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OF EDINEUBO. . t the threshold, weary, faint andsore; I homing, for the opening of the til' thi Master shall bid me rise and come, j r" Lis i -.•.-n — . to the gladness of his i j ~ i th Ive t -.elei, 'mid darkness, storm < .m,I -trite; ii..i!.v .: burden, struggling fur my life ; tl.i n. an is breaking, _my toil will soon : << i-r, ... t ling at the threshhold, my hand is on the •< ; t Lear the voices of the blessed as they st.nul, - , ig in the sunshine in the far-elf sinless laud ; v ild that I were with them, amid their shining j throng, 'l. i"hng in their worship, joining in their song! friends that started with me have entered long 'a - by one they left me, struggling with the foe ; pilgrimage was shorter, their triumph surer won, loving they'll hail me when all my toil is j done. Vith them the hi -set ,my*-ls that know no grief or sin, I i c them by the portals, prepared to let me in— ■l L id, I wait thy pleasure ; thy time and way are be -t; u i ;a wasted, worn and weary ; O Father, bid m rest. o RADICALISM AND CONSERVATISM- In ev ry political contest in a Constitu ,l system the names ol Conservatism | 1 Radicalism will be applied to the op- j - g policies, while the history of such j : •.'•liuneiits shows that the policy which ! _ conserves the principle and spirit of system is that which is called Had-! In the conllict of opinion in En . U i ne our Revolution George 111. :ir. J hnson were the stillest of Tory | : vaiives, and saw in the doctrines : i liey of Edmund Burke nothing but distil and tiie overthrow of the tnon . But Burke was the true Conserva llis policy would have saved the cm : up >u its own principles. . th:> c uiutry at this moment both Rad .. -:n and Conservatism, as the names of ■ . ; I icy .4 national reorganization, are | ■ ; easily defined and comprehended, j ■ .-> Radicalism holds that the late rebel j ~ tibl nut be sufiered to take part j ... g avnmient of the Union which they •v.: i /.eali.usly striven to destroy except b'.i-r - i: .-hi:—- inquiry into their condition, v...; put up.>ti t.-rms which shall prevent j -my i iv.iiit.-tge having been gained by re -1 . By [fie result of the war the suff - !a v .tor iu South Carolina weighs '.iiirit as tne vote of two voters in New : • • tii 11 a desirable state ol tilings? i any lair-minded voter in South Car • citt.ai tii.it he ought t" have a prefer i t i • I nion because, however hon has rebelled against it ? Radical-! ■leT'-lbn;, favors an equalization of ■ .- liialion as a condition precedent to recognition of the disturbed States, very c:li/.eii of those States who siu y ! -sires national unity and peace will •V T It tilso idiealism holds that equal civil rights the law should be guaranteed by the • .-Jutes to every citizen. It claims Government which commands the .. e of every citizen shall afford him i r '■•'".mil, and tliat the freedom which the : the United States have conferred pie of the United States shall main- ! Is that a perilous claim? Is any ' arse consistent with national safety •' in mor ? 1 bice more ; Radicalism asserts that, as v national welfare and permanent union ll: established only upon justice, there ; i he no unreasonable political disl'ran- i meat of any part of the people, it de > ta-.t complexion, or weight, or height ' " isouahle political qualifications, and •firs to the history of the country to •v that they have not always been so re- I'd even in some of the late slave ' *.t'*s, and remembers that both President .son and his predecessors were frierds ■ partial sufl'rage. Holding this faith, •O'iicalisni urges that while we may hon ■by ditier as to the wisest means of se •r'ng political equality, yet that all our rts should constantly tend, with due re t for the proper and subordinate fuue sof the States in our constitutional " tii. to protect those equal rights of "i with hose assertion our Government - in. Hid in comsequence of whose denial '■ vornment has just escaped the most dp 'Buig fate. 1 .sis Radicalism. Is it unfair? Is it -stitutional ? it is anarchical or rev lonary ? It denies no man's rights, it rn sno man of power or privilege. It ' " s !• r the National Government uoth winch is not inseparable from the idea '"eh a Government. Does it demand any " that every prudent and patriotic man -" ii "t to he willing to concede ? The s "t Mr. Thaddeus Stevens and of Mr. ::t r . sincerely entertained and ingen •o defended as they arc, are not the '"'•d p licy. Mr. Stevens holds that the 1 <-d States are conquered provinces •" !| the land should be confiscated, as 1 Ireland has been three times over Ul giving* Ireland peace. Does any 13. O. GOODRICH, Publisher. VOLUME XXVI. body suppose that even the House, which respects Mr. Stevens's sturdy fidelity to his own convictions, agrees with im.or that the National Union party holds his view ? Mr. Sumner holds that equal suffrage should be required ol the absent States as a condition of representation, and in a Radical Senate which passed the Civil Rights bill over the veto by a vote of 33 to 15, Mr. Sumner's proposition obtained 8 votes. These gen tlemen, of course, support the Radical pol icy, but they do not shape it. The opin ions of the Union party are to be found, as President Johnson says, in the party plat form. The policy of the Radicals is to be seen in the measures they adopt ; and of the forty-two bills which at the time of the last veto they had presented to the Presi dent, he had signed forty. In our present political situation Conser vatism is the policy which declares that the late rebel States are already in a condition to resume their full functions iu the Union, and which denounce Congress for presum ing to inquire whether that opinion is well founded. It denies to Congress—that is, to the representatives of the loyal people who have maintained the Government—the au thority to look behind the credentials of any man who comes from a State still panting with rebellion, and ascertaining the origin and validity of the authority that issued tiie credentials. It objects to the legisla tion of Congress while eleven States are un represented, without reference to the rea son of their absence, tlius virtually main taining the monstrous proposition that a combination of States, by refusing to be represented, may prohibit national legisla tion. It denies that the United States ought to protect the equal civil rights of citizens before the law, and would admit the absent States to Congress before re quiring their assent to an amendment equalizing representation. Conservatism is the policy which, forgetting that the United States are bound by every moral obligation to secure the freedom which they have conferred, apparently believes that that freedom will be best maintained and the national peace most truly established by leaving those of every color who were heroically faithful to the Government dur ing the rebellion to the exclusive mercy of those who sought to destroy it. These are the distinctive points of the Conservative policy. Are th©y agreeable to an honorable and intelligent people? And of what is this policy conservative? If of the Constitution and Union, it will of course be earnestly supported by their true and tried friends. Is it so supported? Who are the present Conservatives ? Who shout and sing and fire cannon and ring bells in jubilant exultation at every measure in supposed accordance with this policy? The reply is, unfortunately, unavoidable. The Conservative party, or the supporters of the policy we have described, is composed of the late rebels and of those who justified and palliated rebellion, with a few Repub licans. And"who oppose this policy 1 Who are the Radicals ? The great multitude of those who believed in the war and suppor ted it, whose children and brothers and friends lie buried in the battle-field in every rebel State, whose sentiments are now as they have been for five years expressed by the Union pi ess of the country, and whose voice speaks in the vote of the Union Leg islatures and in the result of the spring elections. It is useless for Conservatism to claim that conciliation is essential to reorganiza tion. Nobody denies it. But the cardinal question is, not what will please the late insurgents, but what will secure the Gov ernment. If it be said that the Govern ment can not lie secured by alienating its late enemies, the reply is, that it certainly can not he secured by alieniating its un wavering friends. If conciliation contem plates the filling of national offices in the South by known rebels to the disregard and exclusion of Union men, thereby rewarding rebellion and discrediting loyalty—if it proposes to leave freemen of the United States to the Black Codes of Mississippi and Carolina, and to recognize the fatal spirit of caste which has been our curse— then conciliation is simply a name for ig uornity, and Conservatism may see its fate iii that of Secession. Radicalism has not a single vindictive feeling toward the late rebel States, but it does not propose to forget that there has been a rebellion. It has the sincerest wish, as it had the most undoubtiug expectation, of working with the President to secure for the country what the country has fairly won by the war, and that is, the equal right of every citizen before the law and the full resumption by the late insurgent States of their functions in the Union only upon such honorable and reasonable conditions as Congress might require. All reasonable men who support that policy will not light ly denounce those who differ with them. They will strive long for the harmony of those with whom during the war they have sympathized and acted. They will concede minor points of method, and bear patiently with impatient rhetoric leveled at them selves. But they will also bear steadily in mind the words of Andrew Johnson when he accepted the nomination which lias placed him where he is : " While society is in this disordered state and we are seeking security, let us fix the foundations of the Government on principles of eternal justice which will endure for all time." The Rad ical policy was never more tersely ex pressed ; and it will unquestionably be maintained, for it is founded in the plainest common sense and the profoundest convic i tion of the loyal American people.—Jlar per'a Weekly. ILLINOIS.-— The name of the State of Ill inois orignatod in this manner:—A party j of Frenchmen set out upon an exploring j expedition down the river, which they af ! forwards named, providing themselves wiih i bark canvas, and relying chietiy for their subsistence upon game. They found at the confluence of this river with the Mis sissippi, an island thickly wooded with blackwalnut. It was a season of the year when the nuts were ripe, and this party of explorers, encamping upon this island, greatly enjoyed the luxury of this fruit. From this circumstance they called the island the "Island of Nuts"—or, in French, " lale aIIJ- nobs"—which name was given to the river which they explored, and thence to the territory and State. fiiououT is the father of words, but many . a great and noble thought dies childless. REMARKS OF HON U MEROUR- In the House, April 24, on the proposition to strike from the Army Bill, the section continuing the Pro vost Marshal's Bureau. Mr. MERCUR. Mr. Speaker, in addition to the objections, which appear to me to be personal to the present Provost Marshal General, it strikes rue there are many objec tions to the establishment of this bureau as a permanent oue. The reasons for its ex istence during the war were manifest ; but it strikes me that the reasons which exist for its abolishment since the termination of the war are equally manifest. The bill, upon its face, provides for two classes of duties to be performed by this bureau. The oue is the recruiting of the Army, and the other is the arrest of deser ters. It provides that two persons shall take charge of these duties, one with the rank of brigadier general, and the other with the rank of colonel of cavalry. Now, it appears to me that all these du ties can be properly performed by a person occupying a lower position, and receiving much less compensation than these persons would receive. The recruiting of the Army is not a business of such vast dimensions nor will it be prolonged so long as to re quire the creation of a permanent bureau like this. After the Army is filled, and we are in formed that during the last six months re cruiting has gone on very rapidly, this will not be needed, and whatever number we may fix upon as the proper number for the Army, we have reason to know that the vacancy can be filled up in a few months without any great difficulty ; and when the Army is once filled on a peace establish ment the duties of a bureau of this kind, so far as recruiting is concerned, will neces sarily be very email. Now, iu regard to the other duties of this office, the arrest of deserters, I take it that there cannot now be a very large number of deserters that the Government proposes to pursue and arrest aud punish. In these days of general amnesty and of geueral pardon, I presnme the Government will not pursue very sharply and rigidly those per sons who have deserted from the armies of the Union. Aud if there is no great num ber of deserters now who are to be arres ted, is it to be supposed or assumed that the number will increase to such an extent in the future as to create a necessity for a permanent Bureau to look after andjtrrest deserters? I think not; and hence I as sume that neither for the one purpose nor the other specified in the bill is there any necessity for the creation of a permanent bureau of this character. Now, in addition to the absence of any necessity for this bureau, it does strike me, if I understand the sentiment of the country aright, a sentiment which grew and strengthened with the progress of the re ceut rebellion, that the present head of this bureau did not satisfy public expectation in the discharge of his duties, it is not my design to attribute a want of good faith or a want of integrity to that bureau. In my judgment, though I may err, it was a want of capacity which created the great dissat isfaction which existed in the minds of the loyal people throughout the country. The fact cannot be disguised that a great many of the complications and entangle ments which arose during the progress of the war were solely in consequence of the orders which issued from time to time from the Provost Marshal General's Office. They complicated matters so much, one followed the other in such rapid succession, chang ing, modifying, aud throwing confusion up on what had preceded, that no one could form any adequate idea of what was re quired. No district could tell how many men it had to raise, or.how many men they had received credit for. Such being the fact, there is no reason, no justice, no pro priety, in continuing this bureau for the benefit of the present incumbent. Tiie gentleman from New York (Mr. GONKLING) has suggested oue thing in which this bureau was somewhat conspicuous, that is, its power of absorption of the com mutation money which was paid by people all over the country, and of which no sat isfatory account has yet been rendered. But there was another reputation which this bureau established, and that was its peculiar and unique way of combining fig ures. The country was frequently aston ished by this rare and peculiar power of combining figures, not only during the pro press of the war, but since we have met here this session. I refer to the effort made to arrive at the probable cost to the Gov ernment in case we should adopt some sys tem of equalizing the bounties to be given to our soldiers. We met here, every man of us zealous and warm in his desire to equalize the bounties. But the Provost Marshal General, with his peculiar combi nation of figures, has again thrown a dam per upon us. It strikes me that the House ought with great unanimity to vote down this section aud cause this bqreau to be abolished. BUSINESS. — Business is business. This is the peremptory maxim of many who would be puzzled to define the word, and yet feel that it stands for something quite distinct from other occupations which they pursue either for pleasure or of necessity. A man may be pressed with cares, or ab sorbed in entertaining studies, which have nothing to do with his business, lie may meet the first bravely, and follow the other methodically ; and yet both may be wholly separated from the work of his life, that ecial work which is involved in his vo cation or calling, and is expected of him by the other bees in the hive. To that he must give his best days, and the best hours of his day. Whatever other duties he has to perform must, as a rule, make way for business. They must be attended to be fore or after hours, however important. Unless(as in case of accident, fire, and the like) they are of so sudden and pressing a nature as to justifiy obviously the neglect of the regular day's work, they must wait till the work be done. You must feed your master's pigs before you set down to your own supper. " PAP, I planted some potatoes in our garden," said one of the smart youths of this gen eration to his father, '• and what do you suppose came up?" "Why, potatoes, of course." "No sire ! There came up a drove of hogs and ate them all." The old man gave in. DEAN SWIFT said, with much truth, "It is useless for us to attempt to reason a man out of a thing he has never been reasoned int6." REGARDLESS OF DENUNCIATION FROM ANY QUARTER. TOWANDA, BRADFORD COUNTY, PA., MAY 3, 1866. A correspondent of the Providence Jour nal, writing from Montevideo, gives a grap hic description of the great slaughter house for cattle. We quote : The Saladera is truly a feature of this country. Let me give yon a picture of the largest in South America. It is that of Sir Le Fondc, across the cove, or inner harbor, from Montevideo. The surgeon of the Uni ted States steamer Susquehanna and your correspondent visited it one morning before breakfast, byway of getting up an appe tite. Well mounted and spurred, we star ted from the Hotel Oriental at sunrise, and, after a pretty morning ride of five miles, we approached the establishment. The strong odor from the tallow boilers and the bone kilns signified our approach, while yet almost a league away. Over the plain before us, as we rounded the head of the cove, we saw an enclosure, perhaps of thirty acres, in which were broad, low, black-looking roofs, covering a large area, in the centre of which stood a tall brick chimney, from which rolled the foul black smoke of the bone kilns. We found the cattle pen on the side next us in our ap proach. The pen is a circular area of two or three acres, surrounded by a fence about nine feet high, very strongly built. From its gate on the side next us two great fen ces opened into the plain, like very jaws of death, as they are, the distance between them constantly widening as they extend from the pen. Opposite this gate is another, which opens into a lane or passage about one hundred feet long, and fifteen feet wide at the head and eight at the foot. Into this the cattle are driven in lots of fifty, more or less, at once. At the further end of this is the slaughter-house, a building several hundred feet in length and about forty feet wide, sloping toward either side from a railway track in the ce tre, running the entire length on either side. On the outer border of the slopes is a deep gutter for carrying off the blood. The floor of the lane above referred to is of plank, and the ground has sufficient fall from the pen to the slaughter-house to give an elevation of about two feet to this floor at its lower end. Into this, and forming a part of it, a truck fits, upon which the slaughtered ox is car ried to such dresser along the route as may have dispatched his last. On the outside of the passage of death, as I shall call the lane above described,and fitting against the fence, is a platform about five feet high and four feet wide, running its entire length. Upon this stands the ma tador with his lasso, the other end of which runs through a pulley, and to it are attached two horses, harnessed side by side, each with a rider, whose beat is at right angles to the passage of death at its lower end, and on the same side with the platform.— The matador throws the lasso, catching by by the horns or head one, two or three ani mals, as the case may be. lie sings ax me ; but, the Lord willin', I'd try to bear up under it." "MY dear Horatio, l had a very mysterious dream about you."' "What was it dear?" "I dreamed I saw you carried up to heaven iu a golden chariot surrounded by angels clothed in white and purple. What is that the sign of dear?" "It is a sign oi a foul stomach, my dear." BRIDGET fared badly when slip came to New York, and found to her inexpressible regret, tha she had lost her certificate 011 the way across the sea. But her cousin Patrick supplied her with another in the following words : "This certifies that Bridget O'Flannegan had a good character when she left Ireland but she lost it 011 the ship coining over." A j EA i.ocs husband, being absent from home, went to a clairvoyant in London to know what his wife was doing. "Ah," cried the clair voyant, "1 see her ; she expects some one ; the door opens ; he comes ; she eert sses him fondly ; he lays his head on her lap, and"—husband mad with rage—"he wags his tail." It was the dog. The husband was calmed. "I AM glad this coflee dont owe me any thing," said a book-keeper to his wife the other morning at breakfast. "Why?" was the response. "Because I don't believe it would ever settle." A TITTLE girl, hardly three years of age, who had been accustomed to hear the singing in i St. George's church.New York, and had been much I impressed theredy, was taken by her grandmother ! to look at the ruins of the edifice, after its recent ! destruction by fire. After gazing at the fire .marked I and smoky walls for some time 111 silence, the lit j tie creature looked up with sad anxiety and said, "G'anny, did they burn up all the tunes?" A sermon in four words 011 the vanity of earthly possessions : "Shrouds have no pockets." A LADV once remarked that "carelessness was little better than a half-way house between ac cident and design." AN Irish editor, in speaking of the mis eries of Ireland says: "Her cup of misery has j been for ages overflowing, and is not yet full." MEN are called fools in one age for not j knowing what men were called fools for asserting ! in the age before. IF you have a heart of rock, let it be the j rock of Horeb that gushed when stricken by the ; prophet's rod. i " WAKF. up here and pay your lodgings," j said the deacon, as he nudged a sleepy stranger by ! the contribution box. " 1 SAY, landlord, that's a dirty towel for a man to wipe on." Landlord, with a look of amazement, replied: "Sixty or seventy of my ■ boarders have wiped on that towel this morning, I and you are the first to find fault." THACKERY tell of an Irish woman bog ging alms of him who, when she saw him put his hand iu his pocket cried out. "Alay the blessing , of God follow you all your life," but when he pulled i out his snuff box, immediately added —"and never | overtake ye." " Your brother is still a hard case, I snp-