnson, "but
where kin we find sich a one ? I hev swung
around the entire circle, and heven't ez yet
seen him. Nasby it must be."
There wuz then a lively discussion ez to
the propriety before the procession started,
of removing all the Federal oflice-holders
on the proposed route, and appintin men
who beleeved in us, (Johnson, Beecher,and
me,) that we might be slioor uv a sootable
recepshun at each pint at which we wuz to
stop. The Annointed wuz in favor uv it.
Sez he, " them ez won't support my polisy
shan't eat my bread and butter." Randall
and Doolittle chimed in, for it's got to be a
part of their religion to assent to whatever
the President sez, but I mildly protested.
I owe a duty to the party and 1 am deter
mined to do it.
" Most High," sez I, " a settin hen wich
is lazy makes no fuzz—cut its head off aud
it flops about for a while lively. Lincoln's
office-holders are settiu-hens. They don't
like yoo nor yoor policy, bot while they are
on their nests they will keep moderately
quiet. Cut off their heads and they will
spurt their blood in your face. Ez to be
in enshoord of a reception at each point,
you need fear nothin. Calkerlatiu moder
ately, there are at least twenty-five or thir
ty patriots who feel a call fur every uffis in
your disposal. So long, Yoor Highnis, ez
them offisis is held just where they kin see
em, and they don't know wich is to git cm,
yoo may depend upon the entire euthoosi
asm uv each, iudividyooally and collective
ly. In short, ef there's 4 offisis iu a town
and yoo make the appintments, you hev se
koored 4 supporters—till yoo make the ap
pointments yoo hev the hundred who ex
pect to get em."
The President agreed with me that until
after the trip the gullotiue shood stop.
Secretary Seward sejested that a cleau
shirt wood improved my personal appear
ance, and akkordiugly a cirkular wuz sent
to the clerks iu the Departments, assessin
em for that purpose. Sich uv em cz re
foosed to contribute their quota was in
stantly dismissed for disloyalty.
At last we started, and I must say we
wuz got iu a highly conciliatory style. Ev
ery wuu of the civilians uv the party wore
buzzum pins, et settry, which wuz present
ed to em by the Southeru delegates to the
Philadelphia Convention, wich wuz madeuv
the bones uv Federal soldiers which hed
fallen at various battles. Sum uv em were
partickerly valuable ez anteeks, heviu bin
made from the bones uv the fust soldiers
who fell at Bull Run.
The Noo York recepshun wuz a gay af
fair. I never saw His Imperial Highness
in better spirits, aud he delivered his speech
to better advantage than I ever heard him
do it before, and I bleeve I've heard it a
hundred times. We left Noo York sadly. |
Even now ez 1 write the remembrance uv j
that banquet lingers around me, and the
taste uv them wiues is still in my mouth.
But we hed to go. We had a mishn to per
form, and we put ourselves on a steamboat
and started.
ALBANY. —There wuz a immense crowd,
but the Czar uv all the Amerikan didn't git
orff his speech here. The Governor wel
comed him, but he welcomed him ez the
Cheef Magistrate uv the nashen, and hap
pened to drop in Lincoln's name. That
struck a chill over the parly, aud the Pres
ident got out uv it ez soon possible. Bein
reseeved ez Cheef Magistrate, and not ez
the great Pacificator, ain't his Eggslency's
best holt. It wuz unkind uv Governor Feu
ton to do it. If he takes the papers he
must know that his Mightiness ain't got
but one speech, aud he ought to hev made
sich a reception ez wood hev enabled him
to hev got it off. We shook the dust off
uv our feet and left Albany iu disgust.
SKEXACTADY. —The people in this delight
ful little village wuz awake when the im
perial train arrived. The changes havn't
bin made in the offices here, and consekent
ly there wuz a splendid recepsun. I didn't
suppose there wuz so many patriots along
the Mohawk. I wuz pinted out by sum one
ez the President's private adviser—a sort
uv private Secretary uv State, and after
the train started I found jest 211 petitions
for the post offis in Skenaktedy in my side
pocket, which the patriots who had hurrah
ed so vocifferously hed dexterously deposi
ted there. The iusideut wuz a movin one.
" Thank God," thought I, "so long ez we
hev the post offices to give we kin alius
I hev a party 1" The Sultan swung around
I the circle wunst here, and leaving the con
j stooshuu in their hands, the train moved
| off
ROME. —Here we hed a splendid recepshun
' and I never heard his majesty spcek more
felicitously. He menshuned to the audi
ence that he hed swung around the South
ern side uv the cirkle and wuz now swing
in around the Northern side uv it, aud that
he wuz fightin traitors on all sides. He
left the Constitooshun in their hands and
i bid em good bye. I received at this pint
only 130 petitions for the post office, which
1 took as a bad omen for the comin elec
UTICA. —The President spoke here with
greater warmth and jerked more originali
ty than I had before observed. He intro-
#3 per Annum, in Advance-
J doost hero the it-mark that he did i't come
to make a speech—that he wuz goin to
shed a tear over the tomb uv Douglas—
that in swingiu around the circle hed
fought traitors on all sides uv it, but that
he felt safe. Be shood leave the Constoo
slm in their hands, and ef a martyr wuz
wanted he wuz reddy to die with neetness
and dispatch.
LOCKPORT. —The i'resideut is improviu
wonderfully. lie rises with the occasion.
At this pint he mentioned that he wuz sot
on saviu the country wich hed honored him.
Ez for himself his ambishn wuz more tha i
satisfied. He hed bin Alderman, member
uv the Legislacher, Congressman, Senat >r,
Military Governor, Vice President, and
President. He had swung around the en
tire circle uv offises, and all he wanted now
wuz to heal the wounds uv the nashen. He
felt safe in leavin the Coustooshuu iu their
hands. Ez he swung around the circle—
At this pint I interrupted him. I told
him that he had swung around the cirkle
wunst in this town, aud ez yooseful ez the
phrase wnz it might spile by too much yoose.
At Cleveland we begun to get into hot
water. Here is the post to which the devil
uv Ablishuism is chained, aud his chain is
long enough to let him rage over neerly the
whole State. lam pained to state that the
President wuznt treated here with the re
speck due his station. Hecommeust deliv
erin his speech, but wuz made the subjeck
uv ribald lall'ture. Skasely had he got to
the pint uv swingiu around the cirkle,
when a foul-mouthed nigger lover yelled
" Veto," and another vocifferated " Noo
orleenß,"and another remarked " Memphis"
and one after another interruption occurred
until His Highness wuz completely turned
off the track and got wild. He forgot his
speech and struck out crazy, but the starch
wuz out uvhim and he wuz worsted. Grant
wich we hed takin along to draw the
crowds, played dirt on us here, and stepped
onto a boat for Detroit, leavin us only Far
ragut ez a attraction, who tried twice to
git away ditto, but wuz timely prevented.
The I'resideut recovered his akanimity and
swung around the cirkle wunst, aud leavin
the constooshn in their hands, retired
At the next pint we wuz astounded at
seein but one man at the station. He wuz
dressed with a sash over the shoulder, and
wuz waviu a flag with wun baud, firin a
saloot with a revolver with the other, and
playiu "Hail to the Chief" with a mouth
organ, ail to wunst. " Who are you, my
gentle friend," sez I. " I'm the newly ap
pinted postmaster, sir," sez he. " I'm a
perceshun a waitin here to do honor to our
Chief Magistrate all alone, sir. There wuz
twenty Johnsonians iu this hamlet, sir, but
when the commishn came for me the other
nineteen wuz soured, and sed they didn't
care a d—n for him nor his policy, sir.
Where is the President ?" Androo wuz a
goin to swing around the cirkle for thi3 one
man and leave the Constooshn in his hands
but Seward checked him.
At Fremont we hed a handsome recep
shun, for the offise3 hevn't bin changed
there, but Toledo didn't do so well. The
crowd didn't cheer Androo much ; but
when Farragut was trotted out they gave
him a rouser, wicli wuz anything but pleas
in to the Chief Magistrate of this nasheu,
who beleeves in being respected.
Finaliy we reeched Detroit. This beina
Democratic city, the President wuz hisself
agin. His speech here wuz wun uv rare
merit. He gathered together in one quiver
all the sparklin arrows he had used from
Washington to this point, and shot em one
by one. He swung around the cirkle—he
didn't come to make a speech—ee hed bin
Alderman uv his native town—he mite Lev
bin Dicktater but vvoodent—and ended with
a poetikal cotashun wich I coodent ketch,
but wicli, ez neer ez I cood understand, wuz:
" Kuui wun—Knm all—this roek shel fly
From its firm base—in a pig's eye."
Here we repose for the nite. To-morrow
we start onward, and shall continue swing
in around the cirkle till we reach Chicago.
(wicli is Postmaster,)
(ami likewise chaplain to the expedishun.)
ABOMINABLE. —In the speech of Hiester
Clymer at Uniontown, as reported for the
Pittsburg Post,vie find the following passage
" By the assassination of Abraham Lin
coln, Andrew Johnson became President of
the United States. If, under his adminis
tration, harmony should come again to the
land, who will not see in the auspicious ev
ent the spirit of God moving over the
troubled waters."
Are we to understand that the spirit of
which Mr. Clymer so profanely speaks
strengthened the heart and guided the arm
of that democratic hero, J. Wilkes Booth,
and enabled him bring about that " au
spicious event ?" Certain it is, that to
Booth Mr. Clymer and his party are indebt
ed for their present momentary gleam of
hope ; and equally certain it is, that if the
party who are now rallying around Andrew
Johnson shall be successful, the assassin
of Lincoln will be politically canonized as
their greatest benefactor. Such is the
depth to which an alliance with oppression
and treason can sink men, who, if free,
would be respectable. What are we to
make of the language we have quoted, but
the beginning of an effort to x-escue the
memory of that assassin from an immortal
ity of infamy, ami give him a place among
the honored agents of Heaven ?
A DIFFERENCE. —When Andrew Johnson
received the news of his nomination to the
Vice Presidency he was in Memphis, at the
St. Cloud hotel. He made a speech,accept
ing the nomination,and in the course of his
remarks thus alluded to the necessity of se
curing the control of the Government to
loyal men :
"I say that the traitor has ceased to boa
citizen, and in joining the rebellion has be
come a public enemy. He forfeited his
right to vote v. ith loyal men when he re
nounced his citizenship and sought to de
stroy our Government. We say to the
most honest and industrious foreigner who
comes from England and Germany to dwell
among us, and to add to the wealth of the
country : "Before you can be a citizen you
must stay here for five years." If we are
so cautious about foreigners,who voluntari
ly renounce their homes t.o live with us,
what should we say to the traitor who, al
though born and reared among us,has rais
ed a parricidal hand against the Govern
ment always protected him ? My judgment
is, that he should bo subjected to a severe
ordeal before lie be restored to citizenship."
He thinks differently now.
Now that the reign of terror against the
patriotic people of the loyal States—the
same whose bullets destroyed rebellion on
the battle-field, and whose ballots voted
down Copperhoadism in the North—has
fully commenced by order of Andrew John
son, the boundless exultation of the New
York World is a curiosity in its way.—
Mingling adulation of the President with
abuse of the people who placed him where
he is—calumniating STANTON in one breath
and demanding his removal in the other—
applauding the rebels and traitors as the
true gentlemen of the South, and ridicul
ing the patriots who are to meet in Phila
delphia on the 3d of September as the
mean whites of the same section—it is
probably more completely the organ of An
drew Johnson than any other newspaper iu
the country—not excepting the National
Intelligencer, that demanded Johnson's dis
grace in 1864, or the Cincinnati Enqnirer,
that stigmatized him as the lowest speci
men of living humanity. Of course the
New York World speaks by authority, and
therefore it is that we print the following
striking portrait of Andre* Johnson, from
that paper of the 9th of March, 1865. The
fidelity of this sketch has been affirmed by
nearly every speech made by Andrew John
sou since he threw himself into the hands
of the Copperheads and traitors, beginning
with that on the 22d of February and end
ing with his very last declamation receiv
ing the proceedings of the Philadelphia
The truth of the remark of Senator Sum
ner, quoted by the New York World, refer
ring to his exhibition on the 4th of March,
1865, " that it had been better for the Con
federates to have won a battle than for
such a shameful event to have occurred,' 1
the horror-stricken American people have
repeatedly realized since that sad aud ter
rible day :
(New York World, Thursday, March 9, ISG4.)
Most of the Administration organs—the
Tribune, Times, Herald, and Evening Post
—have condoned by their sileuce the out
rage with which Audrew Johnson, in a pub
lic place, on a public occasion, in the per
formance of a grave public duty, affronted
the people of the United States, betrayed
his own beastly instincts, his demagogical
habits, and his boorish mind. The Indepen
dent, however, refuses to assist in shielding
him from the just punishment of public
censure, and insists that it is Mr. Johnson's
plain duty "to apologize or resign." It
demands that "so great an affront to the
dignity of the Republic shall be made to
bear a fit penalty, atonement and warning."
The justice and propriety of this demand
are not to be disputed.
We have been informed, and believe that
Senator Sumner, the chairman of the Sen
ate Committee of Foreign Relations, whose
words on such a subject have even more
weight than the same from Secretary Sew
ard would have had, by reason of his su
perior personal and political honesty— and
his habit of saying what he means--said
after Mr. Johnson's disgusting exhibition
of himself on inauguration day, that it
would have been better for the Confeder
ates to have won a battle than for such a
shameful event to have occurred. The ma
terial damage in the eyes of hostile foreign
powers consequent upon a lost battle are
thought by the chairman of the Senate
Committee of Foreign Relations to be out
weighed by the moral damage done us by
Mr. Johnson.
We Lave very little expectation that Mr.
Johnson's party will force him to an apolo
gy or a resignation. The Vice President is
as incapable of appreciating the reparation
which he ows to the country as he shows
himself to be incapable of appreciating his
own insult to the country. He is reported
in the Washington telegrams to be indul
ging in still another debauch. Nothing
better is to be expected of him. These are
the habits of his lifetime. They were known
to the politicians who Dominated him ; they
were were proclaimed in the face of the
party which elected him. Nevertheless he
was elected. It is idle to ask the Btream
to rise higher than its fountain. And in
our judgment, it is much more melancholy
circumstances that Mr. Johnson's party last
November invited these insults to the coun
try, and how in March will neither expose
nor punish them, then that the insults are
given us.
If Andrew Johnson had not been drunk
on inauguration day, the speech which he
would have made would have been less in
coherent, but in all other respects it would
have been the same. The shallow
goguery, the affected "plebian" praise, the
real self-contempt and secret envy ofmor.c
fortunate men, these have been betrayed,
these have been the stock and staple of ev
ery speech of Andrew Johnson for years.—
We say nothing of his political tergiversa
tion. It is ridiculous to suppose that he
ever had any political principles, fie was
nominated because he had pone—but bel
low his bastard "loyality" loudly. We re
fer now to that which was most degrading
in his vinous speech—its betrayal of his
inmost character. It is necessary to affirm
either that he was drunk every time he
made a speech since Mr. Lincoln rewarded
his political dishonesty by making him Mil
itary Governor of Tennessee, or else that
he is- drunk or sober, boy or mau, tailor,
Senator, Governor or Vice President— the
low boor which, with infinite pain in the
last Presidential contest, we felt it alike
our duty to declare him to be. His speech
es are all alike This last one in the Sen
ate chamber was no exception, save in its
incoherence. Read his speech on hearing
the news of his own nomination at Balti
more. Let our readers look at their files.
It was published at the time. It reeks with
the very same vulgarity, the same dema
gognerv, the same loic-lived manners and
morals. Read his speech after hearing
news of his election. It is another, yet the
same as that of Saturday -vulgar, lore-bred,
boorish. There, too, he proclaims his hum
ble birth with "plebian" pride betraying
secret envy. As if he were the first man
in this democratic Republic who had ever
risen from narrow circumstances to the
high places of the land ! As if Jackson and
Webster and scores of others had not com
passed as great advancement as he, who
never-spoke themselves nor permitted oth
ers to speak of them, except in language
becoming to their own greatness —who nev
er set their own praise to devouring their
own deeds !
It is this which is melancholy in the pres
ent situation of the Vice Presidency, and for
tins no apology or resignation is either pos
sible or probable, for it is the victorious Re
publican party which would need to apolo
gize to the country or resign.
PRESIDENT JOHNSON has a strange concep
tion of the meaning Of words. He com
plains of being attacked by a " subsidized
press." The only journals tAat praise him
are those which are in receipt of govern
ment patronage. The journals whose cen
sures hurt him are these which lost gov
ernmental patronag. i a cause they would
1 maintain their freeman of opiuion and ut-
I terance respecting him and his Policy.