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THE KRAVE Hill s Dl Blil'E.
A CAMPAIGN SONG.
IhdlotUJ to the Pennsylvania " Bona in
Blue." y
Air. — RED, WHITE, AND BLUE.
We tome from tlie hill and the mountain
To stand by the flag of the free,
Ami rivers that roll from the fountain,
And swell on their way to the sea ;
i Yum forges where hammers are ringing
The vows of the brave and the true ;
Tor GEARY, we all gather singing,
Three cheers for the Brave Boys in Blue.
CHORUS.
Three cheers for the Brave Boys in Blue !
Three cheers for the Brave Boys in Blue!
For GEARY we all gather singing,
Three cheers for the Brave Boys iu Blue!
We tome from the plain and the valley,
From furnace, and foundry, and mine,
And round our bold leader we rally,
While "fighting it out on the hue
Our banner we will not surrender,
But here our devotion renew,
For GEARY, the Union defender,
The choice of the Brave Boys in Blue,
i HORUS— The choice of the Brave, etc.,
On treason we've all put a stopper,
And hack to "the last ditch ' it rolls,
The Iron Boys don't carry " copper,"
When forward they march to the polls ;
They stand by the Union forever,
And GEARY, the bold and the true ;
No foi-man the Union can sever,
When kept by the Brave Boys in Blue!
CHORI S —When kept by the Brave, etc.
Win. Olund Bourne.
TO THE HON. KDGAK COWAN.
DEAR iSiR —I trust you will not take it j
amiss iu me, if, in a frank, and not unfriend
ly spirit, I animadvert, iu a general way,
on your present political position. lam
constrained to this from a sense of duty,
ami not so much on your account, as that j
!' others over whom your political action
has influence. I take this step the more
freely too, because, like yourself, I am an
eld Whig, and, if your position on the du
ll > of the hour is right, I have very much
. ..-taken the early teachings imbibed in
the whig party.
Allow me to premise further, by saying,
-. it 1 have read with care most of your
.au- speeches, and that they fail to satisfy.
A- forensic displays, they are doubtless
evincing comprehensive intelligence,
aptness and power, but to me, they appear
lack conscience. They are the able
lawyer's pleas for the acquittal of those
A en he knows to be guilty, and, especial
ly is this the case of that on the Civil
Rights Bill. It is logical and eloquent, in
deed, has all elements of the skillful deba
iir, but it is deficient in soundness. The
just constructions of the law are over
fill'ked, while the constrained and improba
are held up to view, and no one knows
better than yourself that the provisions ol j
•ill statutes are liable to perversion ; that '
perversion is unfair, and that if we wait j
tor perfection in human laws, we will nev- !
er have any.
In your reply to Mr. Howard, and against
the proposition to amend the Constitution, |
it seems to me, your logic is greatly at
fault ; and my sole object in referring to
this, is, to show you how far estray a delu
-on may lead even the ablest. For, lam
hniost certain, you would not assume a
position so untenable, if zeal for your wrong
• ourse did not blind jmu.
1 ou hold, in that speech, that we should
make no effort to keep the Southern people '
from getting into power again, and that;
tli'-re is no danger to be apprehended from
limui, because a common interest will keep
them in order. Now why does not the in
1' iest which all have in society, keep
down crime ? and why did this common in
i' ost not keep the Southern people in or
der before ? They had as much interest in
j" ace before they made war, as now, yet
they did not preserve it. What ground,
ii ei.Tore, have you for saying they will now?
Again. If, as you say, it is wrong to
protect ourselves against a repetition ot
- uthen* fully aud wickedness, it must be
long in society to punish crime to protect
its. If. According to this theory, if your
1 i n and horses are stolen, it is wrong in
Vnii to lock your premises in order to se
cure your possessions. You insist on it,
'.bat it is not l ight to punish the thief, and
still a greater wrong to hinder his depre
dations. Is this not queer logic to come
from a lawyer, and a United States Sena
tor ? And if it is not a blind theory, lam
■it a loss to know what it is.
In assuming that the majority in Con-1
gross alone are responsible for the radical- i
;MII which obtains in the country, you make |
a grave mistake. N iueteen-twentieths of I
tin- republicans of the nation, arc more ex- j
tn-iiu' mi what 3 r ou call radicalism, than the I
vougressional leaders of whom you com-]
plain so much. The people—and il you j
please, the old whigs among them —want j
Treason made odious by disgraceful pun- 1
iduneiit. They want rebels kept out of j
franchises, and out of all influence in the j
g 'Vermueut they labored so hard to destroy;
•oel these views are constantly pressed up
'it republican Congressmen. If they dis
regard, or oppose them, these members ol
' ogress will become as unpopular, v/ith
"■publicans, as you are. The reason, too,
f-r these extreme notions of the masses, is
obvious They see, daily, men punished
I':I extreme rigor for theft, arson and uiur
' r ; yet because these crimes have been
al l ied on for years, and to a fearful extent
> the Southern people, there is a disposi
tion manifested in certain quarters, to ac-
E. O. GOODRICH, Publisher.
VOLUME XXVII.
quit them entirely of punishment, especia
y the ring-leaders. This, the people say
m because they are the " big men." If they
were " poor little men," they would surely
suner. Hence arises the desire to see
equal justice meeted to all.
You were elected to the very high and
responsible position of Senator of the Uni
ted States, as an opponent of the democrat
ic party, and you could not have been so
elected, had you not been recognised as
such. Now, however, nineteen out of ev
ery twenty of the opponents of the demo
crats ot the state, who acquiesced in your
election, object to your public action, while
the democrats as generally approve it. So
there is a radical change somewhere. Eith
er your former political friends have chang
ed, or you have, and which is it ? Proba
bilities favor tiie latter alternative. For it
is not likely that so large a number of men
as constitutes the republican party of this
.State nay, of the United States—would
simultaneously desert a political faith, yet
individual changes are common occurrences,
besides, the tact that the democrats, and
the lepublicans, as partisan organizations,
occupy, relatively, the same position now
as when you were elected, goes far towards
showing that you are in a different attitude,
r or, if you have not changed, both these
whole organizations have ; and who does
aot know better ?
In this position of antagonism to the re
publican party, you contend that you are
right, and the party is wrong. 1 propose
to examine this question. But first, you
seeni to forget to practice, in your party
obligations, on the lesson of submission to
the will of the majority, you have lately
gi\ en. Ihe chief reason why submission
to the will of the majority is inculcated, is
because, as a rule, the majority is right ;
and if this holds good in one case, it does
in another. So that in the outset, the in-1
fere.ntial deduction >o, tlt •,.. j
and that the party is tig in,.
But, the great difficulty with you seems |
to be the abolitionism of the republican j
party, or, the abolitionism of its recognized
leaders. It does seem a little singular that j
an old whig, one who, with his party, re
sisted the Texas Annexation outrage, the
annulment of the Missouri Compromise,
the brutal assault upon Sumner, and other
aggressive measures of slavery propagan
dists, should leave his party on questions
growing out of the abolition of slavery,
forced, as it was, upon the country. As a
party, the whigs objected to slavery be
cause it was wrong in itself, believing that
it had a pernicious influence on the whites j
among whom it existed, and that it begat j
class distinctions, and sectional animosities.
True, they did believe also, that neither the j
General Government, or the people of the j
free states, had any right to interfere with j
slavery where it was established ; but they !
believed further still, and that was, that
the Government had a right to prevent its
extension, and this as well by the inculca
tions of the Missouri compromise of the early
days of the republic, as by the general du
ty to oppose all deleterious influences in
society, and Government ; and that one
thus educated, should object to abolition
isin'iu any form it can now present itself
to an American citizen, when in self-de
fense, ancUto save its own existence, the
Government was compelled to abrogate
slavery, is a great marvel to your former
political associates.
I am led to infer from your action in the
premises, that you think, since the slave
holders have rebelled, and butchered our
people by the hundred thousands, there is
not so much evil in slavery as when whigs
opposed it for the reason that it was wrong.
Or, is an evil in society, and in Govern
ment, of less moment to you now ?
I hold, in common with nine-tenths of the
old whig party, that as slavery in itself
was wrong, and had a pernicious influence,
it was the duty of that party to uphold a
measure abrogating it , provided, this action
did not interfere with the rights of any class
\in community. If, under such eircum
! stances, the whigs did not approve of the
abolition of slavery, they would most gross
ly belie their former professions. Then I
hold, too, as do nearly all the other old
whigs, that by waring against the Gov
ernment, and the majority of the states,
and the people, as they did, the slave-hold
ers lost their right to hold slaves, and every
other right they held under the Constitu
tion, even to that of their lives. Nor does
your version of the cause of the rebellion,
I viz : that the abolitionists provoked the
■ south to rebel (having in this adopted the
I democratic theory) change the fact. If A
i spits in B's face, and B thereupon murders
A, B loses his means of redress, his per
sonal liberty, and may be his life. So that
whigs must now be abolitionists from the
very necessities which surround them.
We must not forget that President Lin
coln abolished slavery as a war, and not as
a party measure : that he was willing to
save the country, with, or without slavery:
and that the latter, at last, seemed to him,
the only alternative. To this, almost all
the whigs said amen. 1 fear you did not
say anion. You loved slavery better than
the country. The great wrong of attempt
ing, through rivers of the best blood of the
nation, its division, and thereby its des
truction, was not so serious in your eyes,
as the supposed violation of the Constitu- J
tion in abolishing slavery. Oh no, it would I
not be a great wrong to steal and to burn j
a man's property, and do whatever else hu- 1
man ingenuity and wickedness could con- !
trive, to ruin and kill him ; but it would
be a grave vrong, an uneuduring wrong, in j
the poor man to defend himself! Let me :
tell you, that the masses of the old whig ,
party consider this monstrous doctrine ; 1
and that they have but little regard for the j
misguided mortal who regulates himself by
it. They can not understand how it is
1 that the Constitution can hinder the Gov-
I ernmcnt from saving its uwq existence. —
; The Bible is our guide to Eternal ifife j yet
: skeptics fly to it to prove that there is no
! such thing ; and the Constitution is the life
of our Government, yet when inen have a
folly, or an absurdity to prove in our sys
tem of civil polity, they Hy to the Consti-
J tution. The former, however, are about as
successful in misleading the christian world
as the latter are in making the liberty-lov
! ing masses of this country believe that
their Constitution is nothing mure than the
hand-book of demagogues."
Why is it that the masses of the old
whig party, now mostly republicans, sided
with President Lincoln in his determination
lU, free, aud afterwards, equally settled
TO WAND A, BRADFORD COUNTY, PA., AUGUST 2, 1866.
■ purpose to maintain the freedom of the
I slaves ! Simply because they saw the ne
i cessity, and the utility of the measure,
, nearly as soon as he did. So that in this,
!he was only the exponent of the mind of
. his party. For times of peace, the plank
:in the Chicago Platform against interfer
ence with slavery was very well : but
J dreadful war came, and the old plank in
j our platform against that stupendous evil,
| which the fathers of the party had placed
| there, promised relief when relief was sad- 1
Jly needed. The people saw this, and our
■ great leader had the sagacity to see it al
| so, and he gave the order the people
| wanted, and the Government needed. You,
on the other hand, see in this changing of
a plank from the back to the front side of
our platform, the grave of the Constitution.
As if changing a wind-shredded sail, or
broken mast, in a dire emergency, for a
sound one, was endangering the cralt ; or,
as if saving the Government was not sav
ing the Constitution. But few, however,
saw as you did, and perhaps this has vexed
you into opposition.
I As your former political associates un
derstand your present position, yon are al
j lowing their opponents to use you to pro
, mote their political schemes.
In the first place, a sharp politician, who
makes use of politics to advance iudividu
■al interests, or aspirations, usually looks
, upon such conduct as suicidal ; and in the
next place, a man assuming to represent a
l P^ r fy> take care of its interests, i i any
j given position, has no right to do other
wise. In a moral light, our Ministers to j
England and France, have as much right
to use their respective positions, and the
influence they carry with them, to promote
English and French interests. You would
regard such conduct in our representatives
abroad, as monstrous. Yet you attempt to
justify the betrayal of your party ; and
its enorm
ity in your own eyes, they have failed to
do so for the eyes of your immediate con
stituents. When you could no longer sus
tain the policy of the Government, and the
party whose interests you had agreed to
uphold, you should have resigned the place
the party had given you. This would not
only have been right, but it would have
brought you great reward as a man of in
tegrity. As it is, the award is, that you
are not an honest politician. There may i
be one in ten, or one in twenty, of your :
former political friends, who do not sub- j
scribe to this verdict, but this will not save j
you. Remember, John Tyler persuaded 1
himself, and about the same proportion of
his old associates, that he was right, yet
no public man of our country, save James
Buchanan, sank to a lower depth, and un
der a heavier load of odium, although he
had the mighty Daniel Webster as one of
his supporters.
But further. As a whig yon oppneoH fl.r>
democratic party because it was wrong. 1
oppose it for the same reason now. You
affect to believe that abolitionists are worse
and turn to resisting them, instead of the
country's common enemy.
You know very well, that from the be
ginning to the end of the war, the very
men of whose public action you complain,
were true to the interests of the country.
They fought the enemy in the forum and in
the field. They it was who would not com
promise with rebels ; and on their line of
policy the country was saved. Men may
mar, or try to hide this fact, but it is still
the truth ; and, if, as you allege, the abo-
litionists were enemies of the country be
fore the war, why should we reject them
when they become its friends ? We al
ways believed the democrats were wrong ;
but those of that party who turned to de
feud the country in its peril, were hailed
with joy. The whole loyal population laud
ed them, and they deserved it. They were
obliged, in this action, to turn on their po
litical associates, deserving therefor more
credit than we, who were in the line of du
ty while in the line of bias. You would
then give these democrats credit for doing
right in this emergency ; but from Sumner,
Stevens and Lovejoy, and their associates,
and whom years ago we thought equally ,
wrong with the democrats, you would with
hold this meed of praise. Where is the '
fairness of this ? On the other hand, the
j loyal people applaud this latter class of
men as well as Stanton, Dix, Holt, Butler
1 and their compeers ; and this is right. The :
j masses, and the old whigs among them, !
| have no personal partialities, and no ani- 1
| mosity to indulge, in respect to the true
friends of the country Nor can you, with
all your adroitness, make them believe that
the men who have given such evidence of '
devotion to the true interests of the coun- j
try, in her hoars of .terrible need, are now j
centralizing power for the purpose of abus- i
ing it. In my way of thinking, this attempt j
will recoil with fearful fold on you for so '
far forgetting that which is due to right.
The rebellion was not put down on the
line of policy marked out by you, and 1
have wondered whether personal pique, or
envy of those men who were more fortu
nate in this particular, has not had some
thing to do in leading you to change your
base. McClellan changed his base from
fighting the enemy to quarreling with the
Government—which had made him all he
was—and that change was his ruin. \<>ur 1
action looks to me not dissimilar, while a
strikiug similitude is apparent in the accru
ing results.
It is notorious that small things will
some times control the most important ac
tions of men's lives, even of great men :
Napoleon Bonaparte declared war against
Russia, and followed it up by leading an
! immense army to Moscow to be immolated
| by a Russian winter, because his pride was*
wounded by the Emperor Alexander's refu
sal to give him his sister in marriage. The
French Emperor gave very different rca
j sous for this war ; but the reader of histo-
ry sees very plainly that had he been true
to his first love, Josephine and his inward
promptings, would have counselled him
from the path that led directly to ruin ; and
may there not be some personal motive ac
tuating you in this juncture ?
While the considerations thus far hinted
at, have some weight in producing the gen
eral condemnation which has gone out
against you from the republicans, they are
still not the chief causes of complaint.—
Your efforts to organize a third party in
this State, is clparly designed to aid the
i democrats to power j and it is here where
your conduct appears the most reprehensi
ble to the old whigs.
REGARDLESS OF DENUNCIATION FROM ANY QUARTER.
Why did you formerly oppose the demo
cratic party ? You cannot have forgotten
its past history, and the reasons why whigs
opposed it. 1 have not. Democrats say
tiiat abolitionists provoked the southern
people to rebellion, and it'is the ground on
which they justify their sympathy for reb
els ; and while you know very well that
there are no sympathizers with rebels out
side the democratic party, you seem to ac
quiesce in their theory by a very general,
and nearly as spiteful a denunciation of the
abolition leaders in Congress. Am Ito in
fer from this, that you have not known,
forgotten, or choose to hide the whig theo
ry of the rebellion? Let me remind you
ol this as I understand it.
You can not have lorgotten that the dem
ocratic party had its origin in the early
suci ties of that name, which so much
troubled the administration of George
\\ ashington. The " Whisky Insurrection,'
tu suppress which, the President was com
pelled to call out 15,000 soldiers, was as
much the •ork of the leaders of the dem
ocratic societies of that day, as was the
late mob resistance to the draft in New
i ork City, and other parts of the country,
the work of the leaders of the democratic
party of the present day. There can be no
doubt ol this. So that this rebellion during
the presidency of \\ asiiinglon, was, in rc
ality, a democratic rebellion. Nor can it
have slipped your mind, that it required all
the wisdom, and all the influence Washing
ton possessed, t protect the Government
from the sinister machinations of these
democratic societies, during the last half
ol the first, and the whole of the last term
of his administration; and that had any
one ol less administrative power, less firm
ness, and less influence, been at the head
of affairs, in all likelihood, an effort would
have been made to overturn the Govern
ment by these societies, fomented into
Jacobin Genet.
The rebellious demonstrations made
against the Excise Law, in the counties of
Northumberland, Bucks and Montgomery,
in this State, had the same origin ; and in
the contest betw en the federalists and the
democrats for the election of a President
in 1801, leading democrats threatened to
arm the people, if the federalists did a
tiling they never thought of doing, the ob
vious interpretation of the threat being,
that if Jefferson was not elected President,
the party would arm for rebellion. These
were the early seeds of the rebellion we
have just subdued, and came upon us too,
because the democrats failed to elect a
a President. Moreover, it is pretty well
settled now, that all the lawless violence
of the democratic opposition to Washing
ton's administration, and to the elder
Adams, was adopted to secure political
power, and make the opposition odious to
the people. This part of democratic incul
p,,f ;,„ u , 1.00 ovotf oinvC bCCII
lowed up. To defeat an opponent, or a
measure of the opposition, law or right
were never regarded. Democrats believed
their party to be right, therefore, it was
right to do anything to uphold it; and
mobs, riots and rebellions, have been the
result, from the days of its inception to the
closing of the great rebellion. The \\ his
ky and the Excise Insurrections, the South
Carolina Tariff-Law rebellion, the Dorr re
bellion, the Buck-Shot war, the Slavehold
ers rebellion, and the late resistance to the
Draft in Pennsylvania, Indiana, Illinois and
New York City, were the fruits of demo
cratic teaching. How can it be otherwise?
A party teaching its votaries to resist by
violence opposition to its men and mea
tures, must secure violence as a conse
quence, and I aver, therefore, that the late
rebellion was the legitimate result, posi
tively the culmination of the doctrines and
practices of the democratic party. Every
one familiar with its history, and capable
of giving an unbiased opinion, must come
to this conclusion.
It is worthy of note too, that the abomi
nable precepts and practices of that party,
as evolved in its administration of the Gov
ernment, would long since have overturned
our system of civil polity, had it not been
that the severe industry, and practical gen
ius of our people, their increase, aided by
immigration, so swelling wealth and popu
lation, as to absorb the public attention,
and thus hinder the irritating causes of
mal administration, from swelling into mag
nitude. That also, which materially aided
this fortunate condition of the people, was
the fact, that the opposition to the demo
cratic party, always powerful in intelli
gence and numbers, constantly counselled
obedience to law, and it was by means
such as these, that the country was saved
so long - .
No better proof of the truthfulness of
these statements, need be adduced, than is
furnished in the condition of the country,
just previous to the breaking out of the
late rebellion. Starvation prices for labor
and its products, were the order of the day,
North as well as South. The people were
in debt and restless, moving Westward and
Southward, while in the south, the whig
party —always the advocate of submission
to law—had been completely crushed out,
all growing out of democratic rule in the
general as in the state governments, so
that the mad counsels ot slaveholders were
left free to act upon an unquiet people, and
the result was a rebellion Ihis could not
| have been consummated it the people had
been in prosperity, and the whig party had
been in full organization and influence.
While holding these opinions of the dem
ocratic party, it is but fair to say, that few
if any of its votaries, saw its tendencies in
the light here presented, but rather view
| ing it as the best exponent of the princi
ples of our republican form of govern
ment, and followed its fortunes tor this j
reason ; but this does not prove that the !
baleful tendencies here hinted at did not
exist,'and whige saw and pointed them out
many years ago.
This then, is the rational, and the whig
theory of the causes ot the rebellion,so tar as
causes outside of slavery effected and aided
in bringing it on. Slavery was the pretext,
and the immediate instrument of it, but
democratic doctrines and practices had de
moralized the sentiments of the people to
wards the government, and made a rebel
lion possible, and upon no other hypothesis
can the fact be accounted for. that a few
desperate leaders were able so grossly to
mislead and abuse four millions ot the peo
ple uf this country, as were the southern
people in the case of this rebellion. For, if
slavery alone misled and corrupted the
southern people, how comes it, that the
democrats north, with few exceptions,agreed
in sentiment with, and were as much in fa
vor of rebellion,[as those of the south? Sla
very did not make rebels of these,but dem
ocratic precepts did just as they did in the
south. In further proof of this view of the
case, I may well ask, what other party in
this country has produced such a trio of dis
contented spirits, as those of Aaron Burr, J.
C.Calhoun, and J. C. Breckenridge. These
are lair exponents of the tendencies of the
Democratic party, from its rise to its fall.
Yet you, familiar with all this, adopt the
thesis of our opponents, false and iusatis
lactory as it is in its conditions, and why ?
I fear more as a justification for your defec
tion, than as a belief it its correctness.—
And it is this opponent of ours, the demo
cratic party, afterjts sinister policy and
unwise measures have culminated in one of
the boldest, most formidable, destructive,
and causeless rebellions, with which any
nation was ever afflicted, and whose pre
cepts and practices you had been taught
must so result, that you now coalesce with,
in order that it may again secure power,
and which you must know will end in fur-
Lher evil to the nation. Sir, this is a gre
rious wrong,and one that will load you with
more odium than you can withstand suc
cessfully.
| When the war commenced the northern
democrats were separated from their south
ern associates by the military lines of the
two armies, and the south organized for it
self. Now however, the obstructing lines
are down, and these respective divisions of
this party organization, are preparing for
re-union, chiefly from partizau considera
tions. Old sympathies, and common affini
ties,to be sure,are attracting them together;
but the hopelessness of political success,'
from separate action, makes a union a ne
tations, expects any thing else. So for all
political purposes, the northern and south
ern democrats must be considered a unit.
Suppose then, that the democrats, with
your aid, that of President Johnson, and
other defections from the republican ranks,
succeed in making a majority of the people
of the United States believe,that the repub
lican party is an unsafe custodian of the
government, resulting in the election of a
democratic President and congress,for the
next term. Such a contingency does not
now appear to me to be probable, but,
it is possible, and if it should occur, the
southern democrats will fdrnish the largest
number of electors and congressmen. This,
of right, will give them the preponderance
in this new administration, and under it,
what will they claim ? I think they will
desire a restoration of slavery, and will
make an effort to that end ; and as their
allies, the northern democrats, are not op
posed to slavery, there will not be many
joriouo obuittoloo in thcii way, you may not
agree with me in this. Then, I think they
will attempt to make the general govern
ment responsible for the confederate debt.
Here too, you may demur. But, without
further speculation as to the probable pur
poses of the southern democrats, should they
30011 again become masters of our govern
ment, allow me to advert briefly to this
question of the confederate debt. This
lebt is variously estimated, but that the
*>tal amount of it is enormous can not be
loubted ; and it is held, for the most part,
>y the ruling class of the south. Now is it
■easonable to suppose, that the holders of
his debt, with their wasted estates, their
jeneral poverty and helplessness,will make
10 effort to recover their losses in the con
ederate debt, in the event of again secur
ng power ? I would not believe this of the
lorthern people, and certainly their moral i
,y in respect of the government, is better
han that of the southern. In short I would
relieve it of no people. Yes sir, just so soon
is the south gets the control of the general
government, just so soon will the entire
jolitical, monied, and social power of the
south, be brought to bear on this question.
There can be no doubt of this ; and if it
:an not be reached in any other way, the
me half of this debt will be converted into
i corruption fund. The holders of the Cou
ederate bonds will readily give a moiety
:o make safe the remainder, and what Con
gress, where parties are nearly balanced,
:an withstand a corruption fund of two or
liree thousand millions ! Is the of
his not frightful? and can
ng the least regard for the pfflHPnHg&l,
;outemplate it without apprehension ? Re
nember,that if the hisb >ry of the democfat
c party proves any thing, it is, that it
stands at nothing when
ire to be served. Does aiUßygnflpppose
hat a party that would
which the democrats have made to break
ip the Government, would make any scru
iles about running it further into debt. So
hat whether the proposed amendment to
.lie constitution,forever barring the assump
.ion of the rebel debt,and compensation for
manumitted slaves,be passed or not, it will
ill be the same. If this amendment should
je ratified by enough states to make it part
if our organic law, there will be allega
ions of illegal forms, or some other excep
ions taker to the action of some of the
.states, 011 which to found an excuse for an
nulling it. Ouly give them the power and
it will be done ; and 110 sane man, who is
not a democrat, thinks otherwise. Depend
upon it sir, we have no security against
this, save in the present overwhelming re
publican majority in Congress. Should it
be much decreased there would be danger :
| but as it is, the corruption fund of former
slave-holders, and all, will be unavailing.
Nor will the idea, that ruin to all must
I follow the addition of the rebel debt to our
! own, effect this contemplated action of the
! democracy. For, while it may for a time
! very much depress the public securities,
| they will, nevertheless, rise again to par.—
This supposed legislation may take a de-
I cade to accomplish, and if the wonted pros
i pects of this country continues uninterup
j tedly for two decades, the public debt,with
! that of the rebels added, will hardly be
i felt.
Then how stands the question of slavery ?
Will a people who have so lavishly sacri
ficed all for that institution,yield it up with
out further effort ? Ido not believe this,
and, aside from any expressions of feeling
or sentiment, manifested on the subject,
since the war, we have the force of the
habits and customs of a people, to which
they have been traiued for more than a oen
tury, and on which the strong passions of
i cupidity, ambition, love of ease, authority,
per Annum, in Advance.
education and prejudice have centered, tc
encounter ; and the man who says these
combined will not control human action,
has yet to learn its mainsprings. So that
if the South secures power while her strong
convictions in favor of slavery last, it fol
lows to a certainty, that, she will make
efforts for its re-establishment,and this will
bring back to our halls of legislation the
disgraceful scenes of the past between the
impassioned men for and against slavery.
Do you desire this ? Are you so indifferent
to the harmony of the councils of our gov
ernment, the peace and prosperity of our
people,as to have no concern on this head ?
Why sir, if for no other 4 reason, if the posi
tive wrongs of slavery had no influence to
this end, duty would prompt me—and I
should think would prompt every one—to
be an abolitionist, merely to hinder such a
consummation ; and this too,independent of
the reason that another such a dreadful war
as we have had, must follow. For my life
then, I can not see how any right-minded
man, much more one educated in the whig-
ranks, can see or feel otherwise.
Such then are the calamities which your
public conduct invokes upon the country,
and superinduced as it is, by personal con
siderations alone, the result is the same
whether these are of a public or a private
nature. If you have been led in this direc- ;
tion by convictions of duty, you can not ■
have had a clear perception, either of the
healthful tendencies of the old whig doc
trines, or the more glaring revolutionary
j intuitions of the democratic party. And
that what seems to me surprising in your
conduct, is the fact,that while patriotic and
honest democrats are leaying that old or- j
ganization (and they have always been !
doing this) by the score,and as fast as they
discover [its reckless tendencies, and mis- j
chievous nrae.tiraa --- *• ,
but it is in accordance with the sentiment [
that it is ".alike safe to entrust the govern- !
meut with either of the great parties of the j
country." Political principles hanging so '
loosely on a man, he can have no deep con- ;
victions of duty on the subject,and is there- j
fore unsafe. He will serve any party, and j
any equally indifferently. I, 011 the other
hand, have opposed the democratic party, j
because in my heart-of-hearts, I believed its 1
doctrines, practices, and tendencies dan-,
gerous to the stability of the government,
and my whole life (of little account to be j
sure) has been guided by this conviction.
This too, I believe is the case with the old
whig masses. Sure I am,that without deep
and honest convictions,no man can amount
to any thing, and no party can long exist
without it.
This being the stand-point from which I
view your political conduct, I trust you
will see reasons for justifying the liberty I
have taken. Wc are apt to think the man
wise who agrees with us, and him the fool
only who differs, but in whatever light you i
may regard my disapproval, I wish you to
bear in mind, that it is not in anger but in
sorrow that it is made manifest.
I am sir,
With considerations in the highest degree respect- 1
ful, Your Obedient Servant,
E. GUYER. j
HIGHLAND, Bradford Co., Pa., July 26, 1566.
■ ' ' ■ '
NEVER TRAVELED.—A good story is told of)
an old lady who lived near Rochester, who j
had never seen or traveled on a railroad, j
Wanting to go on a visit to a small town j
a short distance from the city, she thought
she would try one of the " pesky things." i
So she went to the ticket office, carrying
her reticule on one arm, and an old fash- !
ioned rocking chair on the other. She j
bought her ticket, walked out 011 the plat.- j
form, put down her rocking chair, sat down j
in it, took out her knitting, and went to .
work diligently. Steadily she rocked, and j
worked, trains coming in and leaving, as j
the car times came round. The old lady |
made no attempt to get on the cars, but j
kept a knitting.
The day drew to a close and night came J
on. The last train was about starting j
when the depot master went up and asked !
her if she was going out.
" Yes, sir," replied the old lady.
" Hadn't you better get aboard and se
cure a seat ?" said the depot master.
" Thank you, sir, I'm very comfortable," j
replied the elderly dame.
The train left. The depot master came !
around again. " Madam, I shall have to '
disturb you, it is late, the trains have all i
| left, and we must close the depot. Shall 1
send you to a hotel ?"
" Well," exclaimed the old lady, drop
ping her knitting and holding up her hands,
" ain't the tarnal thing goiu' to move ?
Here I brought my chair from home so as
to have a seat, on which some pesky man
could'nt squeeze himself. I've set here all
day waitin' for the thing to go, and here
I've had all my trouble for nothing. I
thought it was a long time movin' I de
clare that these here railroads is the big
gest nuisances and humbugs as ever was !"
and the old lady, with bag 011 one arm, and
rocking chair on the other, gave a toss of
her head and marched off in high indigna
tion. She mistook the depot for the cars,
and expeo ltd to travel in it.
WHY CHILDREN DlE. —The reason why
children die is because they are not taken
care of. From the day of their birth they
are stuffed with food, choked with physic,
suffocated in hot rooms, steamed in bed
clothes. So much for indoors. When per
mitted to breathe a breath of air once a
week in summer, and once or twice during
the coldest months, only the nose is per
mitted to peer into daylight. A little later
they are sent out with no clothes at all, as
to the parts of the body which most need
protection. Bare legs, bare arms, bare
necks, girted middles, with an inverted
umbyella to collect the air and chill the
other parts of the body. A stout, strong
man goes out on a cold day with gloves
and over coat, wollen stockens, and thick
doubled-soled boots. The s ime day a child
of three years old, an infant in flesh and
blood, and bone and constitution, goes out
with soles as thin as paper, cotton socks,
legs uncovered to the kneed, neck bare j an
exposure which woqld disablo the nurse,
kill the mother in a fortnight, and make the
father an invalid for weeks. And why ?
To harden them to a mode of dress which
they are never expected to practice.
THE VICE PRESIDENTS OF THE UNITED STATES.
—A correspondent desires to know the
names of the Vice Presidents A the United
States. They are as tollovr :
1. John Adams, Mass., 1789—1797.
2. Thomas Jefferson, V.. 1797—1801.
3. Aaron Burr, N. Y., iSol—lßos.
4. George Clinton, N V., 1805—1813.
5. Elbridge Gerry, Mass., 1813. Died in
office.
6. Daniel D. Tompkins, N. Y., 1817—
1825.
7. John C. Calhoun, S. C., 1825—1833.
8. Martin Van Buren, X. Y., 1833—1837.
9. Richard M. Johnson, Ky., 1837—1841.
10. John Tyler, Va., 1841. Became Pres
ident by the death of President Harrison.
11. George M. Dallas, Pa., 1845—1849.
12. Milliard Fillmore, N. Y., 1849. Be
came President by the death of President
Taylor.
13 William R. King, Ala., 18-33. Died
in office.
NUMBER 10.
14. John C. Breckinridge, Ky., 1856
. 1861.
15. Hannibal Hamlin, Me., 1861—1865.
16. Andrew Johnson, Tenn., 1865. Be
came President by the death of President
Lincoln.
It thus appears from the organization of
the Government we have had sixteen Vice
Presidents. Of these three became Presi
dent by the death of the Chief Magistrate.
Two Vice Presidents have died in office-
Mr. Gerry and Mr. King. Five of the Vice
Presidents were afterward President, viz :
Adams, Jefferson, Van Baren, Fillmore and
Johnson. Three of the Vice Presidents
signed the Declaration of Independence,
viz : Adams, Jeffer on and Gerry. New
has had the Vice Presidency more
than any other State, viz: Four years uu
der Burr, eight years under Clinton, eight
years under Tompkins, four years under
Van Buren, and one year under Fillmore.
Total, twenty-five years, or about one-third
of the time.
PATERNAL DUTY.— The father who plunges
into business so deeply that he has no leis
ure for domestic duties and pleasures, and
; whose intercourse with his children consists
in a brief word of authority, or surly lamen
tation over their intolerable expensiveness,
is equally to be pitied and to be blamed.
What right has he to devote to other pur
i suits the time which God has allotted to his
children ? Xor is it any excuse to say that
he cannot support his family in their pres
ent style of living, without this effort. 1
ask by what right can his family demand
to live in a manner which requires him to
under obligations to leave them that com
petence which he desires ? Is it an advan
tage to them to be relieved from the neces
sity of labor ? Besides, is money the only
desirable bequest which a father cau leave
to his children ? Surely, well cultivated
intellects ; hearts sensible to domestic al
fectiou ; the love of parents, and brethren
and sisters ; a taste for home pleasures ;
habits of order and regularity, and indus
try ; hatred of vice and vicious men ; and
a lively sensibility to the excellence of vir
tue —are as valuable a legacy as an inher
itance of property —simple property pur
chased by the loss of every habit which
could render that property a blessing.
THE SHORTEST SERMOX. — Rev. Dr. Muhlen
berg's sermon at the funeral of the late
Robert B. Minturn, Esq., is the shortest on
record, though several are recorded with as
few words of the Prophet Micha : "He
hath shown thee, 0 man, what is good <
and what doth the Lord require of thee,but
to do justly, and to love mercy,and to walk
humbly with thy God ?" And then added :
"So did he."
One sermon, having the same number ol
words, but more letters, was once preached
by the Irish Dean Kirwan. He was pres
sed, while suffering from a severe cold, to
preach charity sermon in St. Peter's Church,
Dublin, for the benefit of the orphan chil
dred of the parish i chool. The church was
crowded to suffocation, and the good Dean,
on mounting the pulpit, and announcing his
text, pointed with his hand to the children
in the aisle, and simply said : "There they
are !" The collection on the occasion ex
ceeded all belief.
It was Dean Swift who was to preach a
charity sermon ; and giving out as a text,
"He that hath pity poor, lendeth to
the Lord," then added: "If you like the
security, down with the dust."
A FLEA UNDER A MICROSCOPE. — When the
flea is made to appear as large as an ele
phant we can see all the wonderful part.--
of its formation, and are astonished to find
that it has a coat of armor much more com
plete than ever a warrior wore, and com- .
posed of strong polished plates, fitted over
each other, each plate cover like a tortoise
shell, and where they meet, hundreds of
strong quills project like those on the back
of a porcupine or hedge hog. There are
the arched neck, the bright eyes, and the
transparent cases, piercers to puncture the
skin, a sucker to draw away the blood, six
long-jointed legs, four of which are foldi d
on the breast all ready at any moment t< ►
be thrown out with tremendous force for
that jump which bothers one when they
want to catch him, aud at the end of each
leg hooked claws to enable him to cling t>>
whatever he alights upon. A Ilea can jump
a hundred times his own length, which is
the same as if a man jumped to the heighth
of 800 feet : and he can draw a load of 20
times his own weight.
PEOPLE'S BAROMETERS.—A veteran obser
ver of the weather says :
In the olden times in England,wlfbn trav
eling on horseback was the ordinary means
of locomotion, aud when the comforts of a
good Inn were not willingly parted from to
buffet a storm, the following wise saw gui
ded the sojourner for the night, and is
equally true in our hemisphere :
"Evening red and morning gray.
Will light ti.e traveller on his way ;
llut evening gray and morning red,
Will cause the traveller to keep his bed."
With us, when a thin tilm,almost like the
thread of a cobweb, is seen to stretch
across the horizon near sunset, it is the
sure precursor of foul weather within the
next twenty-four hours. When strata of
clouds stretch across it, like the closed lin
gers of the hand, the lower part of each
looking darker than the top part, look out
for rain in a few hours.
In wet weather, when the edges ol the
paving stones of the sidewalks, along the
jjoints, show even so narrow a dry slip,
| clearing uy weather has begun.
llow does the hair-dresser end his days '
He curls up and dyes.
WOMAN, — an essay on grace, in one vol
j umc, elegantly bound.
GENTLEMAN—A manual of good manners,
I bound in cloth.
A DOGMA is defined as an opinion laid down
with a snarl.
OCR vanity is incessantly the enemy <>f
our self-love.
PERFECT integrity and a properly-cooked
beef-steak are rare.