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Ac., of every va .,tv 1.. printed at tl.- shortest notice. The O.: ICE lias just been re-fitted with Power , ,-v D:iag in the lhinting line can i iL.- lnfts! artistic manner and at the I F.IIMS INVARIABLY CASH. , Ac oi the Freedmen's Bureau Bill. lIIE MEBSAKE. . . I'i.iletl Stutin: v , . xaiuiin d villi Cine tl;t> bill,which • 1 ii ii.> Fcnate in il has been pass ,. - Houses of Congress, lo amend !■ i! •' An act to establish a Bu , ] Relief of Freedtnen and Refu , ' ; i other purposes " Having with eiet • use to the conclusion that it . consistent with the public give my approval to the nieas- j 1 re!mil the bill to the Senate with ; :s to its becoming a law. : • . til to mind, in advance of these ; ;.s that there is no immediate ne- tv for :he proposed measure. ; ,'jtft to establish a bureau for the re • ii, -ilmeii and ltfugccs, which was j vii iii the month of March last, lias j • - xpircd. It was thought stringent xi: i.sive enough lor the purpose in Hefore it ceases to have effect, , xi, riciice may assist to guide us | ivi ~ c i elusion as to the policy to be ; , ,i in time of peace. w.'.h t'oiigi the strongest de- j to secure to the freedmen the full en-i ~,-t , ; Ik ; L -edoiii and their'property '. ii.i'iepeiideiice and equality j akin" - contracts for their labor. But! j p, .• i iitaiiis provisions which n.x i , . r<- not warranted by the > i: st it lit n, m'l are lot well suited to ac- j uiplisli th-. end in view. i !.e bill pioj. >i sto e. tablish, by author- j t ('eiign-<. military jurisdiction over | arts of the I n tel States containing a ' - and frei diiiem It would, by its . i. title, apply with most force to those j „,ts t tin United States in which the . .II {in -t .I oitnd ; and it expressly '■ - the i xisting temporary jurisdiction -■ i i' < iliiien's Bureau, vvitli greatly en „■ I ■ ■ el's, iver those States in which . , nary CIUM of judicial proceedings \ MI intenupted by the rebellion. The . ti ii which this military jurisdiction i . ii- is none other than the Pres . United States, acting through ; \\ -a lieparimeut and the Commissioner i hie, omen's Bureau The agents to ihis military jurisdiction arc to . ad either from the army or civil i . e untry is to be divided into dis -.o -.l ul -districts, and the number of 1 agents to be employed may be j the number of counties or parish ... the United States where lYeedmen . lij. < s are to be found. The subjects this military jurisdiction is to i \i ry part of the I nited States, p: lection to all employes, agents ; : if i . • ••(' this Bureau in the exercise j • diitie.- imposed upon them by the! h. • - veil States it is further to extend . ise.> affecting lieednien and refu . - . -eliminated against by local law, i : n judice. In those eleven States subjects any white person who may ay-with depriving a freed man of; •my ' Villi-..,- or immunities belonging to 1 ■to iiiiprisoiiineut or fine, or ' However, defining the civil - ts a I iimiiui.ities which are thus to be ; b> tin freedmen, by military law. : i.h'ary jurisdiction also extends to. ta ' • tl. it i f :av arise respecting con -111 ag' at. who is thus to exercise fa military judge, may be a j P'T, ■ ntiiely ignorant of the laws of! i ice. mil i xposed to the errors of - ' lit i" vim h all men are liable. The -• i power, over which there is no -■ -iipcrv:sioii, by so vast a number of - - i- c fitemplated by the bill, must, very nature of man, be attended by > '-price, injustice and passion. The ng their origin under this bid, ; I.M phoc without the intervention iy and without any fixed rules of ' 1 > I'K nee. Tim rules on which offen t be heard and determined, by the - agents, are such rules and regula c ilo President, through the War --iieiit. shall prescribe. No previous r : tiiieiit is required,nor any indictment, : - the coihiiiission of a crime against : i-ut the trial must proceed on - ad specifications. 1 lie punish- I - riot what the law declares,but ■ma i 'urt-iiiartial may think proper, the arbitrary tribunals there lies no writ of error to any of the ■ '■* in which the Constitution of the m itt-s \a'sts exclusively the judicial the c 'untry : while the territory, 1 i. ss - f actions and i flences, that mii Ij< ct to this measure, are so m- that the bill itself, should it he 'W.wdi have no limitation in point ; • i-ut will form a part of the peruia -2-! ition of the country. I cannot a system of military jurisdiction h i d with the words of the Consti -1 ■ -'inch declare that "no person shall answer for a capital or otherwise - crime, unless on a presentment or ■"'it of a grand jury, except in cases ' : - in tie land or naval forces, or in the "'.when in actual service in time of r public danger and that "in all prosecutions, the accused shall en- Hght to a speedy and public trial H'partial jury of the State or district ti--- crime shall have been com mi t ' : " --aleguards which the wisdom and t !<-• (> f ages taught our fathers to -h as securities for the protection of ' at, the punishment of the guilty, equal administration of justice, are ■' aside, and for the sake of a more HIS interposition in behalf of justice, t-i take the rest of the many acts of e that would of necessity follow ■ almost countless number of agents inbtKliii every parish or comity in a third of the States of the Union, E. O. GOODRICH, Publisher. VOLUME XXVI. over whose decis on there is to be no su pervision or control by the Federal Court. The power that would he thus placed in the hands of the President is such as in time of peace certainly ought never to be intrusted to any one man. If it be asked whether the creation of such a tribunal within a State is warranted as a measure of war, the question immediately presents itself whether we are still engaged in v ar. Let us not unnecessarily disturb the com merce, and credit, and industry .of the coun try, by declaring to the American people and the world that the United States are still in a condition of civil war. At pres ent there is no part of our country in which the authority of the United States is dispu ted. Offences that may be committed by individuals should not work a forfeiture of the rights of the same communities. The country has entered, or is returning to a state of peace and industry, and the rebel lion is in fact at an end. The measure, therefore, seems to be as inconsistent with the actual condition of the country as it is at variance with the Constitution of tiie United States. It, passing from general considerations, we examine the !ili in detail, it is open to weighty objections. In time of war it was eminently proper that we should provide for those who were passing suddenly from a condition of bondage to a state of free dom. But this bill proposes to make the Freedmeu's Bureau, established by the act of 1 St;s, as one of many great and extraor dinary military measures to suppress a for midable rebellion, a permanent branch of the public administration, with its powers greatly enlarged. I have no reason to sup pose,and I do not understand it to be alleg ed, t lint the act of March, 1805, has proved deficient for the purpose for which it was passed ; although at that time, and for a considerable period thereafter, the Govern ment of the United States remained unac knowledged in most of the States, whose inhabitants has been involved in the rebel lion. The institution of Slavery, for the military destruction of which the Freed meu's Bureau was called into existence as an auxiliary force, has been already effect ually and finally abrogated throughout the whole country by an amendment of the Constitution of the United States,and practi cally its eradication has received the assent and concurrence of most of those States in which it at any time had existed. I am not, therefore, able to discern in the country anything to justify an apprehension that the powers and agencies of the Freedmeu's Bureau, which were effective fur the pro tection of freedmeu and refugees during the actual continuation of hostilities and ot Af rican servitude,will now, in a time of peace, and after the abolition of Slavery, prove inadequate to the same proper ends. If I am correct in these views, there can be no necessity for the enlargement of the pow ers of the Bureau, for which provision is made in the bill. The third section of the bill authorizes a general and unlimited grant of support to the destitute and suffer ing refugees and freedmcn and their wives and children Succeeding sections make provisions for the rent or purchase of land ed estates for freedmeu,and for the erection, for their benefit of suitable buildings for asylums and schools, the expenses to be de frayed from the treasury of the whole peo ple. The Congress of the United States has never heretofore thought itself compe tent to establish any laws beyond the lim its of the District of Columbia, except for the benefit of our disabled soldiers and sailors. It has never founded schools for any class of our own people, not even for the orphans of those who have fallen in the defence of the Union, but has left the care of their education to the much more compe tent and efficient control of the States, of communities, or private associations and of individuals. It has never deemed itself au thorized to expend the public money for the rent or purchase of homes for the thousands, not to say millions, of the white race who are honestly toiling from day to day for their subsistence. A system for the sup port of indigent persons in the 1 nited States was never contemplated by the au thors of the Constitution. Nor can any good reason be advanced why, us a perma nent establishment, it should be founded for one class or color of our people more than for another. Fending the war many refu gees and freedmeu received support from the Government, but it was never intendt d that they should henceforth be fed, clothed, educated and sheltered by the United States. The idea on which the slaves were assisted to freedom, was that on becoming free they would be a self-sustaining population. Any legislation that shall imply that they not expected to attain a self-sustaining condi tion, must have a tendency injurious alike to their character and their prosperity. The appointment of an agent for every county and parish will create an immense patron age, and the expense of the numerous offi cers and tin; clerks to be appointed by the President will be great in the beginning with a tendency steadily to increase. The appropriations asked by the Freedmeu's Bureau as now established for the year 18K50, amount to $11,745,000. It may be safely estimated the cost to be incurred un der the pending bill will require double that amount, more than the entire sum ex pended in any one year under tiie adminis tration of the second ADAMS. If the pres ence of agents in every p irish and county is to be considered as a war measure, oppo sition or even rt sistance might be provok ed, so that to give effect to their jurisdic tion troops would have to be stationed with in reach of evi ly one of them, and thus a large standing f ace be rendered necessary. Large appropriations would, therefore, be required to sustain and enforce military ju risdicthin inject ry county or parish from the Potomac to the Rio Grande. 'lhe condition of our fiscal affairs is encouraging, but in order to sustain the present measure of pub lic confidence, it is necessary that we prac tice not merely customary economy, but as far as possible severe retrenchment. In addition to the objections already stated, the fifth section of the bill proposes to take away land from its former owners without any legal proceedings being first had, con trary to that provision of the Constitution which decla.a s that no person shall be de prived of lifi., liberty or property without due process of law. It docs not appear that a part ol the lands to which this sec | tion refers may not be owned by minors or persons of unsound mind, or by those who have been faithful to all their obligations as citizens of the United StatcH. If any portion of the land is held by such persons it is not competent for any authority to de prive them of if. if, ou the other hand, it | be found that the property is liable to con fiscation, even then i cannot be appmpri ] ated to public purposes, until, bv due | i - cess of law, it shall have b< en declaim d, ! i felted to the Government. There are stili further objections to the ' bill,on grounds seriously aff< cting the class of persoin, to whom it is desigiu d to bring relief. It will tend to Keep the ni:d ot tie lreedmen in astati of uncertain expectation and restlessiie - S ; while t" !IK>S-- among whom he lives ii will lie a source oi von- I slant and 'vague aoprt heiisioti. i 'ndonbt edly the fro< dman should b pima efed, but lie should be protected by the civil atlior ■ dies especially by tin: exerc:-<• i.he coit i stitutiouai prs of the com I. • 1 tin- Uni ted Mates and of the .States His condi tion is not so much exposed may at first be imagined, lie is in a portion of the country where his labor can not well be spared. Competition for his service from planters, fi' -rn these who are construe' mg or repairing l ailroatls, or IV pilalists in his vicinage, or fi un "Hi-a -lates, will , enable him to commaud almost his own | terms. He also possesses a perfect right - to change lus place "1 abode, and if, there fore, ho does not find, in one community or : Mate, a mode of life suited to his desires, ' or proper remuneration for his labor, he can ! move to another, where labor is more es teemed and better rewarded. In truth, however, each State, induced by its own wants and interests, will do what is neces -1 sary and proper t i retain within its borders all the labor that is needed for the develop ment of its resources. The laws that reg ulate supply and demand will maintain their force, and the wages of the laborer will lie regulated tin re by. There is no danger that the great demand for labor will not operate in favor of the laborer. Neither is suffic ient consideration given to the ability of the freedmen to protect and take care of themselves. It is no more than justice to them to believe that, as they have received their freedom with moderation and forbear ance, so they will distinguish themselves by their industry and thrift, and soon show the world that in a condition of freedom they are self-sustaining and capable of s<- lecting their own employment and their j own places of abode : of ins'siing for them selves on a proper remuneration, and of rs- j tablisliing and maintaining their own asy- j liiinns and schools. It is earnestly hoped that instead of wasting away they will, by 1 their own efforts, establish for themselves ! a condition of respectability and prosperity. ■ It is certain that they can a.tain to that condition only through their own merits and exertions. In this connection the query presents itself whether the'systein propos ed by the bill will not,when put in complete i operation, practically transfer the entire j care, support and control of four millions ; of emancipated slaves to agents, overseers j or taskmasteis, who, appointed at Wash-j ington, are to be located in every County ; and parish throughout the United States ' containing freedmen and refugees. Siidi n system would inevitably tend to such a 1 concentration of power in the Executive j which would enable liini, ii so disposed, to control the action of a numerous ei.-iss and ! use them for the attainment of his own po litical ends. I cannot but add another very grave ob jection to lids I ili. The ('onstiintion im peratively declares iu connection with tax ation that each State shall have at h ast one representative, and fixes the rule for the number to which in future times each State shall be entitled li also provides that the Senate of the I nitce Mates shall be coin posed of two Si nators from each State ; and adds with peculiar force that no State without its consent shall I e de prived of its equal suffrage in the Senate. The original act was necessarily passed in the absence of the Slates rhiefiy tube af fected, because their people wore then con tumaciously engaged in the rebellion. Now the case is changed, and some at least of the States ar-.- attending (' -iigress by loyal lepresentativi s, soliciting tin- allowance of the constitutional right of representation. At the time, however, of the consideration and the passage of the bill there was no Senator or Representative in Uongrers lVoin the eleven States which are to be mainly affected by the provisions. Tin - very fact that reports w.-re and are made against the good disposition of the country is an ad ditional reason why they ne< d and should have representatives of their own in Con gress to explain their condition, reply to accusations and assist by tin r local knowl edge in ihe perfecting- of measures imme diately affecting themselves, while the lib erty of deliberation would then be free,and Congress would have full power to decide according to its judgment. Tlu-re could be no objecti' n urged that the States most in terested had pot been permitted to be heard. The principle is firmly fixed in the minds of the American people that there should be no taxation without representation. Great burdens are now to be borne by all the country,and we may best demand that they shall be borne without murmur when they are voted by a majority of the representa tives of all the people 1 would nit inter fere with the unquestionable right of Con gress to judge, each house for itself, of the elections, returns and qualifications of its own members. But that authority cannot be construed as including the right to shut out in time of peace any State from the representation to which it is entitled by the Constitution. At present all the people of eleven States are < xeluded. Those who were most faithful during the war nut loss than others. The State of Tennessee, lor instance, whose authorities engaged in re bellion, was restored to all her constitution al relations to the Uniou by the patriotism and energy of her injured and betrayed people. Before the war was brought to a termination they had placed themselves in relation with the General Government, had estab.ished a State Government of their own, and, as they were not included in the Emancipation Proclamation, tney. by their own act, had amended their Constitution so as to abolish slavery within the limits of their States. I know no reason why the State of Tennessee, for example, should not fully enjoy all her Constitutional relations to the United States. The President of the United States stands toward the country in a somewhat d lb-rent attitude from that of any member of Con gress,chosen from a single district or State. Eleven States are not, at this time, repre- REGARDLESS OF DENUNCIATION FROM ANY QUARTER. TOW AX DA, BRADFORD COUNTY, PA., MARCH 1, IBlili. seated in either branch of Congress. It would seem to be his duty.on all proper oc casions to present their just claims of Con gress. There always will be differences of opinion in the community, and individuals may be guilty of transgressions of the law But tiiese do not constitute valid objections against the right of a State to representa tion. It would in no wise interfere with regard to the qualification of members ; but 1 hold it my duty to recommend to you in the interests of the Union, the admission of . very State to its share of public legisla tion. when, however, insubordinate, insur gent or rebellions its people may have been, ;t presents itself not only in an atti tud of loyalty and harmony, but in the per us of representatives whose loyalty i- - * niio t be questioned under existing consti tutional or legal test. It is plain that an in definite or permanent exclusion of any part j of the country from representation must be j attended by a spirit of disquiet and com plaint, 't is unwise and dangerous to pur sue a course of measures which will unite j any large section of the country against anoiher section of the country, no matter Jiow much the latter may predominate. The • • mi e of immigration, the development of industry and business and natural causes will rise up at the South men as devoted to the Union as those of any other part of the land. But il they are all excluded from Congress ; il in u permanent statue they are declared not to be in full constitutional relations to the country, they may think they have cause to become a unite in feel ing and sentiments against the Government. I nder the political education of the Ameri can people, the idea is inherent ami inera dicable that the consent of the majority of the whole people is necessary to secure a willing acquiescence in legislation. The bill under Consideration refers to certain of the States as though they had not "been fully restored in all their constitutional re lations of the United States." It they have not let us at once act together to secure that desirable end at the earliest possible moment. It is hardly necessary for me to inform Congress that, in my own judgment, most of those States, so far at least as de pends upon their own action, have already been fully restored, and are to be deemed to be entitled to enjoy their constitutional rights as members of the Union. Reason ing from the Constitution itself, and from the actual situation of the country, 1 feel not duly entitled but bound to assume that, with the Federal Courts restored in the sev eral States and in the full exercise of their functions, the rights and interests of all classes of the people will, with the aid ot the military, in cases of assistance to the law, be essentially protected against un constitutional infringement and vio ation. Should this expectation unhappily fail, which 1 do not anticipate, then the Execu tive is already armed with the powers con ferred by the act of March. 1805, establish ing the Freedmen's Bureau ; and hereafter, as heretofore, lie can employ the land and naval forces of the country to suppress in surrection and to overcome obstructions to the laws. 1 return the bill to the Senate in the ear nest hope that a measure involving ques tions and interests so important to the country will not become a law unless upon deliberate consideration by the people it shall receive the sanction i f an enlighten ed public judgment. ANDREW JOHNSON. WASHINGTON*. U. (!., Feb. 19, IKOG. SOWING.-- The astronomer sits alone at midnight, searching the depths of heaven (flr new worlds of light. With anxious in terest lie watches a path among the stars until it begins to shine with brightness ot some heavenly stranger. Like the gleam ing feet of an angel, sent just far enough away from heaven to be within reach ot an aspiring mortal's eye, the new stars burns on its course. But this discoverer is only a reaper in the fields that glow with the harvest of ripe, blooming worlds. An oth'w sowed the seed of this discovery long years before. There was one who held out a dull, laborious problem that led this earnest eye to look in that quarter of the tinnaneiit for fruit. There were years of exhaustive endeavor in other directions for the same result : and all this was sowing - -ap essential part of the success who gathers in the sheaves. It is true in regard to some things the same person may both sow and reap. It has been remarked that all men are sowers in regard to tlier prede cessors, and reapers in regard to their suc cessors. There are diversities of opera tions as well as of gifts. Let us be sure of being earnestly engaged, whether it be as sowers or reapers in the field of the world. Let the harvest be gathered in with no la bor on your part, at the beginning or the end. IMMENSITY OI THE UNIVEKSK.- -l)r. Xichol, iu his work describing the magnitude of Lotd Ross 's celebrated telescope says that lie has looked into space a distance so tre mendous and so inconceivable, that light, which travels at the rate ot 200,000 miles in a second, would require a person of 250,- 000,000,000 of solar years, each year con taining 3*2,000,000 ut seconds, t<> pass the intervening gulf between our earth and the remotest point to which this wonderful tel escope lias reached. How utterly unable is the ininil to grasp even a fraction of this period ? To conceive the passing events . we call that his shydow and hope for om uwn sakes as well as his that it may never diminish." LETTER fEOM " OCCASIONAL." [From the Philadelphia Press. ] WASHINGTON, Feb. 20, 180a. While the staunch friends of the Repub- I lie were taking 1 counsel among themselves I last evening, after the reading of the veto 1 message of President .Tohnson, the Cupper | head politicians, in and out ol Congress, I assisted by the disloyal elements in this j city, were celebrating the event with a joy j as tumultuous as that with which theseces j sion sympathizers here would leave hailed i the entrance of Jefferson Davis into the j capital of the United States after the battle |of Dull Run Even before Congress had ' adjourned, the Star announced " a serenade ; to the Presidentand early in the evening i a band of music, followed by about two j hundred people, called at the Presidential i mansion. His Excellency declined to make ' a speech, but somebody announced that in | would address the public on Thursday | evening. Not a Union member of either House, and not even an office-holder, so far as 1 could hear, took part in the demon stration. Ip to this writing 1 have not i conversed with a single individual —Sen- ator, Representatives orcitizcn, who avows his willingness to support the policy fore shadowed in the veto message of the Fn oil men's Bureau Bill. 1 say this, you will ob serve, before we have received any intima tion from the people of the States, their legislators, newspapers or politicians, and before either House lias taken action upon that extraordinary document. In one re spect it is far better that the relations be tween the loyal people and Mr. Johnson should be clearly defined and understood. The suspense which has prevailed in regard to bis exact policy, succeeding and yet rap idly changing the almost unanimous ap proval ol his annual message, was almost insupportable. You will recollect tbal, prior to the New York and Pennsylvania elections of last year, although the Presi dent was repeatedly called upon by the j prominent I uion men in both States, and solicited to declare in favor of the regular Inion tickets, or at least against the Cup- j perheads, lie refused t> take sides with fiie friends of the country. In our own State, it cannot be denied, that lie promised to give Mr. Cessna, chairman of the Union State Central Committee an answer- which answer was never received. In New York he was so utterly demoralized by the visits of the Democrats who demanded his in dorsement of their platform that he was only inferentially quoted in favor of the Union candidates. In both these States brave men who had fought against the rebel enemies headed the Uni u tickets, and yet, although they stood upon plat forms earnestly approving the President's course, and pledged to him the loyal sup port of the people, he refused to abandon his neutral ground and allowed the Copper heads to claim him as their supporter. Bui with all this aid the Copperhead s were murr ' utterly defeated than at any period of the re- '[ hellion. Please make a note of this histor- j ieul fact, inasmuch as it wdl serve to dlssi- , pate the cry that President Johnson's veto was provoked by what is called the radical policy in* Congress. No such complaint could be made before the great elections t<> which I refer The radicals were silent at home ; and, indeed, had been rather ig nored by the Union party in New York and Pennsylvania, and yet the hand of the President was turned against us, and tin battle had to be fought without him. The | same temper characterized him directly alter the meeting of Congress. Not an in timation was given from the time of his an nual message of bis intention to carry out the positive and voluntary pledges made while he was a candidate before the peo ple, and even alter he became President, by the assassination of Abraham Lincoln. His suspicious silence, in regard to the : blood-stained tyrant and traitor, Jefferson Davis, which so alarmed the people during the autumn r. at this point, we had a constant stream of calum ny upon the earnest men of the Republic, who demanded his trial and execution. Accordingly, treason everywhere took new heart. It was as common to ridicule and execrate the radicals in the South, as it was to outrage and cheat the negroes. ' Delegations of the leading and most pro-! scriptive Democrats paid regular couit, , and were received almost in state at the ! Presidential mansion. From Pennsylva nia we had such men as Senator Clymt r and Wallace—the slanderers of Andrew Johnson in 1863, who led the Copperheads in the Legislature when they refused to al low him to speak in the Legislative hails ; from New York we had such nieu as John Van Buren, who was almost a guest, and the daily confident of the President ; and from the South the persons regularly ad mitted and attentively heard, were the desperate leaders of the recent murderous* rebellion. Meanwhile, the Lnion in tubers' of Congress watched these extraordinary proceedings with nndissembled sorrow. Unwilling to believe that the men who had sought tint life of the Republic, rejoiced in the defeat of our armies, denounced the ex ecution of the assassins of Abraham Lin coln, and covered the name of Andrew Johnson with indescribable obloquy, were believed, much less confided in; they called upon the President, aud counselled with him in the most friendly and fraternal spirit. Mortified us they were to see him entertaining and listening to the Copper heads of the North and the traitors of the South, humiliated by his ill-digested, inco herent, aud illogical harangues as he re ceived and answered all sorts of delega tions—they sought, in every instance, to 1 suppress their apprehensions. Thus every thing was done to avoid, postpone, and render impossible, the condition of things which, it now appears, has been for months craftily, sedulously and treacherously pre- ] paiing. Not a measure was contemplated , i>y these faithful Representatives that did: not find its source of encouragement in the pledges and assurances of Andrew John- j son himself. This is true, even of the most radical measures of Congress ; for if any were many ol the decided radical. 1 have not met one of these who does not look t o k with a sense of humiliation upon his n qin-iit futile efforts iu this direction. <• can best understand our Duties in this solemn ein< rgency by fearlessly stat ing the Dangers of the Republic. Among these iatter may be classed the postpone per Annum, m Advance. j int'at or defeat of < very essential arac >d inent of the Natioual Constitution —the r< - iiiissioii to new horrors of the freedinen of , tlie South—the Exocutiv • opposition to | every hill for the improvement of the Dis | triet of Colunihia, including tiie political i and civil elevation of the resident colored i race—the reorganization in every insur gent section of tlie recent rebel-- --the ex | pulsion or discouragement of free -.i--t --tiou to the Soutli —asy - tern of wide and merciless proscription of independent and earnest men -the pardon, ii not tin- honor able restoration to their rights, of Jeffer son Davis, John C Breckinridge, and the resuscitation, by Federal patronage, of the entire Copperhead party. These are the Dangers oi the situation; Dangers, how ever, that may be anticipated and preven ted, if we an only bold and fearless in the knowledge and the discharge of our imp r ativc Duties. And what are these? IN* THE FIRST PLACE, TO SUSTAIN THOSE FAITHFUL AND OBEDIENT REPRE SENTATIVES IN CONGRESS, THE ORGANS, AS THEY ARE, OF THE LOYAL MILLIONS OF THE REPUBLIC IN THEIR RECENT ALMOST UNANI MOUS VOTES IN FAVOR OF UNIVER SAL SUFFRAGE AND IN FAVOR OF THE BILL .JUST VETOED BY THE PRESIDENT. Observe that these ,v. demonstration* n present and typify >hc iciahe* and the doctrine* of the U'hott' body of Union party. As 1 have shown, li, sc two measures were, it not suggested, at P.. i foreshadowed and pledged by the Pi - si dent, and never, until recently, disavowed either by word or deed If the people are true to this primary obligation, we shall then I <• able to control a tw*o-thiids vote in Congress. Without these two-thirds, the Government will be absolutely at a stand-' still, or will be conducted in the iuten st and according to the dictates of that cal amitous and desperate antagonism which prayed fur tin- victory e-f the traitors in the i iield and steadily crnl-atr; ssed the civil | agents of the p >ple during the rebellion.' There is no difficulty i'i tiie full entoree tnent oi these relative duties, when we un man in the Republic had bitterly denoun ced toe ingratitude ol the Southern r- he'-, it was Audu w .lohnsun. ID- knew ilmt j nothing but the continuous flagrant exhi- j bilious of ingratitude constrained the n 1- ; jorities in Congress to adopt that decide policy without which wj should have In 1 the traitors crowded, into the high places of the Government, ihe suffrage questi- 1. was a logical result of Andrew Johnson's own declarations and assurances No man ever supposed that iroin him would proci • d a single objecti--u to an attempt to reform 1 the goverimn nt of the Di trict of Columbia, ! and to confer political rights npon the colored people here. The same remark may be inado oi the bill which he in - j ! vetoed. 1: at measure wa-> trained and i ported by Senator Trumbuil, of Illii.— distinguished for Ids fr< ijueutly manifes ted desire to sustain the President, ami known for his opposition to -one- of Mr. S-nmncr's prominent particular theories. It was so can fully prepared, and the P:e-i --dent was so iully aware of its provisions, that it was popularly I eliev. d to have been submitted to him for approval. His intimate friend, Senator D little, was or ■ |of its leading advocates, and not it L nioii vote m cither iI"U:-e was tln• wh ag.tii: t it. The measure itself w,s not j- • tictih.i'-y acceptable to tlie radicals, but was accep ted by them as an expedient preparatory to the adoption ot ;i more drastic and per manent system. Some of them, to my knowledge, gave it tln ir support becaa-i they believed :t would !>•• especially agree-1 able to the l'r- sident ; and this wi;l e count for Lie comparative rapidity wit a which it was passt d. It was supposed th. t he would promptly give his signature, an I thus prom d a better ui- n r >ian ling on oth r subjects. Indeed with t!m single exi prion of' Mr. Stevens iu the House who generally lakes his own course, aud < xpre.-sly insists that iiuhody is lespoils !le f r bi.-> w< ids oi u- Vv tebut himself, tic.c w , not ;i Unio.i member in either branch do di.i not sedu ously study every means to conciliate and to please Andrew Johnson. And ii; this re mark 1 dt sire to include Si nator riumm , who is known io have sustain- 1 the in-- t intimate ieiatioiis witii th • Pcession la.-i summer, because they tie a agreed sul - stantiallv and thoroughly o.i the gi a: cardinal duties and doctrines. Shortly alter the assassination of Mr. Line-.in. tlmy had a number of very satisfactory inUa views 1 rept-al among the men who 'la bored lc> maintain friendship and co-op:; - ti oi between the Presid ;nt ami the party that placed liim where he is, and who C - feuded him .iga.n-t his own siauderera o : understand that the Fni'-n p arty J i • c antry have, in fact, fought tit c mm n enemy without Andrew Johnson. From the time when Montgomery Blair, and other L'opperhcuds, iasl summer, it temp: d to para 1.1 ZT and I • p; sir if- : ..*pa \ . \ claiming th it they spoke in the nam • and with th • authority of Andrew Johnson, tlx-, latter Iris been so indifferent to the meas ures lie voted for iu Congress and sus tained while he was a candidate lor Vice ; President, aud even directly after he a - suuied tiie Presidential chair, that his c ! in ss amounted almost to nbsolut> sn.l Open hostility. I'he niillions of nob' spirits who at Jirst rejected the idea thai the man, thus sustained and thus apolo gized for by a gen r us and loyal ; ople would be callous or treacherous, and who were the reluctantly forced to accustom themselves to this dismal apprehension, will not. I am sure, shiink front the task now laid upon them *-f consolidating their country. They must abau-lon all aspira tions for place ; and the e mpensntion I r tliis sacrifice, ii' it be one, will be in <1 ■ fact that it is far better to be in a posit i ui of honorable, independence than to be as sociated in tlie Government with tie i who have steadily prayed or plotted f-r its downfall. But they will have long to wot These are days, let us hope, ot purifying trials. No matter how threatening the dangers that surround us, aud how novel and weighty the duties demanding our con scientious energies, both are to be pre ferred to that agonizing suspense which has heretofore been simply advantageous to the Copperheads and traitors, and dam aging to the permanent intwests of the country. OCCASIONAL THE BITTER CUP —How annoying it must tie to be a teetotaler to have a bottle-nose 1 THE CAUDLE OF LOVE. "Oh Lord, we beseech Thee snuff de candle oh lub in our hearts." Thus prayed a poor negro in one of the waste places of Virginia. The flame burned low ;it was obstructed by black accretions ; the light that it gave was dim, gloomy aud uncer tain, and lie wished to have it brightened. It was a homely metaphor, and yet it was full of meaning. How often the candle of love in all our hearts burns low ! There is much to impede the pure heavenly flame. The follies of the world clog around it ; its diversions, its joys, its successes, its reverse: —all these affect the Christian's love towards his master in heaven. Sad t i in.!:- .1 is it for him, when he forgets what he owx ato his Lord; 1 when his heart be comes steeped in ingratitude, and his love ' - dies out. The Christian in whose heart the ' candle of love has burned low, lives as if lie could not give too much to the auiu.se ' incuts of the world, too little to the ordi nances of sanctuary. The Christian in whose heart the candle of love has burned low, forsake the mercy seat, tampers with conscience, finds fault with his brother Christians and injures himself and the cause of religion generally. You never see the face of such a Christian brighten at the name of Jesus ; y -it never see him over-anxious about the spiritual state of ■ those around him, or over-zealous to put forth his band to any good work. These are the tests by which we may judge of tie■ > ate of I -ve in our hearts, Now apply tin - t- 's ; and if you tind that they en i rich you, oh, as you have a regard for y-iur own soul, seek, as this poor negro did, the restoration of Christ's love within you. Bray that the Lord would snuff the caii'll" >f love iu v nr heart. — X. Y Ob | servrr. A W stern correspondent says: Iu a dis trict in the far west we had a gentleman b acher w s thought it advisable to give some less, us iu politeness. Among other things he told the boys in addressing a gentleman iliey should always say Sir, and guv. linun ••samples, and made quite a les -m of it. On boy was particularly de ligi d ; and took occasion to speak to bis tea. icr often, to show lie profited by his te idlings Win nhe went home to dinner his father said : " Tom, have some meat?" " Yes, sir, I thank you." The next tiling the child knew his lath er's hand came whack on iiis ear, aud his father's voice thundered forth, " I'll teach yon to sass yonr dad !" Tom gave up be ing polite. FUN, FACTS AND FAGETUS. MR. QUIBBLE, reading that " it lias been decided. in the (,'ouit of Queen's Bench, in Dublin that a cL igyinan of the Church of England can legally marry himself," observed that that might be very v< 11 as a measure of economy, but that even m tli hardest times lie should prefer t<> I marry a woman. 's lIASHFn.NE.ss soon ' - -ft' p.modesty nev.-r The fornn - onyeal-agnoHince ; th ' tt.-r rfytAs life Ay a being • second li'-ateii-mt of a fnm't la- • frftjittn's 'iwer get higher. 1 '-ii.--.,. ... LOVE is a great human impulse, Mothers' . and i hildren's love are nature's teachings. Noth ing v. ill so open a man's pores as falling in love. It make - his mouth like n tin whistle, and gotten* him do u thoroughly. "Aw ! How yau like my moustache, Hit 1 ; Laura V lisped a dandy to a merry girl. "Oh, very much. It lo As like the fuzz on the back of a caterpillar!" IN all aspects of life putty and varnish ha- something I -d • ti;- re with. In pills they are on.nip tent : and MI givnt are pills in request, that new xbsea-.'.s have to b invented to keep up with the supply. A GREEK, maid being asked what fortune she would bring In r husband, replied ; "I will bring him what gold cannot purchase a heart unspott- 1 a virtue without stain." T iii; go-id ot life consists in playing one's poor cards well. Man was created a little lower | than the ang< Is, and ho has been getting a little lower ever since. \VHT is J iio M U I is: y sTicc his retire from the- prize-ring, like Dani l Webster': Because L is the great ex-pounder. Yiiorcii young men criticize the figures of y ing ladic-s, y. t if she has S iO.OOO, they think th-- ligure about right. A I'noß dsn key. who was sent to jail for marry i; tw > wi\a s, exiusis l imsalf liy saving that win n he had one >la fought him, but when he had two they i-'Uaht eueil Otlo-l. WUK ( i oiiiplainingly - " I haven't more than a third ol tie- bet H.sbiiid (trim. L a.;y:— "That's all tin law ullows J li.' , WHEN .T man and woman are made I-IH by a i lergym&n, ii.- question is, which is tl i< out Son. tin;i • there a long struggle b -twi, i; them 1 1 ue tin-- matter is finally settled. THE man win, on account of 1 lie high prie ol sugar, atia-j.i. d t-> sweeten Lis coffee will; hi \i. s, b :-. concluded to fall hack on the •• granulated juice of the cane." V. . ng ! Of t' Lvce yon are, stupid ! Egypt is not a Nile-land, 1 ut part of a continent. ART OK 1.1-v;. A lady fold her liusband •he read the •• \rt'a Love" on purpose to be ugret-- abletoliim. "1 would rather have love without , art," replied he. A boy, v.li.i displayed it long, dangling wateli-chaiu. was asked: ••V.Tuit'-. the tiuic of day, Jim: - T.'.. I dr-w out his w tch vuy • r inoniiiusly and after exa:.-in in;; it for a while referred to an other boy, and said: "Is this the figure nine or the figure se\t n'r" S< was told that it was the figure seven. " Well, then." .--Ail tlie- genion-. "it la-'ks jnsi about half an inch of eight." I BELIEVE R- I , .MY BOIIEA !— lt is stated tli CU..ng'- p. ;onts are engaged intlietea-trc.de. If so, th--et it hrati-d giant must be a remarkably tiny special 'i of their High-son. V. HI N line,- the forms of civility arc vi< - d. there remains litll of return to kindness or decency. Ai ;t trial recently, a Cornish jury return ed ti: following verdict : "tiiiilty, with souic little doubt as to whether be is the man." "All bitters have a heating tendency off ff. ct." said a doctor to a young lady. "You will except a bitter cold morning, won't yon, doctor?" inquired the lady. A GULDEN rule lor a yi.untr lady, is to con: rse always with your female friends, as if a gentleman w ere ol the party ; and with young men, as if your female companions were present. A I'KNTII beatitude was pronounced at a public meeting in Toronto. It runs in this wise "Blessed is the man that nuiketh a short speech : he will be invited to come again A YOUNG widow, who bad married an old man, was for ever speaking of "my first husband. The second husband, at first, gi-ntly remonstrated. • 1 guess," said the young wife, pouting, "you'll want me to r. number \ .>n wlit-n you re dead and gone " A bcu-pcckcd husband declared that the longer he lived the more he was smitten. To reniovi stains from the character, get rich. THE invitation of tin- ladies—Will any body tread upon the tail of my dress? 1 I MAX wil sometimes confess her sins, but whoever km w one to confess lier faults? ha man ask you for one thousaud pounds, what would you wish : Wish he might get it. " TELI. me, where is fancy bred ?" Fancy ; bread is in the refreshment room, if it is not all, gone. Nom-i: JO.