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Advertising in all cases exclusive of sub scription to the paper. : PRINTING of every kind in Plain audFan ora, done with neatness and dispatch. Hand j.'aiiks. Cards, Pamphlets, &c., of every va ,,v ali ,i style, printed at the shortest notice. The jj.."- tebOxTTCe has just been re-fitted with Power presses, and every thing in the Printing line can be executed in the most artistic manner and at the lowest rates. TERMS INVARIABLY CASH. TO HENRY WARD UEEdIEK. r: icijile the Republican party is I i g for. If it means no admission 1 . 'per preparation on the part of States, it is just what Congress | . and your use of the words implies a etiou iu your own mind that some c.i m, some delay, is called for. This ...■I Republican doctrine ; nobody de- IJ keep those States out of the Union The time is hastening on when . ill he morally fit to form a part of .. . 1 society of States which is found .. bee suffrage, and obedience to law. . .. is evidently nut yet. Let us wait, .(K?., until a few months shall pass p ' ■ .we do not hear of a school house iis burned down, a church demolished, •• : ".i'. c * of the lowly ones of the earth '••'■: i up and the ground whereon they j ■' prayer, crimsoned with blood ; uu ff i. ar of no riot, no rebel police firing : free citizens peacefully assembled ; ■ find that no ex-rcbel, who has batli ■ Llo dof the country's warmest • our opinions as freely as if we were manor born." Even you, Mr. Beech • tirely as you have become the lick : Southern aristocrats, dare not go, "o Charleston as you did on the oc " Sumter Celebration, and speak 0 ie mi. d. With all your unmanly . ey they would not trust you a ■.!, and in the present state of feeling i vould be ejected with far less ceremo -01 was Mr. lloar of Massachusetts, . \ ars ago. Therefore, we say, let us iti! we see some better prospect of i.Y than we now see, and when we do, •" luthern men appear in Congress on an footing with men of the North and !ut until then, may God forbid the .nee of a Southern rebel to spit his in upon honest men who have upheld country through a long and bloody The people have sworn they shall —men who conquered treason in its and poured out blood like water will übmit to dishonor now. The hand that ] 'v trigger at Gettysburg is still warmed ]. Ie same patriotic current that warmed i , and can draw another on any and . battle field which may offer between i esamaquoddy and the Rio Grande, it, Mr. Beecher, do Southern gentlemen want ? I'o they want us to pay them for g out of the Union as if it were a good g and we were obliged by it ; for the "i :n*\ sacrificed iu their unholy effort; " debt they contracted abroad ; for - of the slaves their own folly set • i es, they want all that, and demand . ' tch and every item with the excep 'f tLe first. There you have in lull, i a m of the South, the entirety of y ask, and expect too, of Northern 1 { ; when they come into power ; connected with an unwearied •I'sistent effort to prevent the suffrage ire- dm n, to whom they will coritin ng with the tenacity of horseleech esents the base and superstructure of *' -'Htical action in the Southern States :; 5 i - ' ' -- •• K. O. GOODRICH, Publisher. VOLUME XXVII. for the next ten years ; aDd you,by advocat ing their immediate admission to Con gress without security for loyal ser vice are making a common cause with them. You once had courage to re sist unprincipled swindling, but you are craven now. You could once cry dough face, thief, robber, as loug and as loud as any one,but you are silent now when thick est of the fight has come. For the shame 1 You say, had these States beeu admitted at once, a healthier feeling would now ex ist at the South. But what prevents a healthy Southern sentiment, to-day, but Southern injustice ? The South complains of a conditiou they brought upon them selves. They concocted their own troubles, invited their own misfortunes ; they threw oil' in disdain their connection with the Un ion,—every stab at the North was a stab at their own life, every blow they dealt rebounded upon their own head. And now what can the North do to relieve them of difficulties which are a legitimate result of their own vices, without undoing all that has been done in the direction of truth and justice? Can we reduce the freeman again to servitude? You, Mr. BEECHER, would oppose that step with all the power God has given you. Shall we repeal the Civil Bights and Freedmens' Bureau Bills? That would indeed be a satisfaction to them since it would enable Southern gentlemen to filch "from the freedmen all they can earn, as they have done before. But would it be right ? These Bills are the only pro tection the freedmen have from the most grasping oppression,and their repeal would be the first backward step, in this, the greatest revolution of modern times. Shall the Republican party cease all its efforts in the way of suffrage ? Here again, we come face to face with that characteristic of the age we call moral necessity. We must per severe. " God help us we cannot do other wise." Our human nature demands it. You can no more suppress the a piratious, the hopes, the efforts for universal suffrage, than you can the surges of the Atlantic. The Republican party having entered upon its path of restitution to an oppressed peo ple cannot hold its hand. You may say we can conciliate the South, we can bind it to us yet—we can intermit our efforts in re spect to the suffrage question and the South will meet us ; but we ask again, if it is God's will that we advance in this path that lies before us, so plain and so clear, can we stop at a word some weak mortal has spoken? Can all the words framed by the mouth of mortal man arrest the flow of this tide toward universal suf frage, toward the complete emancipation of a race from the curses and consequences of an undeserved and cruel bondage ? Did you in all your reading of histoxy or in your experience of human affairs become acquainted with a revolution which has made the progress this has, that all at once stood still, and brought to the hope only a partial success ? You never have, nor has any other man. God is not mocked with impunity. You write, Mr. BEECHER, as if no party had been formed in advocacy of the Presi dential policy ; as if the instant admission of the Southern States to Congress*was a concern, distinct and separate from parti san effort. If yon mean that some blame is to be attached somewhere for the pres ent attitude of parties, please to attach it to its true source. Why, Sir, among the first acts of Mr. JOHNSON, was the concoc tion and elaboration of this very party which we now see disputing with Congress and the people, aud opposing the true poli cy of the country. ANDREW JOHNSON was faithful to the oppressed race until some rebel disorganizer or Northern Copperhead whispered in his ear, that he might become the next Presidential candidate. It was then that we first heard of " My Policj'." He no longer sought the leadership of a people fleeing in the wilderness—he resigned the place of Moses,— the prophet's rod devour ed no more serpents—it smote no more rocks, but it cudgeled Post Masters with a will. Of this party of the President you are a distinguished advocate. Like your Moses, you have surrendered the place you have held in the hearts of the people, and you now consort with partizau black-legs, and heartless schemers, and wire pullers. If you are satisfied with your associations and position so are we, and so are the peo ple. We bid you go. Honest men have honored you as an honest man, and hoped you might be satisfied with your lot—cot as the first man in the nation, but as one who deserved well as long as you did well, and jio longer. Many of us have read your sermons from week to week, from the Ply mouth desk, not, however, without some se cret misgiving that your versatile talent might one day be employed in subverting the reputation you had built up. But of this nothing more now. You have leagued yourself with a party, even when you de cry parties, and with that party you must stand or fall. You, clergyman as you are, leader of the elect, are dancing in a pup pet show to the catgut of some low fiddler from the slums, aud enacting the partisan as well as disappointing your friends. You are seeking the friendship of men who have ever been your enemies, and identifying yourself with the assassins of one you once professed to honor more than any living man. You have said, repeatedly, that be fore the rebellion, Southern politicans man aged the nation ; why may they not do so again ? And why are those who fear they may, and who seek some security lest they may, to be charged by your chief with trea j son, as though they had been caught with I torpedoes in their pockets to blow us all to : the moon ? If, as you say it is, the style of thought i is freer to-day, why do you give currency i to ideas that would disgrace a politician of 1 the sixteenth century ? If the young men of i our times are regenerated, as you say they are, why do you inculcate princi ples long ago overwhelmed by the advancing wave of intellectual freedom? principles which should never have found j a harbor in ary American breast since the Declaration of Independence. Why do you, in effect, fall back upon ideas which bore fruit only in past oppression, only in the fetters which bound the reason, and the burthens which have crushed the hopes of the good and the true in every age. The army has indeed been a school for the American youth. God be thanked for it, for it has schooled them to the atroc ities of Southern barbarism. God of Eter nal Justice, what a school was that at An- I dersonville, where the brutal WIRZ was TOWANDA, BRADFORD COUNTY, PA., SEPTEMBER 20,1866. head teacher ! Ah, how many Northern youth, the flower of Northern families, the hope of a thousand hearts, graduated there where they were taught such lessons of Southern brutality and wrong. Yes, Mr. BEECHER, JEFFERSON DAVIS aud ROHERT LEE, and others famed in Southern colleges.have inculcated a lesson American young men can never forget, and it only remains that you volunteer your valuable assistance to stamp it indelibly upon their memory, a memento through all time to come of the worthy trio to whom the youth of our coun try are under such lasting obligations.— They are already actihg upou the wisdom thus acquired in Southern schools. All over the land in the East and the West, in the North and the South, they are rushing in a thousand streams of animated and indig nant life, through a thousand channels, to the great tryst in October and November. A million voices are uplifted to honor the flag of the Union, and a million hearts are I beating in unison with the call Congress has sounded to the rescue. " To your tents, 0 Israel." You say "it is fit that the brave men, who, on sea and land, faced death to save the nation, should now, by their voice and vote, consummate what their swords ren dered possible." It is most fit, 0 most wor thy and astute BEECHER, — that sounds more like—most fit and most right it is; but look you, Reverend Sir, that is not what you have all along been telling us, in this let ter, but the reverse. How, if Southern members are at once admitted to vote against the Constitutional Amendment, are the soldiers of the war, deprived to day of the suffrage, to acquire it ? You want the j soldier to vote, you say, and you want , somebody to say he shan't vote. This may be BEECHER logic, but it is not the logic of a straight forward, honest, statesman. If you are dying for universal suffrage,as you pretend to be, throw your great influence against this vampire y'cleped " My Policy " that will grow fat upou your name and fame when you are in heaven. It is most fit, bully for you, Mr. BEECHER. AS you have joined the slang party take a little of their slang. Bully for you again. " Most fit " indeed, how come you to say it ? After a long column of sophistry to break right into the the truth at a dash— it takes our breath ! Republicans never had a doubt of it, nev er, that those who have faced death upon I the battle-field should now by their voice and vote consummate, finish, finish up, so that it will stay finished, conclude, so that no art, sophistry, cunning, deceit, wiring in and wiring out of Southern politicians and Northern doughfaces can deny what their swords have rendered possible. Give them that voice aud vote and the country is saved. And it is only right—it is no gift we make to the soldier, it is no boon we con fer. It is his right, his, by virtue of his man hood, his patriotism, his courage, his sacri fices, wounds and blood ; his, because he has earned it on the battle-field, face to face with his rebel enemy in a death struggle ; his, as his person, name and identity are his ; and shame on the man who would de prive him of it, and on the country which by indirection and cunning would juggle him out of it at last. You say the negro is a part and parcel of Southern society and your inference from this is that he is subject to the influen ces which control the white population, and can direct them to his own advancement. The least knowledge of Southern society denies the statement, and the inference. How large a part is he of Southern socie ty ? Is he any thing but a despised, hunt ed man, the scoff and scorn of those who have grown fat upon his degradation ; and can he ever rise, while he has no other chance, to a level with those who feel an interest in crushing him. We have freed him from fetters and blows, let us now free his soul from what is worse than fetters and blows—the knowledge that neither he nor his posterity can stand on an equality with the rest of mankind; that his lot is ever to be a slave to the caprices of socie ty. The State may vote him schools, and it may vote to take them from him. The State may vote him protection from vio lence, and it may vote to inflict it; it niay vote him the right to hold property, and it may vote to deprive him of it, by excessive taxation, or by shutting him out of a Court of Justice to defendjit. In each of these ways he is subject to wrong without the power of redress. The Emancipation Act only freed his person from his hereditary enemy, —his master—and he is, to-day, as much the thr.dl of local legislation as he ever was. That act could be no " bill of rights" to establish his future status of equality before the law. No man is free who has no right to defend himse'f against all com ers—though personal liberty may be assur ed him, he is still a slave if his property may be taken without his consent. He is still a slave to the State, and that is just as imbruting as the slavery a master may exercise. Therefore, Mr. BEECHER, we hold that the ballot is positively necessary to the com plete restoration of prosperity to the South. You, in effect, oppose this view of the case by favoring "My Policy" humbug which denies it. You may talk, plausibly enough, of a forty years' pilgrimage iu the wilder ness to civilize the negro, but with the pres ent prejudice against him it will take a thousand years to effect it. Give him the ballot; that is the great civilizer of mod ern times. You well know its force. You have been often enough on the stump to see how it controls men. Let us not wait for this long process of civilization, when a half dozen years' use of the ballot will su percede it. Politicians, north or south,bend before it as the.harvest waves before the wind. Oh, it has a potency no public man dare despise. A proud Southerner would soon discover its virtue. In the hand of an ex-slave it will operate in two ways ; first, it will beget a sentiment of respect in the breast of him who desires its favor, towards its owner. If men would care to see its power, let them observe the bearing of a candidate for office for a few months before an election. Just then it is a whole some fear, but that is not its whole virtue. The ballot is power to whomsoever holds it; and power, however insignificant, com mands respect, independent of the good or evil it may do. It confers consequence and poor, weak human nature yields its tribute. But in the second place, the good influence of the ballot will be seen in its effect on its owner. He will respect himself. He will REGARDLESS OF DENUNCIATION FROM ANT QUARTER. see that he has a duty to perform, and such performance always disciplines, always in vigorates, always ennobles and elevates. He will behold himself a man, clothed with the attributes of manhood ; no longer an accident, an abortion of nature, no longer a waif, cast upou the great ocean of hu manity, for whom no one cares and whom no one loves. He wili see that he has in terests to cherish, rights to defend, a soul that no longer grovels in dust, but one which rises in its lofty conceptions to the full measure of all that is magnanimous and just. Mr. BEECHER, if the suffrage is given the colored man, how long will it be, think you, before he will receive the benefit of the monies devoted to education ? In all the South, we are told, there is not a school to which a colored man has access, and yet his property is taxed, as is his white neigh bor's, to defray the expense. The colored tax phyers, in New Orleans, pay fifteen per cent, of the school fund and derive no ben efit from it. This is a civilization with a vengeance ; a civilization which a Christ ian public are invoked to perpetuate and fasten on a race which has paid in labor, tears, aud blood, the whole price which is ever paid lor the best; and Christian min isters engage in the unholy work of teach ing Christian communicants to wait, wait for more labor, more tears, more blood.— Shame ! shame ! What price do you de mand ? A whole race sacrificed to this in fernal spirit, this cowardly fear ? A DEMOCRAT OF 1812. TOWANDA, SEPTEMBER G, 1860. [From the New York Evening Post] A POLITIOALJFREE LANOE- Mr. Montgomery Blair is speaking through New England, aud seems to be under the impression that he is supporting President Johnson. Whatever he may intend, how ever, if we may judge from the reports of his Boston speech, he is in reality disgus ting all sensible and liberty-loving men. He abuses without stint one of the Pres ident's most important and highest advisers, Secretary Stanton. Now, it is se.tled that the President is responsible for his Cabi net, and when Mr. Blair speaks against Mr. Stanton, he speaks against Mr. Johnson, who chooses that Mr. Stanton shall fill one of the most important places under the Government. Again Mr. Blair declares, with great ve hemence, that if the blacks are suffered to vote there will be a war of races. Mr. Blair attempts to make the c lored people odious by asserting that they helped the rebels and were not faithful to the Union, and he winds up with the assertion, "Uni versal suffrage will create a war of races," and insinuates that those who favor gen eral suffrage are guilty of an attempt to fo ment a new and cruel war. But the Presi dent has repeatedly and most postively de clared his desire that a large part of the colored men should vote, as witness his despatch to Governor Sharke, of Mississ ippi. Again, Mr. Blair tries to bolster Alexan der H. Stephens into popularity,and asserts the right of that unhung traitor—who de serves hanging as richly as Jefl. Davis, for he sinned with his eyes open—to a seat in the United States Senate. But this is flat ly opposed by what is called the "Presi dent's policy," of claiming the admission of members who can take the oaths prescribed by Congress, which Mr. Stephens cannot. But the relations between Mr. Blair and the President interest us less than tho sen timents to which Mr. Blair gives utterance. We say nothing of his indeeecent attempt to whitewash the Vice President of the reb el Confederacy. If Mr. Stephens were an angel he would still, for decency's sake, having held the prominent place he did in the rebellion, be set aside, at least for a time, and iu our opinion for ever. He should be grateful that he is not hanged for his crime. But we think of greater importance Mr. Blair's assertion about the suffrage. He is opposed to colored suffrage. He asserts emphatically " universal siiffrage will bring on a war of races," aud he condescends to use some very stale clap trap about placing negroes over whites to enforce his remarks. Now we take occasion to say that we dis agree entirely with Mr. Blair on this sub ject. The question of extending the suffrage was not brought into the present canvass by either party ; so that it is not generally discussed. But let no one suppose it is therefore forgotten or abandoned. We shall not cease to urge it at any rate. We could not persuade the last Congress to de clare impartial suffrage in the District of Columbia, where it had a right to do so ; but we hope its first act, on reassembling, will be this one. And if it shall then be found that the President is of Mr. Blair's mind, and vetoes an impartial or universal suffrage bill for the District of Columbia, we shall demand of Congress to pass it ov er his veto, as we demanded that it should pass the civil rights bill over his veto. We hope this question will hereafter be dis cussed in ail the States, in Connecticut, New York, Illinois, and Indiana, as well as in the Southern States ; and we shall give an earnest support everywhere to the move ment. This great reform must be carried by ar gument, by appeals to the justice, the com mon sense, aud the interest of parties and individuals. It will be carried ; and we are in the more haste to see all the States represented in Congress, because then the time for argument and discussion will have come everywhere. PRESIDENTIAL VIOLENCE . —During his tour the President has,in repeated instances, de nounced all who oppose his Policy of Re construction as traitors, and dec'ared his purpose to put them down by force as the Southern rebels were subjugated. The un ! couth violence of his objugations has fright i ened his conservative supporters, though j they have failed to alarm the Radicals.—- The New York limes urges "it is a great mistake on the part of the President to as -1 sume or suppose that the great body of the people in the North who dissent from his views, are enemies of the Union or are seeking consciously to destroy it." The Times will find it a still greater mis take for the President to attempt to make good his threats. Jefferson Davis may find an unexpected companion on the gallows. MR. NASBT WITH THE PRESIDENTIAL PARTY. AT THE DIDDLE HOUSE, (wich is in Detroit, Michigan,) SEPT. the 4th, 18G6. Step by step I am ascendin the ladder uv fame—step by step I am climbin to a proud eminence. Three weeks ago I wuz sum moned to Washington by that eminently grate and good man, Androo Johnson, to attend a consultation ez to the proposed Western tour, wich wuz to be undertaken for the purpose uv arousin the masses uv the West to a sence uv the danger wich wuz threatin uv em in case they persisted in centralizin the power uv the govern ment into the hands uv a Congress, "nstid uv diffusin it throughout the hands uv one man. wich is Johnson. I got there too late to take part in the first uv the discussion. When I arrove they lied everything settled, ceptin the appintmentuv a Chaplain for the excursion. The President insisted upon my fillin that position, but Seward objected.— He wanted Beecher, but Johnson wuz in flexibly agin him. "1 am determined," sez he, " to carry out my policy, but 1 hev bow els left. Beecher hez done enuff already, considerin the pay he got. No ! no ! he shel be spared this trip—indeed he shel." "Very good," said Seward, "but at least find some clergyman who endorses us with out lievin P. M. to his honored name. It wood look better." " I know it wood," replied Johnson, "but where kin we find sich a one ? I hev swung around the entire circle, and heven't ez yet seen him. Nasby it must be." There wuz then a lively discussion ez to the propriety before the procession started, of removing all the Federal oflice-holders on the proposed route, and appintin men who beleeved in us, (Johnson, Beecher,and me,) that we might be slioor uv a sootable recepshun at each pint at which we wuz to stop. The Annointed wuz in favor uv it. Sez he, " them ez won't support my polisy shan't eat my bread and butter." Randall and Doolittle chimed in, for it's got to be a part of their religion to assent to whatever the President sez, but I mildly protested. I owe a duty to the party and 1 am deter mined to do it. " Most High," sez I, " a settin hen wich is lazy makes no fuzz—cut its head off aud it flops about for a while lively. Lincoln's office-holders are settiu-hens. They don't like yoo nor yoor policy, bot while they are on their nests they will keep moderately quiet. Cut off their heads and they will spurt their blood in your face. Ez to be in enshoord of a reception at each point, you need fear nothin. Calkerlatiu moder ately, there are at least twenty-five or thir ty patriots who feel a call fur every uffis in your disposal. So long, Yoor Highnis, ez them offisis is held just where they kin see em, and they don't know wich is to git cm, yoo may depend upon the entire euthoosi asm uv each, iudividyooally and collective ly. In short, ef there's 4 offisis iu a town and yoo make the appintments, you hev se koored 4 supporters—till yoo make the ap pointments yoo hev the hundred who ex pect to get em." The President agreed with me that until after the trip the gullotiue shood stop. Secretary Seward sejested that a cleau shirt wood improved my personal appear ance, and akkordiugly a cirkular wuz sent to the clerks iu the Departments, assessin em for that purpose. Sich uv em cz re foosed to contribute their quota was in stantly dismissed for disloyalty. At last we started, and I must say we wuz got iu a highly conciliatory style. Ev ery wuu of the civilians uv the party wore buzzum pins, et settry, which wuz present ed to em by the Southeru delegates to the Philadelphia Convention, wich wuz madeuv the bones uv Federal soldiers which hed fallen at various battles. Sum uv em were partickerly valuable ez anteeks, heviu bin made from the bones uv the fust soldiers who fell at Bull Run. The Noo York recepshun wuz a gay af fair. I never saw His Imperial Highness in better spirits, aud he delivered his speech to better advantage than I ever heard him do it before, and I bleeve I've heard it a hundred times. We left Noo York sadly. | Even now ez 1 write the remembrance uv j that banquet lingers around me, and the taste uv them wiues is still in my mouth. But we hed to go. We had a mishn to per form, and we put ourselves on a steamboat and started. ALBANY. —There wuz a immense crowd, but the Czar uv all the Amerikan didn't git orff his speech here. The Governor wel comed him, but he welcomed him ez the Cheef Magistrate uv the nashen, and hap pened to drop in Lincoln's name. That struck a chill over the parly, aud the Pres ident got out uv it ez soon possible. Bein reseeved ez Cheef Magistrate, and not ez the great Pacificator, ain't his Eggslency's best holt. It wuz unkind uv Governor Feu ton to do it. If he takes the papers he must know that his Mightiness ain't got but one speech, aud he ought to hev made sich a reception ez wood hev enabled him to hev got it off. We shook the dust off uv our feet and left Albany iu disgust. SKEXACTADY. —The people in this delight ful little village wuz awake when the im perial train arrived. The changes havn't bin made in the offices here, and consekent ly there wuz a splendid recepsun. I didn't suppose there wuz so many patriots along the Mohawk. I wuz pinted out by sum one ez the President's private adviser—a sort uv private Secretary uv State, and after the train started I found jest 211 petitions for the post offis in Skenaktedy in my side pocket, which the patriots who had hurrah ed so vocifferously hed dexterously deposi ted there. The iusideut wuz a movin one. " Thank God," thought I, "so long ez we hev the post offices to give we kin alius I hev a party 1" The Sultan swung around I the circle wunst here, and leaving the con j stooshuu in their hands, the train moved | off ROME. —Here we hed a splendid recepshun ' and I never heard his majesty spcek more felicitously. He menshuned to the audi ence that he hed swung around the South ern side uv the cirkle and wuz now swing in around the Northern side uv it, aud that he wuz fightin traitors on all sides. He left the Constitooshun in their hands and i bid em good bye. I received at this pint only 130 petitions for the post office, which 1 took as a bad omen for the comin elec tion. UTICA. —The President spoke here with greater warmth and jerked more originali ty than I had before observed. He intro- #3 per Annum, in Advance- J doost hero the it-mark that he did i't come to make a speech—that he wuz goin to shed a tear over the tomb uv Douglas— that in swingiu around the circle hed fought traitors on all sides uv it, but that he felt safe. Be shood leave the Constoo slm in their hands, and ef a martyr wuz wanted he wuz reddy to die with neetness and dispatch. LOCKPORT. —The i'resideut is improviu wonderfully. lie rises with the occasion. At this pint he mentioned that he wuz sot on saviu the country wich hed honored him. Ez for himself his ambishn wuz more tha i satisfied. He hed bin Alderman, member uv the Legislacher, Congressman, Senat >r, Military Governor, Vice President, and President. He had swung around the en tire circle uv offises, and all he wanted now wuz to heal the wounds uv the nashen. He felt safe in leavin the Coustooshuu iu their hands. Ez he swung around the circle— At this pint I interrupted him. I told him that he had swung around the cirkle wunst in this town, aud ez yooseful ez the phrase wnz it might spile by too much yoose. At Cleveland we begun to get into hot water. Here is the post to which the devil uv Ablishuism is chained, aud his chain is long enough to let him rage over neerly the whole State. lam pained to state that the President wuznt treated here with the re speck due his station. Hecommeust deliv erin his speech, but wuz made the subjeck uv ribald lall'ture. Skasely had he got to the pint uv swingiu around the cirkle, when a foul-mouthed nigger lover yelled " Veto," and another vocifferated " Noo orleenß,"and another remarked " Memphis" and one after another interruption occurred until His Highness wuz completely turned off the track and got wild. He forgot his speech and struck out crazy, but the starch wuz out uvhim and he wuz worsted. Grant wich we hed takin along to draw the crowds, played dirt on us here, and stepped onto a boat for Detroit, leavin us only Far ragut ez a attraction, who tried twice to git away ditto, but wuz timely prevented. The I'resideut recovered his akanimity and swung around the cirkle wunst, aud leavin the constooshn in their hands, retired At the next pint we wuz astounded at seein but one man at the station. He wuz dressed with a sash over the shoulder, and wuz waviu a flag with wun baud, firin a saloot with a revolver with the other, and playiu "Hail to the Chief" with a mouth organ, ail to wunst. " Who are you, my gentle friend," sez I. " I'm the newly ap pinted postmaster, sir," sez he. " I'm a perceshun a waitin here to do honor to our Chief Magistrate all alone, sir. There wuz twenty Johnsonians iu this hamlet, sir, but when the commishn came for me the other nineteen wuz soured, and sed they didn't care a d—n for him nor his policy, sir. Where is the President ?" Androo wuz a goin to swing around the cirkle for thi3 one man and leave the Constooshn in his hands but Seward checked him. At Fremont we hed a handsome recep shun, for the offise3 hevn't bin changed there, but Toledo didn't do so well. The crowd didn't cheer Androo much ; but when Farragut was trotted out they gave him a rouser, wicli wuz anything but pleas in to the Chief Magistrate of this nasheu, who beleeves in being respected. Finaliy we reeched Detroit. This beina Democratic city, the President wuz hisself agin. His speech here wuz wun uv rare merit. He gathered together in one quiver all the sparklin arrows he had used from Washington to this point, and shot em one by one. He swung around the cirkle—he didn't come to make a speech—ee hed bin Alderman uv his native town—he mite Lev bin Dicktater but vvoodent—and ended with a poetikal cotashun wich I coodent ketch, but wicli, ez neer ez I cood understand, wuz: " Kuui wun—Knm all—this roek shel fly From its firm base—in a pig's eye." Here we repose for the nite. To-morrow we start onward, and shall continue swing in around the cirkle till we reach Chicago. PETROLECM V. NASBY, P. M. (wicli is Postmaster,) (ami likewise chaplain to the expedishun.) ABOMINABLE. —In the speech of Hiester Clymer at Uniontown, as reported for the Pittsburg Post,vie find the following passage " By the assassination of Abraham Lin coln, Andrew Johnson became President of the United States. If, under his adminis tration, harmony should come again to the land, who will not see in the auspicious ev ent the spirit of God moving over the troubled waters." Are we to understand that the spirit of which Mr. Clymer so profanely speaks strengthened the heart and guided the arm of that democratic hero, J. Wilkes Booth, and enabled him bring about that " au spicious event ?" Certain it is, that to Booth Mr. Clymer and his party are indebt ed for their present momentary gleam of hope ; and equally certain it is, that if the party who are now rallying around Andrew Johnson shall be successful, the assassin of Lincoln will be politically canonized as their greatest benefactor. Such is the depth to which an alliance with oppression and treason can sink men, who, if free, would be respectable. What are we to make of the language we have quoted, but the beginning of an effort to x-escue the memory of that assassin from an immortal ity of infamy, ami give him a place among the honored agents of Heaven ? A DIFFERENCE. —When Andrew Johnson received the news of his nomination to the Vice Presidency he was in Memphis, at the St. Cloud hotel. He made a speech,accept ing the nomination,and in the course of his remarks thus alluded to the necessity of se curing the control of the Government to loyal men : "I say that the traitor has ceased to boa citizen, and in joining the rebellion has be come a public enemy. He forfeited his right to vote v. ith loyal men when he re nounced his citizenship and sought to de stroy our Government. We say to the most honest and industrious foreigner who comes from England and Germany to dwell among us, and to add to the wealth of the country : "Before you can be a citizen you must stay here for five years." If we are so cautious about foreigners,who voluntari ly renounce their homes t.o live with us, what should we say to the traitor who, al though born and reared among us,has rais ed a parricidal hand against the Govern ment always protected him ? My judgment is, that he should bo subjected to a severe ordeal before lie be restored to citizenship." He thinks differently now. ANDREW JOHNBON DEBORIBED BY THE NEW YORK WORLD- Now that the reign of terror against the patriotic people of the loyal States—the same whose bullets destroyed rebellion on the battle-field, and whose ballots voted down Copperhoadism in the North—has fully commenced by order of Andrew John son, the boundless exultation of the New York World is a curiosity in its way.— Mingling adulation of the President with abuse of the people who placed him where he is—calumniating STANTON in one breath and demanding his removal in the other— applauding the rebels and traitors as the true gentlemen of the South, and ridicul ing the patriots who are to meet in Phila delphia on the 3d of September as the mean whites of the same section—it is probably more completely the organ of An drew Johnson than any other newspaper iu the country—not excepting the National Intelligencer, that demanded Johnson's dis grace in 1864, or the Cincinnati Enqnirer, that stigmatized him as the lowest speci men of living humanity. Of course the New York World speaks by authority, and therefore it is that we print the following striking portrait of Andre* Johnson, from that paper of the 9th of March, 1865. The fidelity of this sketch has been affirmed by nearly every speech made by Andrew John sou since he threw himself into the hands of the Copperheads and traitors, beginning with that on the 22d of February and end ing with his very last declamation receiv ing the proceedings of the Philadelphia Convention. The truth of the remark of Senator Sum ner, quoted by the New York World, refer ring to his exhibition on the 4th of March, 1865, " that it had been better for the Con federates to have won a battle than for such a shameful event to have occurred,' 1 the horror-stricken American people have repeatedly realized since that sad aud ter rible day : (New York World, Thursday, March 9, ISG4.) VICE PRESIDENT JOHNSON SHOULD HE APOLOGIZE OR RESIGN ? Most of the Administration organs—the Tribune, Times, Herald, and Evening Post —have condoned by their sileuce the out rage with which Audrew Johnson, in a pub lic place, on a public occasion, in the per formance of a grave public duty, affronted the people of the United States, betrayed his own beastly instincts, his demagogical habits, and his boorish mind. The Indepen dent, however, refuses to assist in shielding him from the just punishment of public censure, and insists that it is Mr. Johnson's plain duty "to apologize or resign." It demands that "so great an affront to the dignity of the Republic shall be made to bear a fit penalty, atonement and warning." The justice and propriety of this demand are not to be disputed. We have been informed, and believe that Senator Sumner, the chairman of the Sen ate Committee of Foreign Relations, whose words on such a subject have even more weight than the same from Secretary Sew ard would have had, by reason of his su perior personal and political honesty— and his habit of saying what he means--said after Mr. Johnson's disgusting exhibition of himself on inauguration day, that it would have been better for the Confeder ates to have won a battle than for such a shameful event to have occurred. The ma terial damage in the eyes of hostile foreign powers consequent upon a lost battle are thought by the chairman of the Senate Committee of Foreign Relations to be out weighed by the moral damage done us by Mr. Johnson. NUMBER 17. We Lave very little expectation that Mr. Johnson's party will force him to an apolo gy or a resignation. The Vice President is as incapable of appreciating the reparation which he ows to the country as he shows himself to be incapable of appreciating his own insult to the country. He is reported in the Washington telegrams to be indul ging in still another debauch. Nothing better is to be expected of him. These are the habits of his lifetime. They were known to the politicians who Dominated him ; they were were proclaimed in the face of the party which elected him. Nevertheless he was elected. It is idle to ask the Btream to rise higher than its fountain. And in our judgment, it is much more melancholy circumstances that Mr. Johnson's party last November invited these insults to the coun try, and how in March will neither expose nor punish them, then that the insults are given us. If Andrew Johnson had not been drunk on inauguration day, the speech which he would have made would have been less in coherent, but in all other respects it would have been the same. The shallow goguery, the affected "plebian" praise, the real self-contempt and secret envy ofmor.c fortunate men, these have been betrayed, these have been the stock and staple of ev ery speech of Andrew Johnson for years.— We say nothing of his political tergiversa tion. It is ridiculous to suppose that he ever had any political principles, fie was nominated because he had pone—but bel low his bastard "loyality" loudly. We re fer now to that which was most degrading in his vinous speech—its betrayal of his inmost character. It is necessary to affirm either that he was drunk every time he made a speech since Mr. Lincoln rewarded his political dishonesty by making him Mil itary Governor of Tennessee, or else that he is- drunk or sober, boy or mau, tailor, Senator, Governor or Vice President— the low boor which, with infinite pain in the last Presidential contest, we felt it alike our duty to declare him to be. His speech es are all alike This last one in the Sen ate chamber was no exception, save in its incoherence. Read his speech on hearing the news of his own nomination at Balti more. Let our readers look at their files. It was published at the time. It reeks with the very same vulgarity, the same dema gognerv, the same loic-lived manners and morals. Read his speech after hearing news of his election. It is another, yet the same as that of Saturday -vulgar, lore-bred, boorish. There, too, he proclaims his hum ble birth with "plebian" pride betraying secret envy. As if he were the first man in this democratic Republic who had ever risen from narrow circumstances to the high places of the land ! As if Jackson and Webster and scores of others had not com passed as great advancement as he, who never-spoke themselves nor permitted oth ers to speak of them, except in language becoming to their own greatness —who nev er set their own praise to devouring their own deeds ! It is this which is melancholy in the pres ent situation of the Vice Presidency, and for tins no apology or resignation is either pos sible or probable, for it is the victorious Re publican party which would need to apolo gize to the country or resign. PRESIDENT JOHNSON has a strange concep tion of the meaning Of words. He com plains of being attacked by a " subsidized press." The only journals tAat praise him are those which are in receipt of govern ment patronage. The journals whose cen sures hurt him are these which lost gov ernmental patronag. i a cause they would 1 maintain their freeman of opiuion and ut- I terance respecting him and his Policy.