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Jfebrttd gtydnj.
I.IFE'S LOT*
I know not if the dark or bright
Shall be my lot
li that wherein my hopes delight
Be best, or not.
It may be mine to drag for years
Toil's heavy chain ;
Or day and night my meat be tears
On bed of pain.
Dear faces may surround my hearth
With smiles and glee ;
Or I may dwell alone, and mirth
Be strange to me.
My bark is wafted to the strand
By breat 1 divine,
And on the helm there rests a hand
Other than mine.
One who has known in storms to sail
I have on board ;
Above the raging of the gale
I hear niy Lord.
He holds me with the billow's smile,
I shall not fall:
It sharp, 'tis short; if long, 'tis light ;
lie tempers all.
Safe to the land, safe to the land—
The end is this—
And then with him go hand in hand,
Far into bliss.
_
riWtot
!
1 From the Atlantic Monthly for September.)
THE JOHNSON PARTY,
The President of the United States has
so singular a combination of defects for the
dice of a constitutional magistrate, that
. could have obtained the opportuuity to
misrule the nation only by a visitation of
i'r vidcnce. Insincere as well as stub
k-rn, cunning as well as unreasonable, vain I
us well us ill tempered, greedy of populari- j
ty as well as arbitrary iu disposition, veer j
I in his mind as well as fixed in his wil , ]
1 unites in his character the seemingly op- j
posite qualities of demagogue aud auto- j
c:at, anil converts the Presidential chair j
,0 a stump or a throne, according as the
pulse seizes him to cajole or to command. 1
i' .nhtless much of the evil developed in ;
him is due to his misfortune in having been j
idled by events to a position which he I
lacked the elevation and breadth of intelli
gence adequately to fill. He was cursed 1
with the power and authority which uo j
. in of narrow mind, bitter prejudices, and
i. i'iinate self-estimation can exercise with-1
•■ut depraving himself as well as injuring
the nation. Egotistic to the point of men
tal disease, he resented the direct and man
ly ' i>p sition of statesmen to his opinions
and moods as a personal affront, and do- j
scemled to the last degree of littieuess in I
a political leader—that of betraying his |
party*—in order to gratify his spite. He of
■'trso became the prey of intriguers and
-yc"phants: of persons who understand
■ ■■■art of managing minds which are at
arbitrary and weak, by allowing them
retain unity of will amid the most pal
d '• inconsistencies of opinion, so that |
: mstancy to principle shall not weaken |
i rre of purpose, nor the emphasis be at j
ih abated with which they may bless to
'>y what yesterday they cursed. Thus the i
•■■iiorrer of traitors has now become their j
Thus the denouncer of Copperheads|
l - now sunk into dependence 011 their sup- i
ft. Thus the imposer of conditions of |
'-•'instruction has now become the fore- i
'St friend of the unconditional return of !
rebel States. Thus the furious Union j
• publican, whose harangues against his !
htieal opponents almost scared his polit- j
J friends by their violence, has now be
ne the shameless betrayer of the people
trusted him. And in all these changes
kase he has appeared supremely cou
lUS, iii Lis own miutl, of playing au in
'!'■ udent, a consistent, and especially a
n.-cientious part.
Indeed, Mr. Johnson's character would
imperfectly described if some attention
■'■'■ re not paid to his conscience, the purity
1 which is a favorite subject of his own
• "■course, and the perversity of which is
•' wonder of the rest of mankind. As a
'Ublic man, his real position is similar to
at of a commander of an army who
nould pass over to the ranks of the enemy
was commissioned to fight, aud then
lead his individual convictions of duty as
1 justification ol his treachery. Iu truth,
h . Johnson's conscience is, like his under- i
lauding, a mere form of expression of his j
*'ill. The will of ordinaiy men is address-1
'1 through their understanding and con-1
'■nee. Mr. Johnson's understanding and |
■uscicuce can be addressed only through i
will. He puts intellectual principles
>nd the moral law iu the possessive case ;
' inks he pays them a compliment and 1
y- 1 * to their authority when he makes
"•em the adjuncts of his petty pronoun j
m y aud things to hi-a are reasonable j
**"l right, not from any quality inherent in ;
••natives, but because they arc made so j
Lis determinations. Indeed, he sees
d!y anything as it is, but almost every- j
1 "g as colored by his own dominant ego
."sai - Tims he is never weary of assert-
S that the people are 011 his side ; yet
' 13 method of learning the wishes of the
l'le is to scrutinize his own, and, when
a , !! g out his own passionate impulses, he
" r insists that he is obeying public sen
• oige chance, have found themselves at
•"-•ad of a constitutional government,
'uost resembles the last Stuart king of
E. O. GOODRICH, Publisher.
VOLUME XXVII.
England, James II ; and the likeness is in
creased from the circumstance that the
American James has, in his supple and
plausible Secretary of State, one fully com
petent to play the part of Suuderlaud.
The party which, under the ironical des
ignation of the National Union party, now
proposes to take the policy and character
of Mr. Johnson under its charge, is com
posed chiefly of Democrats defeated at the
polls, and Democrats defeated on the field
of battle. The few apostate Republicans
who have joined its ranks, while seeming
to lead its organization, are of small ac
count. Its great strength is in its South
ern supporters, and, if it comes into power,
it must obey a rebel direction. By the
treachery of the President it will have the
Executive patronage 011 its side, for Mr.
Johnson's " conscience " is of that particu
lar kind which finds satisfaction in array
ing the interest of others against their con
victions ; and having thus the power to
purchase support, it will not fail of those
means of dividing the North which come
from corrupting it. The party under which
the war for the Union was conducted is to
be denounced and proscribed as the party
of disunion, and we are to be edified by
addresses 011 the indissoluble unity of the
nation by secessionists, who have hardly
yet had time to wash from their hands the
stains of Union blood. The leading propo
sition on which* this conspiracy against the
counti y is to be conducted is the monstrous
absurdity that the rebel States have an in
herent, " continuous," unconditioned, con
stitutional right to form a part of the Fed
eral Government, when they have once ac
knowledged the fact of the defeat of their
inhabitants in an armed attempt to over
throw and subvert it —a proposition which
implies that victory paralyzes the powers
of the victors ; that ruin begins when suc
cess is assured ; that the only effect of
beating a Southern rebel in the field is to
exalt him into a maker of laws for his an
tagoni ■it.
In the minority report of the congres
| sioual Joint Committee on Reconstruction,
which is designed to supply the new party
with constitutional law, this theory of
Siate rights is most elaborately presented.
The ground is taken that during the rebel
lion the States in which it prevailed were
as " completely competent States of the
United States as they were before the re
bellion, and were bound by all the obliga
tions which the Constitution imposed, and
entitled to all its privileges," and that the
rebellion consisted merely in a series of
" illegal acts of the citizens of such States.'
On this theory it is difficult to find where
the guilt of rebellion lies. The States are
innocent, because the rebellion was a rising
of individuals ; the individuals caunot be
very criminal, for it is on their votes that
the committee chiefly rely to build up the
National Uniou party. Again, we are in
formed that in respect to the admission of
representatives from '' such States " Con
gress has no right or power to ask more
than two questions. These are : " Have
these States organized governments ? Are
these governments republican in form ?"
The committee proceed to say : " How they
were formed, under what auspices they
were formed, are inquiries with which Con
gress has 110 concern. The right of the
people to form a government for themselves
has never been questioned." On this prin
ciple President Johnson's labors in organ
izing State governments were works of su
pererogation. At the close of active hos
tilities the rebel States had organized,
though disloyal, governments as republican
in form as they were before the war broke
out. The only thing, therefore, they were
required to do was to send their Senators
and Representatives to Washington. Con
gress could not have rightfully refused to
receive them, because all questions as to
their being loyal or disloyal, and as to the
changes which the war had wrought in the
relation of the States they represented to
the Union, were inquiries with which Con
gress had no concern. And here again we
have the ever-recurring difficulty respect
ing the " individuals " who were alone
guilty of the acts of rebellion. "The
right of the people," we are assured, "to
form a government for themselves has nev
er been questioned." But it happens that
" the people " here indicated are the very
individuals who were before pointed out as
alone responsible for the rebellion. In the
exercise of their right "to form a govern
ment for themselves" they rebelled ; and
now, it seems, by the exercise of the same
right they can unconditionally return. —
There is no wrong anywhere ; it is all
" right." The people are first made crimi
nals in order to exculpate the States, and
then the innocence of the States is used to
exculpate the people. When we see such
outrages on common sense gravely perpe
trated by so eminent a lawyer as the one
who drew up the committee's report, one is
almost inclined to define minds as of two
kinds, the legal mind and the human mind,
and to doubt if there is any possible con
nection in reason between the two. To
the human mind it appears that the Feder
al Government has spent thirty live hun
dred millions of dollars, and sacrificed
three hundred thousand lives, in a contest
which the legal mind dissolves into a mere
mist of unsubstantial phrases ; and by
skill in the trick of substituting words for
things, and definitions for events, the legal
mind proceeds to show that these words
and definitions, though scrupulously shield
ed from any contact with realities, are suf
ficient to prevent the nation from taking
I ordinary precaution against the recurrence
I of calamities fresh in its bitter experience.
The phrase " State rights," translated from
legai into human language, is found to
mean the power to commit wrongs on iudi
■ viduals who Statys may desire to oppress,
or the power to protect the inhabitants of
! States from the consequences of their own
| crimes. The minority of the committee, iu
i deed, seem to have forgotten that there has
i been any real war, and bring to mind the
converted Australian savage whom the
| missionary could not make penitent for a
j murder committed the day before, because
the trilling occurrence had altogether pass
! Ed from his recollection.
In fact, all attempts to discriminate be
: tween rebels and the rebel Stab s, to the
! advantage of the latter, are done in defi
| ance of notorious facts. If the rebellion
i had been merely a rising of individual eiti
! /.ens of States it would have been an in
surrection against the States, as well as
j against the Federal Government, and might
j have been easily put down. In that case
TOWANDA, BRADFORD COUNTY, PA., SEPTEMBER 6,1866.
I there would have been no withdrawal of
| Southern Senators and Representatives
I from Congress, and therefore no question
as to their inherent right to return. In
Missouri and Kentucky, for example, there
was civil war, waged by inhabitants of
those States against their local govern
ments, as well as against the United States;
and nobody contends that the rights and
privileges of those States were forfeited by
the criminal acts of ther citizens. But the
real strength of the rebellion consisted in
this, that it was not a rebellion against
States, but a rebellion by States No loose
assemblage of individuals, though number
ing hundreds of thousands, could long have
resisted the pressure of the Federal power
and the pressure of the State governments.
They would have had no means of subsis
tence except those derived by plunder and
voluntary contributions, and they would
have lacked the military organization by
which mobs are transformed into formida
ble armies. But the rebellion being one of
States, being virtually decreed by the peo
ple of States assembled in convention, was
sustained by the two tremendous govern
mental powers of taxation and conscrip
tion. The willing and the unwilling wero
thus equally placed at the disposition of a
strong Government. The population and
wealth of the whole immense region of
country in which the rebellion prevailed
were at the service of this Government.—
So completely was it a rebellion of States,
that the universal excuse of the minority
of original Union men forcutering heartily
into the contest after it had once begun
was, that they thought it their duty to
abide by the decision and share the for
tunes of their respective State s. Nobody
at the South believed at the time the war
commenced, or during its progress, that his
State possessed any " continuous " right
to a participation in the privileges of the
Federal Con titution, the obligations of
which it had repudiated. When confident
of success, the Southerner scornfully scout
ed the mere suspicion of entertaining such
a degradiug notion ; when assured of de
feat, his only thought was to " get his
State back into the Union on the best terms
that could be made." The idea of " con
ditions of veadmission " was as firmly fixed
in the Southern as in the Northern mind.
If the politicians of the South now adopt
the principle that the rebel States have
not, as States, ever altered their relations
to the Union, they do it from policy, finding
that its adoption will give them " better
terms " than they ever dreamed of getting
before the President of the United States
taught them that it would be more politic
to bully than to plead.
In the last analysis, indeed, the theory
of the minority of the Reconstruction Com
mittee reduces the rebel States to mere ab
stractions. It is plain that a State, in the
concrete, is constituted by that portion of
the inhabitants who form its legal people ;
and that, in passing back of its govern
ment and constitution, we reach a conven
tion of the legal people as its ultimate ex
pression. By such conventions the acts of
secession were passed ; aud, as far as the
people of the rebel States could do it, they
destroyed their States considered as organ
ized communities forming a part of the
United States. The claim of the United
States to authority over the territory and
inhabitants was, of course, not affected by
these acts ; but in what condition did they
place the people ? Plainly in the condition
of rebels engaged in an attempt to over
turn the Constitution and Government of
the United States. As the whole force of
the people in each of the rebel communi
ties was engaged in this work, the whole
of the peopie were rebels and public ene
mies. Nothing was left, in each case, but
an abstract State, without any external
body, and as destitute of people having a
right to enjoy the privileges of the Consti
tution as if the territory had been swept
clean of population by a pestilence. It is,
then, only this abstract State which has a
right to representation in Congress. But
how can there be a right to representation
when there is nobody to be represented ?
All this may appear puerile, but the pueril
ity is in the premises as well as in the log
ical deductions, aud the premises are laid
down and indisputable constitutional prin
ciples by the eminent jurists who supply
ideas for the National Union party.
The doctrine of the unconditional right
of the rebel States to representation being
thus a demonstrated absurdity, the only
question relates to the conditions which
Congress proposes to impose. Certainly
these conditions, as embodied in the consti
tutional amendment which has passed both
houses of Congress by such overwhelming
majorities, are the mildest ever exacted of
defeated enemies by a victorious nation.—
There is not a distinctly " radical" idea in
the whole amendment—nothing that Presi
dent Johnson has not himself, within a
comparatively recent period, stamped with
his high approbation. Does it ordain uni
versal suffrage ? No. Does it ordain im
partial suffrage ? No. Does it proscribe,
disfranchise, or expatriate the recent armed
enemies of the country, or confiscate their
property ? No. It simply ordains that the
national debt shall be paid and the rebel
debt repudiated ; that the civil rights of
all persons shall be maintained ; that reb
els who have added perjury to treason shall
be disqualified for office ; and that the reb
el States shall not have their political pow
er in the Union increased by the presence
on their soil of persons to whom they deny
political rights, but that representation
shall be based throughout the Republic on
voters, and not on population. The pith of
the whole amendment is in the last clause;
and is there anything in that to which rea
sonable objection can be made ? Would
it not be a curious result of the war agaiust
rebellion, that it should end in conferring
on a rebel voter in South Carolina a power
equal, in national affairs, to that of two
loyal voters in New York ? Can any Dem
, ocrat have the face to assert that the South
' should have, through its disfranchised ne
gro freemen alone, a power in the Electoral
College and in the national House of Rep
resentatives equal to that of the States of
Ohio and Indiana combined ?
Yet these conditions, so conciliatory,
moderate, lenient, almost timid, and which,
by the omission of impartial suffrage, fall
very far below the requirements of the av
erage sentiment of the loyal nation, are
still denounced by the new party of " Un
ion " as the work of furious radicals, bent
on destroying the rights of the States.—
Thus Governor James L. Orr, of South
REGARDLESS OF DENUNCIATION FROM ANY QUARTER.
f Carolina, a leading rebel, pardoned into a
1 Johnsonian Union man, implores the peo
-1 pie of that region to send delegates to the
1 Philadelphia Convention, on the ground
that its purpose is to organize " conserva
f tive " men, of all sections and parties, " to
drive from power that radical party who
; are daily trampling under foot the Consti
tution, md fast converting a constitutional
• Republic into a consolidated despotism."
- The terms to which South Carolina is ask
ed to submit, before she can be made the
! equal of Ohio or New York in the Union,
are stated to be " too degrading and humil
iating to be entertained by a freeman for a
single instant." When we consider that
this "radical party" constitutes nearly
four-fifths of the legal Legislature of the
nation, that it was the party which saved
the country from dismemberment while Mr.
Orr and his friends were notoriously enga
ged in " trampling the Constitution under
foot," and that the nian who denounces it
owes his forfeited life to its.clemency, the
astounding insolence of the impeachment
touches the sublime. Here is confessed
treason inveighing against tried loyalty, in
the name of the Constitution it has violated
and the law it has broken ! But why does
Mr. Orr think the terms of South Caroli
na's restored relations to the Union " too
degrading and humiliating to be entertain
ed by a freeman for a single instant ?" It
it because he wishes to have the rebel debt
paid ? Is it because he desires to have the
Federal debt repudiated ? Is it because
he thinks it intolerable that a negro should
have civil lights ? Is it because he resents
the idea that breakers of oaths, like him
self, should be disqualified from having
another opportunity of forswearing them
selves ? Is it because he considers that a
white rebel freeman of South Carolina has
a uatural right to exercise double the po
litical power of a white loyal freeman of
Massachusetts? He must return an affirm
ative answer to all these questions in order
to make it out that his State will be de
graded and humiliated by ratifying the
amendment ; and the necessity of the mea
sure is therefore proved by the motives
known to prompt the attacks of its villi
fiers.
The insolence of Mr. Orr is uot merely in
dividual, but representative. It is the re
sult of Mr. Johnson's attempt "to produce
harmony between the two sections" by be
traying the section to which he owed his
election. Had it not been for his treachery
there wonld have been little difficulty iu
settling the terms of peace, so as to avoid
all causes lor future war ; but, from the
time he quarrelled with Congress, he has
been the great stirrer-up of disaffection at
I the South, and the virtual leader of the
Southern reactionary party. Every man at
the South who was prominent in the rebel
lion,every man in the North who was prom
inent in aiding the rebellion, is no openly
or covertly bis partisan, and by fawning
on him earns the right to defame the repre
sentatives of the people by whom the rebel
lion was put down. Among traitors and
Copperheads the fear of punishment has
been succeeded by the hope of revenge ;
elation is 011 faces which the downfall of
Richmond overcast ; and a return to the
old times, when a united South ruled the
country by__ means of a divided North, is
confidently expected by the whole crew of
political bullies and political s3'cophants
whose profit is in the abasement of the na
tion. It is even said that if the majority of
the "rump" Cougress cannot be overcome
by fair means it will be by foul ; and there
are noisy partisans of the President who as
sert that he has iu him a Cromwellian ca
pacity for dealing with legislative assem
blies whose notions of the publick good
clash with his own. In short, we are prom
ised, 011 the assembling of the next Con
gress, a coup d'etat.
Garret Davis, of Kentucky, was, we be-
lieve, the first to announce this Executive
remedy for the "radical" disease of the
State,and it has since been often prescribed
by Democratic politicians as a soverign
panaca. General McClernand, indeed, pro
posed a scheme, simpler even than that of
Executive recognition, by which the South
ern Senators and Representatives might
effect a lodgement in congress. They
should, according to hime, have gone to
Washington, entered the halls of legisla
tion, and proceeded to occupy their seats,
"peaceably if they could, forcibly if they
must but the record of General McCler
nand as a military man was not such as to
give to his advice on a question of carrying
positions by assault a high degree of au
thority, and, there beiug some natural hes
itation in following his counsel, the golden
opportunity was lost. Mr. Montgomery
Blair, who professes his willinguess to act
with any men, "rebels or any one else," to
put down the radicals, is never weary of
talking to conservative conventions of "two
Presidents and two Congresses." There
can be no doubt that the project of a coup
d'etat has become dangerously familiar to
the "conservative" mind, and that the emi
neut legal gentlemen of the North who are
publishing opinions affirming the right of
the excluded Southern Representatives to
their seats are playing into the hands of
the desperate gang of unscrupulous politi
cians who are determined to Lave the right
established by force. It is computed that
the gain, in the approaching elections, of
twenty-five districts now represented by
; Union Republicans, will give the Johnson
party, in the next Congress, a majority of
the house of Representatives, should the
Southern delegations be cou ited ; and it is
proposed that the Johnson members legally
entitled to seats should be combined with
the Southern pretenders to seats, organize
as the House of Representatives of the Uui
ted states, and apply to the President for
recognition. Should the President comply,
he would be impeached by a unrecognized
House before an "incomplete" Senate, and,
if convicted, would deny the validity of the
proceeding. The result would be civil war,
in which the name of the Federal Govern
: ment would be on the side of the revolution
ists. Such is the programme which is freely
discussed by partisans of the President,
considered to be high in his favor ; and the
scheme, it is couteuded, is the logical re
sult of the position he has assumed as to
the rights of the excluded States to repre
sentation. It is certain that the present
Congress is as much the Congress of the
United States as he is the President of the
United States ; but it is well known that
he considers himself to represeut the whole
country, while he thinks that Congress only
represents a portion of it; and he has in
his character just that combination of qual
ities, and is placed in just those anomalous
circumstances, which lead men to the com
mission of great political crimes. The mere
hint of the possibility of his.attemptiug a
coup dctat is received by some Republicans
with a look of incredulous surprise ; yet
what has his Administration been to such
persons but a succession of surprises ?
But whatever view may bo takeu by the
President's designs, there can be no doubt
that the safety, peace, interest and honor
of the country depend on the success of the
Union Republicans in the approaching elec
tions. The loyal nation must see to it that
the Fortieth Congress shall be as compe
tent to override Executive vetoes as the
Thirty-Ninth, and be equally removed from
the peril of being expelled for one more in
harmony with Executive ideas. The same
earnestness, energy, patriotism and intelli
gence which gave success to the war must
now be exerted to reap its fruits aud pre
vent its recurrence. The only danger is
that in some representative districts the
people may be swindled by plausibilities
aud respectabilities ; for when, iu political
contests, any villainy is contemplated,there
are always found some eminently respecta
ble men, with a fixed capital of certain em
inently conservative phrase, innocently rea
dy to furnish the wolves of politics with
abundant supplies of sheep's clothing.—
These dignified are more thau usually au
tiqe at the present time ; and the gravity
of their speech is as edifying as its empti
ness. Immersed in words, and with no
clear perception of things, they mistake
conspiracy for conservatism. Their pet
horror is the term "radical their ideal of
heroic patriotism, the spectacle of a great
nation which allows itself to be ruined with
decorum, aud dies rather than commit the
slightest breach of constitutional etiquette.
This insensibility to facts and blindness to
the tendency of events, they call wisdom
and moderation. Behind these political
dummies are the real forces of the Johnson
party, men of insolent spirit, resolute will,
embittered temper and unscrupulous pur
pose, who clearly know what they are af
ter, and will hesitate at no "informity" in
the attempt to obtain it. To give these
persons political power will be to surren
der the results of the war, by placing the
Government practically in the hands of
those against whom the war was waged.—
No smooth words about "the equality of
the States," "the necessity of conciliation,"
"the wickedness of sectional conflicts," will
after the fact that, in refusing to support
Congress, the people would set a reward on
treachery and place a bounty 011 treason.—
"The South," says a Mr. Hill, of Georgia, in
a letter favoring the Philadelphia conven
tion, "sought to save The Constitution out
of the Union. She failed. Let her now
bring her diminished and shattered,but uni
ted and earnest, counsels and energies to
save the Constitution in the Union. The
sort of Constitution the South sought to
save by warring against the Government
is the Constitution which she now proposes
to save by admiring it I" Is this the tone of
pardoned and penitent treason ? Is this the
spirit to build up a "National Union party ?"
No ; but it is the tone and spirit now fash
ionable in the defeated rebel States, and
will not be changed until the autuin elec
tions shall have proved that they have as
little to expect from the next Congress as
from the present, and that they must give
securities for their future conduct before
they can be relieved from the penalties in
clined by tlieir past.
NASBY ATTENDS THE PHILADELPHIA
CONVENTION
[From The Toledo Blade.]
I'OSX-OFFIOE, CONFEIJI-.IT X ROADS j
(wieli is iu the Stiat uv Kentucky,)
August 14, 1866. )
Peace is into me ! 1 hev spent many
happy periods iu the course uv a eventful
life, but I never knowed what perfeck sat
isfaction wuz till now. The first week I
wuz married to my Looizer Jane it wuz
hevenly, for independent uv the other
blisses incident to the married state I
bleevcd that she wuz the undivided pos
sessor uv a farm, or rather her father wuz,
wieh 011 the old mau's decease would be
hern, aud the prospeck of a life-time with
a amiable, well-bnilt woman, with a farm
big enough to support me, with prudence
011 her part, wuz bliss itself, and I enjoy
ed it with a degree nv muchness rarely
ekaled until f found out that it wuz kiver
ed more deeply with mortgages than it wuz
ever likely to be with crops, and my dream
uv happiness busted. Sweet ez wuz this
week it wuz misery condensed when com
pared to the season I hev just passed
through.
I wuz a delegate to Philadelphia ! I
wuzu't elected nor nothin, and hedn't any
credentials, but the door uv the Wigwam I
passed nevertheless. The doorkeeper wuz
a old Dimokrat, and mj breath helped me,
my nose which reely bloosoms like the
lobster, wuz uv yoose, but 1 spect my hev
in a gray coat on with a stand up collar,
with a brass star onto it, wuz wat finished
the biznis. The Southern delegates fought
shy uv me, but the Northern ones, bless
their qouls, the ininit they saw the star on
the collar uv my great coat, couldn't do
euuff for me. They addressed me cz Ker
nel and Gineral, aud sed "this wuz trooly
an unmeritid honor." and paid my drinks,
and I succeeded in borrowin a hundred and
twenty dollars uv em the first day, I might
hev doubled it, but the fellows wuz took
in so easy that no finaucerin wuz required,
aud it reely wuz no amoozment.
The Convenshuu itself wuz the most all"
ectiuist gatharin I ever witnist. 1 bed a
seat beside Randall, who wuz a managin
the concern, and I coold see it all. The
crowd rushed into the bildin and filled it,
when Randall desired attention. He bein
the Postmaster-General, every one of em
dropped into his seat ez though he bed bin
shot, and there wuz the most perfeck quiet
I ever saw. Doolittle who wuz the Cheer
man, winked at Randall, and nodded his
head, when Randall announced that THE
DELEGATES FROM SoCTH K. Altl.lN'A AND THE DEL
EGATES FROM MASSACIIOOSITS WOOD ENTER ARM
IN ARM ! With a slow and measured step
they cum in, at a signal from Randall, the
| clieerin commonest, and sich cheerin ! Then
Doolittle pulled out his white hankercher
and applied it to his eyes, and every dele
gate simultaneously pulled out a white
hankercher and applied it to his eyes.
To me this wuz the proudest moment, uv
my life, net that there wuz anything par
tikilery inspiritin in the scene afore me, for
#3 per Annum, in Advance.
there wuzzent. Orr, from South Caroliny,
looked partikilery ashamed of hisself, ez
though he wuz going through a highly
necessary but extremely disgustin ceremo
ny, and wuz determiued to keep a stiff
upper lip over it, and Couch looked up to
Orr as though he wus afeered uv him and
ex though he felt flattered by Orr's conde
sension in walkin at all with such a umble
individjooal. But to my eyes the scene
wuz significant. I looked into fucher and
what did I see ez them two men,one sneak
in and tother ashamed uv hisself, walked
up that aisle ? Wat did I see 1 I saw the
Democrisy restored to its condishnn I saw
the reunion uv the two wings—in fact I
saw the entire Dimmocratic bird reunited.
The North one wing and the weakest, Ken
tucky the beak, sharp, hungry and rape
cious ; South-West, the strong active wing;
Virginy, the legH and Jclaws ; Ohio, the
heart ; Pennsylvania the stomach; South
Caroliny, the tail tethers, and Noo-Jersey,
the balance of the bird. I saw these parts
' for five years dissevered, come together
holdin nigger in one claw and post-offices
in the other, sayin. "Take 'em both to
gether—they go iu lots." I saw the old
Union—the bold sbivelrous Southerner a
guidin, controllin, and directin the machine,
and assomin to hisself the places uv honor,
and the Dimokrat uv the North follerin
like a puppy dog at his heels, taking sich
fat things ez he eood snap up —the South
erner ashamed uv hiz associations but
forced to yoose 'em-the Northerner uncom
fortable in his presence but tied to him by
self interest. 1 saw a comin back the good
old times when 34 States met in cpnven
shun and let 11 rule 'em, and ez I contem
plated the scene I too wept, but it wuz in
dead earnest.
"What are you blubberin for ?" asked a
enthoosiastic dele gate in front uv me who
was a swabbing his eyes with a hanker
cher.
" I'm a postmaster," sez I, "and must do
my dooty in this crisis. Wat are you
sheddin pearls for," retorted I. "Are you
a postmaster ?"
" No," sez he, "but I hope to be," and he
swabbed away with reuood vigger.
"Wat's the matter with the eyes uv all
the delegates ?" sez I.
" They've all got postoffises in 'em," sez
he, and he worked away faster than ever.
While gettin a fresh hankercher (which
I borrered from the hhid coat pocket uv a
delegate near ine, and wich, by the way, in
my delirious joy, I forgot to say anything
to him abont it), I looked over the Conven
shun, and again the teers welled up from
my heart. My soul wuz full and overflow
in, and I slopped over at the eyes ; there,
before me, sat that hero Dick Taylor and
Cuth Dullitt.and there wuz the Nelsons and
Yeadons and the representatives uv the first
families of the South, and in Philadelphia,
at a Convenshun, with all the leadin Dem
ocrats uv the North, ceptin Vallandigham
and Wood, and they wuz skulkin arouud
within call, with their watchful eyes ou the
proceedings. Here is a prospeck ! Here is
fatnis ! The President into our confidence 1
The Postmaster a ruunin the Convention !
The bands a play Dixie and the Star Span
gled Banner alternitly, so that nobody cood
complain uv partiality, or tell reelly wich
side the Convention wuz on, or wich side
it had been ou in the past. Ah !my too
susceptible sole filled up agin, the teers
started, but that vent wuznt enuff, and I
fell fainting on the floor. Twenty or 30
Northern delegates seed me fallin,and ketch
in site uv the grey coat with the brass star
onto it, rushed to ketch me, and they bore
me out uv the Wigwam. Sed one : "Wat
a tecliin scene,overpowered by his feelins !"
"Yes," sed another, "he desirves a apint
ment !"
I didn't go back to the Convenshun coz I
knowd it want no yoose, and besides, after
all the teers that had been shed, the mem
bers wringin their hankerchers onto the
floor, it wuz sloppy underfoot. Conciliation
and tenderness gushed out uv em. I knowd
it would be all right—it couldn't be other
wise. There wuz bonds which held the
members together and prevented the pos
sibilty uv trouble. Johnson hevin a am
bition to bed a party, must hev a party to
head. The Northern delegashun, wich lied
formerly actid with the Abolishnists,couldn't
do nothin without the Democracy North,
and both on em combined couldn't do noth
in without the Democracy South. The Pres
ident cood depend on the Democracy North,
coz he holds the oflices ; the Democracy
North could depend ou the President coz he
must hev their votes ; the President cood
depend on the Democracy South coz they
want him to make a fight agin a Abolishen
Congris, wich is a uuconstooshenelly keep
in uv em out and preventin em from
wolloping their niggers ; the Democracy
South cood depend on the President coz he
must hev their Representatives in their
seats to beat the Abolishnists in Congris ;
all cood depend on all, each cood depend
on the other,coz each faction or rather each
stripe lied its little private axe to grind
wich it coodent do without the others to
turn the grindstone.
The Southern delegates, some on 'em,
wuznt so well pleased. " What in thun
der," sed one uv em, " did they mean by
pilin on the agony over the Yanks we kill
ed ?—by pledgin us to give up the ijee uv
seccshin, and by pledgin 011 us to pay the
Nashnel Yankee debt ?"
" 'Sh 1" sed I, " easy over the rough
places. My friend, they didn't mean it, or
ef they did we didn't. Is an.oath so hard
to break ? Wood it trouble that eminent
patriot Breckinridge, after all the times he
sworo to support the Constitution, to sware
to it wuust more ? and wood it trouble liim
to break it any more than it did in 'Ol ?
Nay verily. Dismiss them gloomy thots.
Yallaudingham was kicked out, but a thou
sand mules, and all uv em old and experi
enced, cooden't kick him out uv our service.
Doolittle talked Northern talk coz its a
habit he got into doorin the war, but he'll
get over it. Raymond will be on our side
this year, certain, for last year he was agiu
us, and by the time he is ready to turn he'll
be worn to so small a pint that he won't be
worth hevin, and the Dimocricy uv the
North wuz alius ouru, and ef they wuzzeut
the offices Johnson hez in reserve will draw
em like lodestun.
My deer sir, I wanst knowd a Irishman
who wuz scnce killed in a Fenian raid, em
ployed as a artist in well-digging. It wuz
his lot to go to the bottom uv the excava
tion and load the buckets with earth. The
dinner horn sounded and he, with the alac
rity characteristic uv the race, sprang into
the bucket and told them to hist away, and
they histed, but ez they histed they amooz
ed themselves a droppin earth onto him.—
"Shtop !" sed he, "or be gorra I'll cut the
rope." My dear Sir, Randall and Doolittle
and Seward and Johnson are a histin us
out uv the pit we fell into in 1800.
All went off satisfied—the Northern men,
for they carried home with em their com
misshuns—l, feeling that my Post-Oflice
wuz sekoor, for ef, with the show we've
got, we can't re-elect Johnson, the glory uv
the Democracy hez departed indeed.
PETROT.EI'M V. NASBY, P. M.,
(which is Postmaster.)
A SYNOPSIS OF SENATOE OLYMEE'S
VOTES,
The friends of C'lymer, candidate for Gov
ernor, are not doing him justice. As we
have already asserted, they are concealing
and perverting his record, while we are do
ing our best to place his votes and utter
ances before the people. We have given
these acts and votes in detail, and now that
onr friends, as well as the true friends of
Clymer, may have the facility of quoting
him correctly, we submit the following sy
nopsis of his record :
April 12th, 1861, the da}' of the engage
ment at Fort Sumter, Clymer voted against
arming the State, on the plea that "such a
vote might exasperate the men who are
NUMBER 15.
now delegates to the Rebel-Johnson Con
vention.
April 16th, 1861, Clymer and five other
Copperhead Senators entered their protest
to arming the State. The spirit of the pro
test was that the South was the party ag
grieved, and the national authority had no
right to resort to coercion to resist rebel
lion.
During the session of the Legislature of
1762, Clymer, as a Senator, opposed meas
ures for the collection of United States tax
es, and by his ajieeches aroused the spirit of
opposiivon which afterwards manifested itself
in murdering conscription and revenue of
ficers !
April yth and 10th, 1863, Clymer voted
against a bill extending the right of suf
frage to soldiers in the field on the plea
that a Pennsylvanian who became a soldier
in an unjust war not only forfeited his
rights as a citizen, but unfitted himself for
the highest privileges of a freeman.
. March 9th, 1864, Clymer dodged a vote
on the amendment to the Constitution ex
tending the elective franchise to soldiers in
the field. While that amendment was on
its progress through the Senate, Clymer
opposed it in debate with all the force of
his intellectual power.
The Reading Dispatch declares (and it is
excellent authority) that at the ballotbox,
same year, in the Bth ward of Reading, Mr.
Clymer voted against the amendment giving
Union soldiers the right to vote, and his
party, on the same day, gave a majority of
two thousand in Berks county against said
amendment.
Mr. Clymer voted against a bill to carry
out the constitutional amendment giving
Union solders the right to vote.
Mr. Clymer tpposed a joint resolution re
questing Congress to define and punish
treason.
Mr. Clymer opposed the passage of an
act authorizing the payment of bounties to
Union volunteers.
Clymer, by his every vote and act,
from April, 1861, to the end of the war,
opposed the cause of the Union and favored
that of the rebels.
Friends of Geary, when the upholders of
Clymer assail your candidate with low and
vulgar personal abuse, such as is contained
in Clymer's Ilarrisburg organ from day to
day, charge these facts against Clymer—
GIVE THE COPPERHEAD CANDIDATE FOR GOVERNOR
THE SABRE BAYONET OF HIS OWN BHCORD !
Ilarrisburg Telegraph.
GEN. CENTER was the only Union officer of
any military note in the Philadelphia Con
vention. On the 16th of last March he ap
peared as a witness before the Joint Com
mittee on Reconstruction, and gave this
testimony :
" I do not regard the people in that por
tion of the Southern country in which 1
have been as in a proper condition or as
manifesting a proper state of feeling to be
restored to their former rights and privile
ges under the General Government ; and 1
do not they have been sufficietly taught the
enormity of the crime they have committed
by rebelling against the Government. 1
think the Government ought to maintain
control of those States that were in the re
bellion until it is thoroughly satisfied that
a loyal sentiment prevails in at least a ma
jority of the inhabitants—that certainly
does not exist now ; and when allowed
representation none but loyal men should
be admitted as representatives. Five years
ago the Southern people voluntarily aban
doned their rights and privileges as States
in the Union, and with their rights and
privileges they forfeited their share iu the
General Government.
Having waged a bloody and determined
war for four years to carry out their de
signs against the Government, and having
failed up to the present time to manifest a
penitent spirit for the crime committed
against the nation, or to give a proper and
sufficient guarantee for future good conduct
I caunot but give it as my opinion that a
just regard for our national safety in time
to come, our obligations to foster and en
courage throughout the Southern States a
proper regard and affection for the national
authority, as well as to give support to
those who are and have been loyal, imper
atively demand that the Government should
maintain its present control of the State's
lately in rebellion until satisfied that they
may, without detriment, be entrusted with
their former rights and privileges."
Gen. Custer, and any other man of com
mon intelligence in the nation, knows that
the temper of the Southern people this
August is much worse than it was last
March. All the reasons assigned by the
General then for enforcing stringent con
ditions on them apply with far greater
force now. They have changed for the
worse, and Gen. Custer too.
FERNANDO WOOD went out of the Phila
delphia Convention for the sake of harmo
ny, and Alex. 11. Stephens, ex-rebel Vice
President, went in for the same reason. It
seems that the ltebel-Johnson party can
welcome any thorough, blood-dyed rebel,
but spurns anything like semi-rebels. If
Fernando had been able to prove that he
killed a " nigger " during the copperhead
riots of 1803, or that lie had shot a Provost
Marshal, he could have gone in without in
quiry. lie has credit fur the will, but n-b
--els doc't excuse cowardice. Gen. Albert
Pike, who commanded a regiment of scalp
ing Indians in the rebel service, passed in
without a question. His credentials were
eminently satisfactory. Fernando must
proceed to butcher at least one "nigger 7
immediately !
A minister having preached the same
dircourse to his people three times, one of his
constant hearers said to him after service : "Doc
tor, the sermon you gave us this morning having
had three several readings, I move that it now be
passed." ,
MANY a sweetly fashioned mouth has
been disfigured and made hideous by the fiery
tongue within it.