itadfottl
Towauda, Thursday, December 7, 1865.
COXGKKSS.
The Senate met ut uoon. Monday, and was called
to order by Mr. FOSTER. President pro tem. Prayer
was offered by Rev. PI . GRAY. The credentials of
Mr. POLAND, of Vermont, elected to fill the vacancy
occasioned by the death of Senator COI.LAMEB, were
then presented, and he was sworn. Mr. 11 RIOIIT
piesented tin credentials of Mr. STOCKTON. Senator
elect from New-Jersey. A protest from members
of the New-It rsey Legislature was also presented,
which alleges that a majority of that body had not
voted for Mr. Slot TON, and that consequently he
was not elected. The protest was ordered to lie
on the table, and Mr. STOCKTON took the oath.
Sciiai r SUMNER tin n introduced several bills bear
in" on the subject of reconstruction, which were
ordered to be printed. A bill to regulate the elec
tive franchise in the District of Columbia was iu
i ioduvt dby Mr. IV APE. 'of Ohio, and ordered to be
printed. Mr. HARRIS, of New York, introduced a
bill to regulate the judiciary of the I'nit d State*,
■ hich was ordered to be printed. Mr. WILSON, ot
Massachusetts, introduced a bill to maintain the
I'lt-t dom of the inhabitants ot the State declared in
rebellion, which was ordered to be printed. Lhe
Senate then adjourned.
in the House, the Clerk of the late house pro
ceeded Monday noon to call the roll of the meiu
i.-cts , leet. When the State of Tennessee was
~iicli. Mr. MAVNARP, OI that State, desired to make
remark, but the Clerk declined to listen t to him.
On the completion of tin roll Mr. MAVNARP again
rose to speak, but the Clerk again ruled him out of
order. Mr. MORRILL, of New York, then moved
that the House proceed to the election of Speaker.
Mr. JAMES BROOKS, of New York, made a speech,
in which he characterized the omission of the
names ot the members from Tennessee as uttpre
c; dent and unjust. The House took no notice of
the subject, but under the operation of the pre
. ions question proceeded to the election of Speak
er. Hon. SCHUYLER COLI AX, of Indiana, and Hon.
■T \MF.S BROOKS, of New York, were put in nomina
tion, and the House proceeded to vote, with the
following result : For Mr. COLFAX, 139: for Mr.
BROOKS, 3">. Mr COLFAX was declared elected, and
was conducted to the chair by Messrs. MORRILL
and BROOKS, when he returned thanks for the hon
or conferred in a brief and eloquent speech. He
then took the oath of office, and afterwards ad
ministered it to the members, who were called up
by delegations. A resolution was then adopted,
d<cla ing Mr. MCPHERSOS Clerk ; Mr. ORDWAY,
Scrgeuut-at-Arnis; Mr. GOOPENOW, Doorkeeper;
mid Mr. GIVEN, Postmaster. The vote on these
t-llicers was the same as that on the Speakership.
Mr. STEVENS, of Pennsylvania, then offered a bill,
vhich had been approved in the Republican can-
us, for the appointment of a joint committee to
vxamiue antl report whether any of the late rebell
ious States are entitled to representation in Con
gress. Mr. EI.DMDOE, of Wisconsin, objected.
The rules were then suspended, and the bill intro
duced. A motion to lay the bill on the table was
negatived, and it was then passed by a vote of 12a
■ The House then adjourned.
President's Message.
Fellow citizens of the Smote end How of
Representatives :
To express gratitude to God, in the name
ol the people for the preservation of the
United States, is my first duty in address
ing you. Our thoughts next revert to the
death of the late i'resident by an act of
parricidal treason. The grief of the Na
tion is still fresh ; it finds some solace in
tin consideration that he lived to enjoy the
hi ;hest proof of its confidence by entering
i n the renewed term of the Chief Magistra
cy. to which he had been elected ; that he
brought the civil war substantially to a
close ; that his loss was deplored in all
parts of the Union : and that foreign na
tions have rendered justice to his memory.
His removal cast upon me a heavier weight
of eares than ever devolved upon any one
■•I his predecessors. To fulfill my trust 1
in ed the support and confidence of ali who
are associated with me in the various de
partments of government, and the support
.on! i otilidence of the people. There is but
•on way in which 1 can hope to gain their
necessary aid ; it is, to state with frank
ness the principles which guide my conduct
and tie ir application to the present state ol
of affairs, well aware that the efficiency of
my labors will, in a great measure, depend
<>n your and their undivided approbation,
nil NATURE OF EL'R UNION— ITS POWERS, lit'TIEH
AMI LIMITS.
Hie Union of the united States of Amer
ica was intended by its authors to last as
lung as the States themselves shall last.—
• TIIK I NION SHAM, BE PERPETUAL," are the
words (it the Confederation. "To FORM A
MORE PERFECT UNION," by an ordinance ol
tin- I cited States, is the declared purpose
ol the constitution. The hand of Divine
IT. vidence was never more plainly visible
ii: the affairs of men than in the framing
and the adopting of that instrument. It is
beyond coriipansou, the greatest event in
American history : ami indeed is it not, of
all vi nts in modern times, the most preg
nant with eon sequences fur every people ol
the earth? The members ol the conven
tion which prepared it, brought to their
work the experience of the Confederation,
of their several States, and of other repub
lican governments, old and new ; but they
needed and they obtained a wisdom superi
or to experience. And when tor its validi
ty it required the approval of a people that
occupied a large part of a Continent and
acted separately in many distinct conven
ts ns, what is more wonderful than that,
alter earnest contentions and long discus
sions, all feelings and all opinions were ul
timately drawn in one way to its support.
The constitution to which life was thus
imparted contains within itself ample re
sources for its own preservation. It lias
power to enforce the laws, punish treason,
and insure domestic tranquility. Ir. case
of the usurpation of the government of a
State by one man, or an oligarchy, it be
comes the duty ol the United States to
make good the guarantee to that State of
a republican form of government, and to
so maintain the hornogeneousuess of all.---
Does the lapse of time reveal defects ? A
simple nwdc of amendment is provided in
tl" constitution itself, so that its conditions
van always he made to conlortn to tlie re
tpiirt incuts of advancing civilization. No
loom is allowed even for the thought of a
possibility of its coming to an end. And
these powers of self-preservation have al
ways been asserted in their complete integ
by every patriotic Chief Magistrate— by
.JKKFKRSON and JACKSON not less than by
WASHINOTON and .MADISON. The parting ad
vice of the Father of Country, while yet
President, to the people of the United
States, was, that "the free constitution,
which was the work of their Lands, might
le sacredly maintained and the inaugur
al words of I'rcsideat J KKKEKSOX held
up tl< preservation of the Ccneral (Jov
eriimein, in iis constitutional vigor, as the
sheet-anchor ot our peace at home and safe
ty abroad I'he constitution is the work
ol " I lie People „t the United States," and
it should be as indestructible us the Peo
ple.
It is not strange iliat tie- trainers of the
coiisiimtion which had n model in tlie
past, should not have fully comprehended
the excellence of their own work. Fresh
from a struggle against arbitrary power,
many patriots suffered from harassing tears
of an absorption of the State Governments
by the General Government, and many from
a dread that the States would break away
from their orbits. But the very greatness
ol our country should allay the apprehen
sion of encroachments by the General Gov
ernment. The subjects that come unques
tionably within its jurisdiction are so nu
merous that it must ever naturally refuse
to be embarrassed by questions that lie be
yond it. Were it otherwise, the Executive
would sink beneath the burden ; the chan
nels of justice would be choked ; legisla
lation would be obstructed by excess ; so
that there is a greater exemption to exer
cise some of the functions of the General
Government through the States than to
trespass on their rightful sphere. " The
absolute acquiescence in the decisions ot
the majority" was, at the beginning of the
century, enforced by JEFFERSOX " as the vi
tal principle of republics," and the events
of the last four years have established, we
will hope forever, that there lies no appeal
to force
The maintenance of the Union brings
with it " the support of the State Govern
ments in all their rights but it is not one
of the rights of any State Government to
renounce its own place in the Union, or to
nullify the laws of the Union. The largest
liberty is to be maintained in the discussion
of the acts of the Federal Government ;
but there is no appeal from its laws, except
to the various branches of that Govern
ment itse f, or to the people, who grant to
the members of the Legislative and of the
Executive Departments no tenure but a
limited one, and in that manner always re
tain the power of redress."
" The soveriegnty of the States" is the
language of the Confederacy, and not the
language of the constitution. The latter
contains the emphatic words : " The cons
titution, and the laws of the United States
which shall be made in pursuance thereof,
and all treaties made, or which shall be
made, under the authority of the United
States,shall be the supreme law of the land;
and the Judges in every State shall be
bound hereby, anything in the constitution
or laws of any State to the contrary not
withstanding.
Certainly the Government of the United
States is a limited government; and so is
every State Government a limited govern
ment. With us, tiiis idea of limitation
spreads through every form of administra
tion,general,State, and municipal,and rests
on the great distinguishing principle of the
rights of man. The ancient republics ab
sorbed the individual in the State, prescri
bed his religion, and controlled his activity.
The American system rests on the asser
tion of the equal right of every man to
liie, liberty and the pursuit of happiness ;
to freedom of conscience,to the culture and
exercise of all his faculties. As a conse
quence, the State Government is limited,
as to the General Government in the inter
est of Union, as to the individual citizen
in the interest of freedom.
States, with proper limitations of power,
are essential to the existence of the Con
stitution of the United States. At the very
commencement, when we assumed a place
among the Powers of the earth,the Declara
tion of Independence was adopted by States;
so also were the Articles of Confederation ;
and when "the People of the United States"
ordained and established the constitution,
it was the assent of the States, one by one,
which gave it vitality. In the event, too,
of any ameidineut, to the constitution, the
proposition of Congress needs the confir
mation of States. Without States, one
great branch of the legislative government
would be wanting. And, it we look beyond
tin letter of the constitution to the charac
ter of our country, its capac'ty for compre
hending within its jurisdiction a vast conti
nental empire is due to the system of States.
The best security for the perpetual exis
tence of the States is the "supreme author
ity" of the constitution of the United
States The perpetuity of the constitution
brings with it the perpetuity of the States ;
their mutual relation makes us what we
are, and in our political system their con
nection is indissoluble. The whole cannot
exist without the parts, nor the parts with
out the whole. So long as the Constitu
tion of the United States endures, the States
will endure ; the destruction of the one is
the destruction of the other; the preserva
tion of the one is the preservation of the
other.
I have thus explained my views of the
mutual relations of the constitution and
the States, because they unfold the princi
ples on which I have sought to solve the
momentuous questions and overcome the
appalling difficulties that met me at the
very commencement of my administration.
It has been my steadfast object to escape
from the sway of momentary passions, and
to derive a healing policy from the funda
mental and unchanging principles of the
constitution.
1 found the States suffering from the ef
fects of a civil war. Resistance to the Gen
eral Government appeared to have exhaust
ed itself. The United States had recovered
possession of their forts and arsenals ; and
their armies were in the occupation of
every State which had attempted to secede.
Whether the territory within th ■ limits of
those States should be held as conquered
territory, under military authority emanat
ing from the Peesident as the head of the
Army, was the first question that presented
itself for decision
MILITARY GOVEXMENT.
i Now, military governments, established
; for an indefinite period, would have offered
; no security for the early suppression of dis
j content ; would have divided the people
j into the vanquishers and the vanquished ;
; and would have envenomed hatred, rather
than have restored affection. Once cstab
, lishcd, no precise limit to their continuance
i was conceivable. They would have occa
i sioned an incalculable and exhausting ex
; pensc. Peaceful emigration to and from
. that portion of the country is one of the
! best means that can be thought of for the
• restoration of harmony ; and that emigra
tion would have been prevented ; for what
I emigrant from abroad, what industrious
t citizen at home,would place himself williLg
,ly under military rule? The chief persons
, who would have followed in the train of
the army would have been dependents on
the General Government, or men who ex
pected profit from the miseries of their er
ring fellow-citizens. The powers of patron
age and rule which would have been exeer
| cist-d, under the President, over a vast, and
populous, and naturally wealthy region,are j
greater than, unless under extreme neces-1
sity, I should be willing to intrust to any
one man ; they are such as for myself I j
could never, unless on occasions of great ;
emergency, consent to exercise. The will
ful use ot such powers, it continued thro' \
a period ot years, would have endangered 1
the purity ot the General Administration
and the liberties of the States which re- \
tnaiued loyal.
Besides, the policy of military rule over
a conquered territory weuld have implied
that the States whose inhabitants may have
taken part in the rebellion had, by the acts
of those inhabitants, ceased to exist. But j
the true theory is, that all pretended acts !
of secession were, from the beginning, null
and void. The States cannot commit treas-
on, uor screen the individual citizens wli<>
may have committed treason.any more than
they can make valid treaties, or engage in
lawful commerce with any foreign power.
The States attempting to secede placed
themselves in a condition where their vital
ity was impaired, but not extinguished—
their functions suspended, but not desloy
ed.
But if any State neglects or refuses to
perform its offices, there is the more need
that the General Government should main
tain all its authority, and, as soon as prac
ticable, resume the exercise of all its funct
ions. On this principle 1 have acted, and
have gradually and quietly, and by almost
imperceptible steps, sought to restore the
rightful energy of the General Government
and of the States. To that end, Provision
al Governors have been appointed for the
States, conventions called, Governors elect
ed, Legislatures assembled, and Senators
and Representatives chosen to the Congress
of the United States. At the same time,
the courts of the United States, as far as
could be done, have been reopened, so that
the laws of the United States may be en
forced through their agency. The blockade
has been removed and the custom-houses
re-established in ports of entry, so that the
revenue of the United States may be col
lected. The Post-office Department renews
its ceaseless activity, and the General Gov
ernment is thereby enabled to communicate
promptly with its officers and agents. The
courts bring security to persons and prop
erty ; the opening of the ports invites the
restoration of industry and commerce ; the
post-office renews the facilities of social in
tercourse and of business. And is it not
happy for us all, that the restoration of
each one of these functions of the General
Government brings with it a blessing to
the States over which they are extended ?
it is not a sure promise of harmony and re
hewed attachment to the Union that, after
all that has happened, the return of the
General Government is known only as a
beneficence?
I know very well that this policy is at
tended with "some risk ; that tor its success
it requires at least the acquiescence of tin;
States which it concerns ; that it implies
an invitation to those States, by renewing
their allegiance to the United States, to re
sume tneir functions as States of the Union.
Hut it is a risk that must be taken : in the
choice of difficulties, it istho smallest risk;
and to diminish, and, if possible, to remove
all danger, I have lelt it incumbent on me
to assert one other power of the General
Government —the power of pardon. As no
State can throw a defence over the crime
of treason, the power of pardon is exclu
sively vested in tin' Executive Government
of the United States. In excercisirig that
power, I have taken every precaution to
connect it with the clearest recognition of
the binding force of the laws of the United
States, and an unqualified acknowledgment
of the great social change of condition in
regard to slavery which lias grown out of
the war.
THE N'EKL) OF JIITL'AL. CON< ESSIONS MEASURES
FOR RECONSTRUCTION.
The next step which I have taken to re
store the constitutional relations of the
States, has been an invitation to thein to
participate ir; the high office of amending
the constitution. Every patriot must wish
for a general amnesty at the earliest epoch
consistent with public safety. For this
great end there is need of a concurrence of
all opinions, and the spirit of mutual con
ciliation. All parties in the iate terrible
conflict must work together in harmony
Is it not too much to a*k, in the name of
the whole people, that, on the one side, the
plan of restoration shall proceed in confor
mity with a willingness to cast the elisor
ders of the past into oblivion ; and that, on
the other, the evidence of sincerity in the
future maintenance of the Union shall be
put beyond any doubt by the ratification of
the proposed amendment to the constitu
tion, which provided tor the abolition of
slavery forever within'the limits of our
country. So long as the adoption of this
amendment is delayed, so long will doubt,
and] jealousy, and uncertainty prevail.
This is the measure which will i llace the
sad memory of the past ; this is the meas
ure which will most certainly call popula
tion, and capital, and security, to those
parts of the Union that need them most,
indeed, it is not too much to ask the States
which are now resuming their places in the
family of the Union to give this pledge of
perpetual loyalty and peace. Until ii is
done, the past, however much wo may de
sire it, will not be forgotten The adop
tion of the amendment reunites us beyond
all power of disruption. It heals the wound
that is stili imperfectly closed ; it removes
slavery, the element which lias so long per
plexed anil divided the country ; ii makes
of us once more a united people, renewed
and strengthened, bound more than ever to
mutual affection and support.
The amendment to the constitution being
adopted, it would remain for the States,
whose powers have been so long in abey
ance, to resume t'leir places in the two
branches of the National Legislature, and
thereby complete the work of restoration
Here* it is for you, fellow citizens of the
Senate, and for you, fellow-citizens of tin*
House of Representatives, to judge each •>!'
you for yourselves, of the elections, re
turns, and qualification of your own mem
bers.
The full assertion of the powers of the
General Government r 'quires the holding
of Circuit Courts of the United States with
in the districts where their authority lias
been interrupted. In the present posture
of our public affairs, strong objections have
been urged to holding these courts in au\
of the States wiie, l' the rebellion has exis
ted ; audit was . -eertiiiqed, by inquiry,
| that the Circe.. Courts of the 1 ui'ied States
i would not be held within the District of
! Virginia during the Autumn or early Win
' tor, nor until Congress should have " an
' opportunity to consider and act on the
| whole subject." To your deliberations the
j restoration of this branch ot the civil au
; thority of the United States is therefore
' necessarily referred, with the hope Mat
early provisions will be made f< .r the re
sumption ol all its functions. It is mani
fest that treason, most flagrant in charac
ter, has been committed. Persons who are
charged with its commission should have
fair and impartial trials in the highest civil
tribunals of the country, in order that the
constitution and the laws may be fully vin
dicated ; the truth clearly established and
affirmed that treason is a crime, that trai
tors should be punished and tic offence
made infamous ; and, at the same time,
that the question may be judicially sett
led, finally and forever, that no State of its
own will has the right to renounce its
place in the Union.
THE FREEDMEX AND THEIR RELATIONS WITH THE
GOVERNMENT -QIEBTIOX OF ALLOWING THEM
TO VOTE.
I he relations of the General Government
toward the four millions of inhabitants
whom the war lias called into freedom,
have engaged my most serious considera
tion. On the propriety of attempting to
make the frecdmeu electors by the procla
mation of the Executive. 1 took for my
counsel the constitution itself, the inter* |
pretations of that iiiHtrimient by its authors
an<l their cotetnporaries, ami recent legis
lation by Congress. When, at the first j
movement toward independence, the Con- j
gressol'the United States instructed the 1
several States to institute governments of
their own, they left each State to decide? i
for itself the conditions for the enjoyment i
of the elective Irauchise. During the pe
riod of the Confederacy, there continued to
exist a very great diversity in the qtialili-1
cations of electors in the several States ;
and even within it State it distraction ol
qualification prevailed with regard to the
officers who were to be chosen. The Con
stitution of the I nited States recognizees
these diversities when it enjoins that, in
the choice of members of the House of Rep
resentatives of the United States, "the
i lectors in each State shall have the quali
fications requisite for electors of the most
numerous branch of the State Legislature."
After the formation of the Constitution, it
remained, as before, the uniform usage for
each State to enlarge the body <>t its elec
tors. according t<> itxnwn judgment : and,
under this system, one State after another
has proceeded to increase the number of
its electors, until now universal suffrage,
or something very near it, is the general
rule. So fixed was this reservation of
power in the habits of the people, and so
unquestioned has been the interpretation of
the constitution, that during the civil war
the late President never harbored the pur
pose—certainly never avowed the purpose
—of disregarding it ; ami in the acts of
Congress, dining that period, nothing can
be found which, during flic continuance ol
hostilities, much less after their close,
would have sanctioned any departure by
the Executive from a policy which has so
uniformly obtained. Moreover,* a conces
sion of the elective franchise to the freed
nien, l>y act of the President of the I nited
States, must have been extended to all
colored men, wherever found, and so must
have established a change of suffrage in
the Northern, Middle and Western States,
not less than in the Southern and South
western. Such an act would have created
a new class of voters, and would have been
an assumption of power by the President
which nothing in the constitution or laws
of the United States would have warranted.
On the other hand, every danger of con
flict is avoided when the settlement of the
question is referred to the several States.
They can, each for itself, decide on the
measure, and whether it is to lie adopted at
once and absolutely, or introduced grad
ually and with conditions. in my judg
ment, the freedmen, if they show patience
and manly virtues, will sooner obtain a
participation in the elective franchise
through the States than through the Gen
eral Government, even if it had power to
intervene. When the tumult of emotions
that have been raised by the suddenness of
the social eh nge shall have subsided, it
may prove that they will receive the kind
liest usage from some of those on whom
they have heretofore most closolv depen
: ded.
Hut while 1 have no doubt that now, af
ter the close of the war, it is not compe
tent for tiie General Government to extend
tie-' elective franchise in tne several States,
it is equally clear that good faith requires
the security of the freedmen in their liberty
and their property, their right to labor, and
their l ight to claim the just return of their
labor, i cannot too strongly urg a dispas
sionate treatment of this subject, which
should be carefully kept aloof from all par
ly strife. We must equally avoid hasty
assumptions of any natural impossibility
for the two races to live side by side in a
state of mutual benefit and good will. The
experiment involves us in no inconsistency;
let us. then, go on and make that experi
ment in good faith, and not be too easily
disbeaitoned. The country is in need of
labor, and the freedmen are in need of em
ployment. culture, and protection. While
their right of voluntary migration and ex
patriation is not to be questioned, J would
not advise theii forced removal and colon
ization. as rather encourage them to
honorable and useful industry, where it
may be beneficial to themselves and to the
country : and, instead of h.isiv anticipa
tions of the ct rtaiuty of failure, iet there be
nothing' wanting to the Fair trial of the ex
periment. The change in their condition is
the substitution of labor by contract for
tiie status of slavery. The ireedman can
not fairly be accused of unwillingness to
work, so loug as a doubt remains about bis
freedom of choice in his pursuits, and the
certainty of his recovering his stipulated
wages. In this the interest of the employer
and tiie employed coincide. The employer
desires in iiis workmen spirit and alacrity,
and these can be permanently secured in no
other way. And if the one ought to be
able to enforce the contract, so ought the
other. The public interest will be best
promoted H the several States will provide
adequate protection and remedies for the
frccdmeu. 1 util this is in some way ac
complished, there is no chance for the ad
vantageous use of their labor : and the
blame of ill-success will not rest on them.
I know that sincere philanthropy is eat'
nest for the immediate realization of its re
motest aims ; but time is always an ele
ment in reform. It is one of the greatest acts
on record to have brought four millions of
people into i'reedom. The career of free in
dustry must be fairly opened to them ; and
then their future prosperity and condition,
must, after all, rest mainly on themselves.
If they fail, and so perish away, let us he
careful that the failure shall not be attrib
utable to ano denial of justice. In all that
relates to the destiny of the freedmen, we
need not be too anxious to read the future ;
many incidents which, from a speculative
point of view, might raise alarm, will quiet
ly settle themselves.
Now that slavery is at an end,or near its
end, the greatness of its evil, in the point
<;f view of public economy, becomes more
and more apparent SJaverv was essen
tially a monopoly ui labor, and as uch
locked the .States where ii prevailed against
the incoming of free industry Where la
bor was the property of capitalists, the
white man was excluded from employment,
or had but the second best chance of (hid
ing ii ; anu the foreign emigrant turned
away from the region where his condition
would be so precarious. With the destruc
tion of the monopoly, fret labor will hasten
from all parts id the civilized world t<> as
sist in developing various and immeasura
ble resources which have hitherto lain dor
mant. The eight or nine States nearest
the Gulf of Mexico have a soil of exuber
ant fertility, a climate friendly to long life,
and can sustain a denser population than
is found as yet in any part of our country.
And the future influx of population to them
will he mainly from the North, or from the
most cultivated nations in Europe. From
sufferings that have attended them during
our late struggle, let me look away to the 1
future, which is sure to be laden for them
with greater prosperity than lias ever be
fore been known. The removal of the mo
nopoly of slave labor is a pledge that those
regions will be peopled by a numerous and
enterprising population, which will vie
with any in the 1 nion in compactness, in
ventive genius, wealth and industry.
Our government springs from and was '
made for the people —not the people for the
government. To them it owes allegiance,
from them it must derive its courage,
strength and wisdom. Rut while the? gov
eminent is thus bound to defer to the pe<>-
pie, from whom it derives its existence, it
should, from the very consideration of its
origin, be strong in its power of resistance
to the establishment of inequalities. Mo
nopolies, perpetuities and class legislation
are contrary to the genius of free govern
ment, and ought not to be allowed. Here,
there is no room for favored classes or mo
nopolies ; the principle of our government
is that of equal laws and freedom of indus
try. Wherever monopoly attains a foot
hold, it is sure to to? a source of danger,
discord and trouble. We shall but fulfill
our duties as legislators by according
" equal and exact justice to all men," spec
ial privileges to none. The government is
subordinate to tin? people ; but, as the
agent and representative of the people, it
must be held superior to monopolies,which,
in themselves, ought never to be granted,
and which, where they exist, must be sub
ordinate atid yield fo the government.
TRADE BETWEEN THE STATES.
The constitution confers on Congress the
right to regulate commerce among the sev
eral States. It is of the first necessity, for
the maintenance of the Union, that com
merce should he free and unobstructed. No
j State can be justified in any device to tax
the transit of travel and commerce between
i States. The position of many States is
such that, if they were allowed to take ad
vantage of it for purposes of local revenue,
the commerce between States might be in
juriously burdened, or even virtually pro*
i hibited. It is best, while the country is
j still young, and while the tendency to
i dangerous monopolies of this kind is still
! feeble, to use the power of Congress so as
jto pr vent any selfish impediment to the
free circulation of men and merchandise. A
tax on travel and merchandise, iu their
transit, constitutes one of the worst forms
of monopoly, and tin* evil is increased if
; coupled with a denial of the choice of route.
When the vast extent of our country is con
sidered, it is plain that every obstacle to
the free circulation of commerce be
tween the States ought to be sternly guar
i ded against by appropriate legislation,
within the limits of the constitution.
DEPARTMENT OE THE INTERIOR.
The report of the Secretary of the Interi
or explains the condition of the public lands,
the transactions of the Patent Office and
th Pension Bureau, the management of
i our Indian affairs, the progress made in
! the construction of the Pacific Railroad
j and furnishes information in reference to
matters of local interest in the District of
Columbia. It also presents evidence of the
successful operations of the Homestead
Act. under the provisions of which 1,160,-
533 acres of the public lands were entered
during the last fiscal year—more than one
fourth of the whole number of acres sold or
I otherwise disposed of during that period.
| It is estimated that the receipts derived
from this source are sufficient to cover the
! expenses incident to the survey and dis
i posal of lands entered under this act, and
that payments in cash to the extent of from
forty to filly per cent, will be made by set
tlers. who may thus at any time acquire
title before the expiration of the period at
which it would otherwise vest. The home
j stead policy was established only after
| long and earnest resistance ; experience
i proves its wisdom. The lands, in the hands
j of industrious settlers, whose labor creates
i wealth and contributes to the public re
-1 sources, are. worth more to the United
j States than if they had been reserved as a
J solitude for future purchasers.
PENSIONS.
The lamentable events of the last four
years, and the sacrifi es made by the gal
) hint men of our army and navy, have swel
led the records of the Pension Bureau to an
! unprecedented extent. On the 30th day of
.June last, the total number of pensioners
was 85,986, requiring for their annual pay,
exclusive of expenses, the sum of $8,023,-
445. The number of applications that have
been allowed since that date will require a
large increase of this amount for the next
fiscal year The means for the payment of
the stipends due, under existing laws, to
i our disabled soldiers and sailors, and to the
families of .-uch as have perished in the
service of the country, will no doubt be
cheerfully and promptly granted. A grate-
I ful people will not hesitate to sanction any
measures having for their object the relief
of soldiers mutilated and families made fa
therless in the efforts to preserve our na
i tional existence.
THE POST-OFFICE DEI'ARTMEXT.
! The report of the Postmaster-General
presents an encouraging exhibit of the op
perations of the Post-office Department dur
ing the year. The revenue of the past year
from the loyal States alone exceed the max
imum annual receipts from| all the States
previous to the rebellion, in the sum of $6-
; 03m,091 ; and the annual average increase
of revenue during the last four years, com
pared with the revenues of the four years
immediately preceding the rebellion, was
I 83,533,845. The revenue of the last fiscal
year amounted to $14,546,158, and the ex
penditures to $13,694,728,1eaving a surplus
of receipts over expenditures of $861,430.
Progress has been made in restoring the
postal service in the Southern States. The
views presented by the Postmaster-General
against the policy of granting subsidies to
ocean mail steamship lines upon establish
ed routes, and in favor of continuing the
present system, which limits the compensa
tion for ocean service to the postage earn
! ings, are recommended to the careful con
! sideration of Congress.
THE NAVV.
i it appears, from the report of the Secre
tary of the Navy, that while, at the com
mencement of the present year, there were
i in commission 530 vessels of all classes and
descriptions, armed with 3,000 guns and
manned by 51,000 men, the number of ves
sets at present in commission is 117, with
830 guns and 12,118 men. By this prompt
reduction <>i the naval forces the expenses
• ot the government have been largely dimin
ished, and a number of vessels, purchased
tor naval purposes from the merchant mar
ine, have been returned to the peaceful pur
suits of commerce. Since the suppression
ot active hostilities our foreign squadrons
have been re-established,and consist of ves
sels much more efficient than those employ
ed <•?! similar service previous to the rebel
lion '! he suggestion for the enlargement
ot the navy-yards, and especially for the
establishment ot one in fresh water for
iron-clad vessels, is deserving of consider
ati-n, a-; n; also the recommendation for a
different location and more ample grounds
lor the Naval Academy.
riEI'ARTMENT OK WAR.
In the report fit' the Secretary of War, a
general summary is given of the military
campaigns of 1864 and 1865, ending to the
suppression of armed resistance in the na
tional authority in the insurgent States.—
The operations of the general administrative
bureaus of the War l>epaitment during the
past yeai are detailed, and an estimate
made of the appropriations that will he re
quired for military purposes in the fiscal
year commencing the 30th day of June,
1866. The national military force, on the
Ist of May, 1 865, numbered 1,000,516 men.
It is proposed to reduce the military estab
lishment to a peace footing, comprehending
50,000 troops of all arms, organized so as
i to admit of an enlargement by tilling up the
• ranks to 82,000, if the circumstances of the
! country should require an augmentation ol
the army. The volunteer force has already
been reduced by the discharge from service
' of over 800,000 troops, and the department
is proceeding rapidly in the work of further
reduction. The war estimates are reduced
from $510,200,131 to $33,814,401, which
amount, in the opinion of the department,
' is adequate fur a peace establishment. Ihe
! measures of retrenchment in each bureau
and branch of the service exhibit a diligent
; economy worthy of commendation. Refcr
; encc is also made in the report to the ueces
sity of providing for a uniform militia sys
j tem, and to the propriety of making suit
able provision for wounded and disabled
! officers and soldiers.
OCR REVENGE SYSTEM
The revenue system of the country is a j
subject of vital interest to its honor and
prosperity, and should command the earnest
consideration of Congress. The Secretary
of the Treasury will lay before you a full
and detailed report of the receipts and dis
bursements of the last fiscal year, of the
first quarter of the present fiscal year, of j
the probable receipts and expenditures for ;
the other three quarters, and the estimates
for the year following the 30th of Juiie,lß66. !
I might content myself with a reference to j
that report, in which you will liud all the |
information Yeqnired for your deliberations ;
and decision. But the paramount inipor-1
tance of the subject so presses itself on my j
own mind, that I cannot but lay before you j
my views of the measures which are re- j
quired for the good character, and, I might
almost say, for the existence of this people.,
The life of a republic lies certainly in the
energy, virtue and intelligence of its citi
zens ; but it is equally true that a good
revenue system is the life of an organized
government. 1 meet you at a time when .
the nation has voluntarily burdened itself j
with a debt unprecedented in our annals.
Vast as is its % amount, it fades away into
nothing when compared with the countless
blessings that will be conferred upon our
country and upon man by the preservation j
of the "nation's life. Now, on the first oe- i
casion of the meeting of Congress since the
return of peace, it is of the utmost iinpor-;
tance to inaugurate a just policy, which
shall commend itself to those who come af
ter us for its continuance. We must aim
at nothing less than the complete efface- i
ment of the financial evils that necessarily
follow a state of civil war. e must en
deavor to apply the earliest remedy to the
deranged state of the currency, and not
! shrink from devising a policy which, with
! out being oppressive to the people, shall
immediately begin to effect a reduction of
the debt, and, if persisted in, discharge it
1 fully within a definitely fixed number of
years.
THE NATIONAL CI RRENCV.
It is our first duty to prepare in earnest
i for our recovery from the ever-increasing
; evils of a irredeemable currency, without a
| sudden revulsion, and yet without untime
'ly procrastination. For the end we must,
! each in his respective positions, prepare
1 the way. I hold it the duty of the Execu
| tive to insist upon frugality m the expen
i ditures ; and a sparing economy is itself a
1 great national resource. Of the banks to
which authority has been given to issue
i notes secured by bonds of the United States
i we may require the greatest moderation
I and prudence, and the law must be rigidly
I enforced when its limits are exceeded. We
j may, each one of us, counsel our active
and enterprising countrymen to be con
; stantly on their guard, to liquidate debts
: contracted in a paper currency, and, by
! conducting business as nearly as possible on
* a system of cash payments or short credits,
i to hold themselves prepared to return to
the standard of gold and silver. To aid
; our fellow-citizens in the prudent manage
ment of their monetary affairs, the duty
devolves on us to diminish by law the
amount of paper money now iu circulation.
! Five years ago the bank-note circulation of
the country amounted to not much more
! than two hundred millions ; now the circu
| lation, bank and national, exceeds seven
hundred millions The simple statement of
the fact recommends more strongly than
! any words of mine could do, the necessity
' of our restraining that expansion. The grad
! nal reduction of the currency is the only
measure that can save the business of the
! country from disastrous calamities ; and
' this can be almost inperceptibly accom
-1 plished by gradually funding the national
circulation in securities that may be made
- redeemable at the pleasure of the govern
ment
Af.RKTLTI'KK.
The Department of Agriculture, under
its present direction, is accomplishing
! much in developing and utilizing the vast
! agricultural capabilities of the country,
! and for information respecting the details
| of its management reference is made to
! the annual report of the Commissioner.
GENERAL VIEW Of DOMESTIC AFFAIRS.
1 have dwelt thus fully on our domestic
affairs because of their transcendent im
portance. Under any circumstances, our
| great extent of territory aud variety of
; climate, producing almost everything that
is necessary for the wants, and even the
: comforts of man, make us singularly inde
pendent ol the varying policy oi foreign
powers, and protect us against every
| temptation to "entangling alliances, while
at the present moment the reestablishment
' of harmony, and the strength that comes
i from haruiouy, will be our best security
against "nations who feel power aud for
| get right." For myself, it has been and it
; will be my constant aim to promote peace
and amity with all foreign nations and
| powers ; and I have every reason to be
i lieve that they all, without exception, are
animated by the same disposition. Our
relations with the Emperor of China, so re
j cent hi their origin, are most friendly.—
! Our commerce with his dominions is rc
; ceiviug new developments, and it is very
pleasing to find that the government of
that great empire manifests satisfaction
( with our policy, aud reposes just confidence
in the lairuess, which marks our inter
! course. The unbroken harmony between
the United States aud the Empire of Russia
is receiving a new support from an enter
prise designed to carry telegraphic lines
; across the continent of Asia, through his
' dominions, and so to connect us with all
Europe by a new channel of intercourse.
Our commerce with South America is about
to receive encouragement by a direct line
lof mail steamships to the rising Empire of
Jirazil. The distinguished party of men of
science who have recently left our country
to make a scientific exploration of the nat
ural history and rivers and mountain ran
ges of that region, have received from the
| Emperor that generous welcome which was
to have been expected from his constaut
friendship for the United States, and his
| well-known zeal in promoting the advance
ment of knowledge. A hope is entertained
that our commerce with the rich and popu
lous countries that border the Mediterra
nean sea may be largely increased. Noth
ing will be wanting, on the part of this
government, to extend the protection of
our Hag over the enterprise of our fellow-
citizens. We receive from tl,. p „
that region assurances of
it is worthy of note that a rpe<,, i; ■
has hi ought us messages of coii'l- i,,''
the death of our late Chief Magistrate i 1
the J>ey of Tunis, whose rule im lmi.
old dominions of Carthage, on i)„.
coast.
the i ciu.n i4.nr.
Our debt is doubly secure—li,>>
actual wealth and Htiil greater umlev
resources of the country ; imi i., v , ; '*
character of our institutions. jj )t .
intelligent observers among p.,bp
ornists have not failed to remark j til ,
public debt of a country is sate m j.
tion as its people are lree ; that tin
of a republic is the safest of all (j,,.
Tory confirms and establishes the
and is, 1 firmly believe, destined t ,
a still more signal illustration. Tin '
of this superiority springs not mei(.i\
the fact tiiat in a republic the nab > ,
ligations are distributed more v.
through countless numbers in ali L -| a ,
of society ; it has its loot in tin eiia,
of our laws. Here all men coiitribiu,
the public welfare, and hear their lair v
of the public burdens. During „
under the impulses of patriotism, th>-
of the great body of the people, w ■
regard to their own comparative w• - •
wealth, thronged to our armies and
our fleets of war, and held thenim-lvi. ~
to offer their lives for the public jr.
Now, in their turn, the property t M n
of the countay sfiould bear their j i-;
portion of the burden of taxatio; w.
our impost system, through m< an- ~}
increased vitality is incidental!)
to all the industrial interests of I ■
the duties should he so adjusted
most heavily on articles of luxury. • j
the necessaries of life as free lrut . •
as the absolute wants of the govcrni;.
economically administered, will :,t:
No favored class should demand ii
from assessment, and the taxes si
so distributed as not to lull unduly
poor, but rather on the accumulated v. ,
of the country. We should look a*
national debt just as it is—not as a c •
ul blessing, but as a heavy burden
industry of the country, to be di- i,
without unnecessary delay.
TREASURY affairs.
It is estimated by the Secret.cy
Treasury that the expendituo s |'
fiscal year ending the 30th of June. ]v
will exceed the receipts 5112,1 ''l d;
is gratifying, however, to siat<- i u
! also estimated that the revenue
; year ending trie 30th of June, 1 s"
1 exceed the expenditures in tl ■ ;,
! slll, 082,815. This amount, i -
, as may tie deemed sufficient fi-i
pose, may be applied to th • red
j the public debt, which, on lie. :jl-t
, October, 1805, was $2,740,*51,7,
; reduction will diminish the t ; k k
jof interest to he paid, and s i . i.Lr,
j means of still further reduction
! whole shall be liquidated, viul t1,;.,
| be seen from the estimates "f the
! of the Treasury, may be ace nq
| annual payments even within a |n
1 exceeding thirty years. I hav.
; we shall a 1 this within a . -
time ; that, as we have amazed w
I by the sujipression of a civi! war w
: was thought to be beyond lie :
' any government, so we shall < yial . -
| the superiority of our instituii, ..•>
prompt and faithful disehargi
i tioual obligations.
GREAT BRITAIN AND THE liEl ].r AC.
Our domestic contest, now L.qqoh <
j left some traces in our relations witi a. ,
jof the great maritime Power-. Th- i :
l cordance of belligerent rights t<. the sr.-
' States was unprecedented, and h is n
' fied by the issue. But in the sysr-:
j ty pursued by the powers that in :• tk.t
1 sion. there was a marked differen , TLt ...
alsof war for the insurgent States vwr- :
j in a great measure, from the workshops : !
'Britain; and British ships, manu .1 ly k
j subjects, and prepared for n - ivii: _• 1
j nients, sailed from th. ports ot Great lr :
Ito make war on American com in. r m. i .
shelter of a commission from the ii.-u v
| These ships, having once eseap. ,1 t '
: ports, ever altcrward entered th.-L in '
| the world, to relit, and so to rem w tL ir .
tions. The consequences of this In '
' most disastrous to the s:,itc> then in i i
i creasing their desolation and i...--n ,-yt:.
i longation of our civil contest. It L-id. :
I the effect, to a grent extent, to drr. '• 1
I flag from the 50.., and to travel.. ■
I shipping aiuf our commerce t t! '
! whose subjects had created the ne< —it. !
i a change. These events took placi 'll -n i'
j called to the administration of i!h _
i The sincere desire for peace by wL . L 1
ted led me to approve tht projvs.i
to submit the questions which L . 1 tl.
I tweon the countries to arbitration. T. -
I tions are of such moment that they
J commanded the attention of the great lVu-r-
I are so interwoven with the peace and .
| every one of them as to have insured . u ...
j deci ion. I regret to inform you that a
I tuin declined the arbitrament but ;
hand, invited us to mutual claim- hi •
1 countries, fr-m which those for t!.- depnai'J
I before menfioned should be cxdn ; '■
i osition, in thai very unsatisfactory form, h -
i declined.
The United States did not present ti
! an impeachment of the good faith
' which w as professing the most in
i but as involving questions of publ:
| the settlement is essential to the p.
and, though pecuniary reparation totMrn,
I citizens would Lave followed incidt ntall) u••
I cision against Great Britain. a i>-
j was not their primary object. They : a■>
j motive, and it was in the interests •' p<
j justice to establish important prineipit
| national law. The eorrespomb u wi . ■
i before you. The ground on which the I'm' -
1 ter rests his justification is substantially- •'
j municipal law of a nation, an tht die,,
. pretations of that law, arc the uhasiha ol
! as a neutral : and 1 teel bound to deci ,o •
; ion, before you and before the w aid, th '■
i titication cannot be sustained bef i
jof nations. At tae saint time I do not •
, any present attempt at redress by . is
• tion. I'or'the future, friendship la twet:
1 countries must rest on the basis ifm ,i ;
INFLUENCE OF DEMOCRATIt GoM.IINJU'M
j From the moment of the estalilishuii r.t • i
i free constitution, the civilized world has
! vnlsed by revolutions in the interest of d (1: -
ior of monarchy ; but through all those ft u ■
i the United State s have wisely and Is.'Uily
, to become propagandists of republic. io-' :
: the only government suited to our
j we have never sought to impose it on ot:u>>
:we have consistently followed the advi e.t )•
! isi.TON, to recommend it oidy by th rii
i ervation and prudent use of the "hies
, ali the intervening period tin policy i 1 ■
j l'ow ers and of the United ttat- - , is, .-u f
been Twiee'.ii d ■ I , "
of some parts of Ame rica, m the it'teris!
arehv, have prevailed ; twice n.y pri • ' --
hael occasion to announce the vn a - of tlu
liu respect to such mtcrten uce. On Is th.
the remonstranee of the United Suite-, w.; ! y.-
eti, from a deep conviction, on the pan e* J
I>ean Governments, that the system ol '•
terence and mutual abstinence' from prop
was the true rule for the two hemisphere-- - v
those times we have advanced in wea.tli aU'l i
or ; but we retain the same purp, - t• ■ lV
nations of Europe to choose their ow. 'y-j
--and form their own systems of govern! • 1
consistent moderation may justly deiuaud
responding moderation. We should regard ■■ •
great calamity to ourselves, to th. cause • ■ >
government, and to the peace of the
any Europi-an Power challenge the Aua-i: '•
pie, Its it WeJe, to the dtft lice ol i jo
against foreign interference. We cauuet
and are unwilling to consider what pp
might present themselves, what
might offer to protect ourselves a-, un-t
imleal to our form of government, th' ;
States desire to act in the future as In y
acted heretofore ; they uevi r will b, do
that course tint bv the aggression e.i I
Powers ; and we rely on the wisdom an lj ii_ '
those Powers to respect the system ot :i - '
ferenei which hits so long been sanction .
and which, by its good results, h is nppi
to vOth continents.
FRANCE.
The correspondence between the ' *