TL | E OJLLAR PER ANNUM INVARIABLY IN ADVANCE,
TOWANDA :
Thursday Morning, August 14,18f2.
glutei) spoctrg.
OUR COUNTRY'S CALL.
1Y WILLIAM CULL EM BRYANT.
Uy down the axe ; fliux by tho spade ;
Leave in its track the toiliug plow ;
Tbc rifle nnd the bayonet blade
For arms like yours were fitter now ;
And let th bauds that ply the pen
Qu t the < ght ta-k. aud learn to wield
The horseman's crooked brand, and rem
Tbe charger on the battle Held.
Our country call >! a fay ! away !
To whero blood stream blots the green.
Strike to defend the gentlest sway,
That time iu all his course has seen,
gee from athousauds coverts—see,
Spiiug the armed foes that haunt her track I
They rush to smite her dowu, AND WA
MUST BEAT TUB BRANDED TRAITORS BACK.
Ho'. sturdy a;. f>e oak ye cleave,
And moved as soon to tear aad flight—
ileu oi th.- glade and forest! leave
y o ur woodcraft lor the field of tight.
The arms that wield the axe mut pour
An iron tempest on the toe ;
His serried ranks shall reel before
Tue arm that lays the panther low.
Aud ye who breast the mountain storm
Bv grassy steep or highland lake,
Cuine. foi the land ye love, to form
A bulwark that no loe can break,
bland, like your own grey cliff- that mock
The whirlwind, stand to her deleacc ;
The blast as soon shall move the rock,
And rushing squadrons bear you hence.
And ye whose homes arc by her grand
Swift rivers, ri-iug tar a*av,
Come from the depth of her green land
As mighty in your itiaich as tht-y ;
A* terrible as when the rains
Have swelled them over bank and bourne,
With sudden floods to drown the ph as,
Aud swee i along the woods upturn.
And ye who throng beside the deep,
Her ports aud hamlets of the stand,
Iu uuinber like the waves that leap
On his long murmuring marge of sand ;
Come, like that deep, when o'er his brim,
He rises, all his floods to pour,
And flings the proudest harks that swim
A helpless wreck against the shore.
I'ew, few were tliey whose swords of old.
Won the lair land in which we dwell ;
But we are many, we who bold
The grim resolve to guard it well.
Btrike for that bioad and goodly land,
I>! or alter blow, till mctt tit a 11 sea
That Mtour and UIOIIT move band in hand,
Aud glori JUS must the triumph be.
political.
Speech of Colonel John W. Forney,
DELIVERED AT LANCASTER, AUU. 2, lsG2.
The resobitions being adopted, Co'. John
V. Forney was introduced to the meeiing and
received with tremendous applause. Get-aid:
OLD FKIEN'DS AND BELLOW CITIZENS: li
fives me sincere gratification to appear before
yon on this impressive occasion However
the circumstances hv which we are surrounded
R.-ty sadden our hearts, it is cheering to one
like myself, who has been buff.ted by the
varying winds of fortune, to come buck to his
<dii stamping ground and lie welcomed by such
n demonstration as this. The spot whereon I
stand is filled with peculiarly pleasant ussocia
tions to uie. In this very neighborhood I be
gin lite as a printer bov, and within tiie cir
niinference of five or .six hundred yards I pub
lished two newspapers, advocating certain de
fiiiitive principles up to llie period of my re
raovnl to Philadelphia. Situated as I now am
in another sphere, I often look back upon this
old town with singularly agreeable feelings.—
I remember tlie old court house, which seems,
t least to my eyes, to have been removed by
onie rude and wanton sacrilege from the spot
where it so long stood. I remember the old
si.'its which used to look down upon me from
Centre Square. I remember the men who ure
gone—names honorable, names never to be
forgotten, names always to be cherished. 1
remember, too. gentlemen, that on one occa
sioti, in April ot 1856, HI this very ploe, and
probably from this very stand, 1 part c pa'.ed
in the reception of a distinguished citizen who
catue back from a foreign laud, bearing, as we
•apposed in his hand, the olive brunch that
was to still the troubled waters, and make us
ail peaceful am! united. Strange to say, you,
tny veueratde friend [Dr. Muhlenburg], also
presided on that interesting occasion, aud
l-e ide I a vast throng of peoj le who wi-leom d
this statesman buck to bis own home, indulg
ing with them the hope that, he would be the
saviour of his country. Your presence, as
chairman of this great meeting, to-day, is a
suggestive comment upon the manner in which
tins high expectation was disappointed.
Remembering these things, I also call to
aiind how many of you now before me pledged
yourselves to Ins cause, stood by him through
the succeeding controversy, aided to elevate
him to the Presidency, looked with pride up
on the commencement of his Presidential
career, and rested content in his integrity and
bis patriotism. Those recollections are per
tinent to tins occasion. Their revival certain
ly cauuot offend any man who is the friend of
bis country. And I do not believe in that
philosophy which restrains the utterance of
essential truth in a dark and dismal hour like
this, lest it may give off-uce to some tender
Kentlemau who hesitates whether he shall stand
by the ffig of the stars stripes or by the
of the rattlesnake ami the scorpion. How
tiie distinguished gentleman, to whom I have
■ hided as being thus honored aud thus elect
ed, carried out tbepledgts he made to the
people of the United Slates, and confirmed
the expectations entertained iu regard to him,
you yourself, Dr. Muhlenburg, have fearlessly
■ted io your opening addretv. The page
that reoords.it is now being written with the
heart's blood of some of his own neighbors and
fri nds.
Gentlemen, the occasion that has called you
here to day is to contribute of your pecuniary
and physical wealth to the maintenance of the
Un on and the protection of the Republic, and
1 propose, in the few words I shall say. to de
vo e myself to the object of securing unity
among all the people of the free States to
these ends. Our trouble is uot that we have
not a good cause ; not that we have not a
gadactarmy ; not that the wishes of all pa
triotic men ure uot with us; tut thut, with ail
these advantages, we conceive we can go on
discussing the various issues involved, ernbar
riissiug, criticising, and interrupting the opera
tions of our constitutional leaders, precisely as
if we were iu the midst of a profound peace.—
Aud many honest men full into this blunder,
without thinking that they are being misled
from a high public and conscientious duty by
partisans, who desire to create a division
among the people ot the free States, in O'der
to bring a out a di-graceful peace, and
reinstate to power the men who are now fight
lug against the Federal Govemmeut.
If tlie veil that conceals the secrets of every
household could be lifted, Mr. President, we
should find that one lesson of life, frequently
taught to ourselves, has as frequently been
impressed in lasting characters upon other
hearts. Differences between brothers and
sisters; between wives aud husbands; between
parents und children—differences that have
run like a bitter stream through many years,
nre checked and closed forever, wneu the
Angel of Death passes ovtr the stricken
tureohold. As the long-alienated kindred
meet at the bediide ot tlie dying father, moth
er, brother, or sister, and betiald the tranquil
spirit preparing to wing its way to the throne
ot God, that spirit ulten implores, with dying
accents, that peace may descend upou the di
vided circle ; may relight the tires of love on
the chilled hearthstone, and warm the bosoms
too long es'raugtd. P. i rely is tits i uov •
turn itn ilectual. The teis shed for Hit part
ing soui mingle with those that reconcile the
separated hung, aud the family, loug lacerat
td by its owu strifes, joins bunds iu token of
perpetual uffecliou over the bed of death.
Mr. P 'resident, our country is not dead, nor
let us hope dying ; but she is tied like a
ma. tyr to a stake, and is surrounded by " a
wild u d many vveupoued throng." There is
a abude of grief upon her brow ; her suffer
ings are great, for her wounds are many
She sees with agony that those who plunge
the dagger into her side and try to light tiie
faggot at her feet, are her own children
cut dren she has nursed and nourished at her
own generous bieast, and, in imitation of
linn who tiled upon the cross eighteen hun
dred and sixiy two years ugo, she exclaims,
through all tier acts and signs. "Fattier, for
give them, for they know not what they do."
Turning Iroui tuese degnerate children, she
appeals to us. fcjiie telis us that tit r reliance
no A is npou those who huve been always lo\al
au 1 11 ue; who have returned tier bounties and
otesslngs wall a constant gratitude, aud huve
rewarded her trials and toils fur them by
spi ending before her eyes the triumphs of their
g< uius and the truph es of their industry. But
as he culls us to Uie rescue, she bids lis first
Ot all, be at peace with each other. Methinks
I hear her diviue accents now ! "Ouedient
you have been to ine, my children ; you have
made yourselves a wonder nm > g t : e nations;
VuH have bunded a government unparalleled
upon earth, lant yuu have not been united
among yourselves; you aie not united now.—
(Jh ! let your blecu.ng country, your mother
and your trieud, your guardian and your stay
let your country, in this her darkest hour
and tier direst strait, implore you to cease all
dissensions, to seal up forever liie pestilential
fountains ol party, ami to move in serried ar
ray to her defence. There is only oue other
power, sir, that eau make a more irresistible
appeal —that power wh;ell speaks in thunders
from the skies. Shall we, then, be deaf to the
voice ot our country, when we feel that that
country is aimo>t commissioned to speak the
voice of God himself.
Sir, I plead tor the unity of the free people
of the ft eeStateS. Great Heavens ! why should
they not be consolidated into one vast, over
powering mass t Look at the rebellious
South ! The atrocious crimes, and the in
human ohjtcts of the conspirators, so far from
creating divisions among them, have produced
a unity, not a nutty of conscience, but a unity
of organized and savage fanaticism. They
seem to be inspired by the demon desperation,
winch made Macbeth exclaim :
" 1 am .n blood
S epped la so far, tint sbou.d I waile no more
Returning were as tedious as go o'er."
These oad men light against a good Govern
ment as if it had not been their best aud most
constant benefactor. They are driven upon
our bayonets in drunken and infuriated thou
sands. Our tl ig to them is the emblem of in
famy, and our Union a covenant of crime.—
From their hearts they have blotted the glor
ious memories of the past. Every battle field
of the Revolution fills theui with remorse.—
The tomb of every patriot is a monument of
reproach. The < fligies of Washington, and
Jackson, and Jefferson almost speak through
their marble lips in rebuke of their sacrilege.
And yet, Mr. President, these people are uni
ted.
Behold, sir, what a heritage we are fight
ing for! No people ever had such a cause.
Not the Myriads who went forth centuries
ago to recover the Holy Sepulchre—not the
legions who followed C'oe-ur, Alexander, and
Napoleon. Never—never, sir, has such a
creed and such a couutry appealed to hutnau
hearts.
Mother, over the grave of your only son,
who died of the malaria or the murderois
bullet in the swamps of the Chickahomiuy, as
you weep for the loved and the lost, do uot
your pruyers ascend lor the brave boys he has
leli behind him ? Do you not feel that the
stout men at home should go firth to succor
them ? And does not your noble woman's
heart swell with indignation at the sight of
a-ty quarrels arouDd yoor own threshold ?
PUBLISHED EVERY THURSDAY AT TOWANDA, BRADFORD COUNTY, PA., BY E. 0. GOODRICH.
Father, whose gallant lads have gone to the
Geld, tell me how you regard the spirit of dis
cord in the free States ! Is it not au insult
to you, and an insult to them ! When you
are told that sufe and prosperous men shell
not pay the tax that is to support the soldiers
of the Republic, that the property of the trai
tors shail not be seized and used to sustain the
army, that their farms and persons shall be
protected by Union bayonets, that the stout
arms of the Southern uegroes shall not be in
voked to save your own sons front the dread
ful work of the camp, the trench, and the fort;
and above ail, tiiat sordid sympathizers with
Litis bloody treason shall he permitted to re
vel in luxury under the ajgis of a Government
they are seeking to destroy, do you not leel
that the day of vengeance must come to all
who, in this dread ci isis. remaiu indifferent to
their country's call ?
Man of toil, —mech. n c, —laborer—bear ra°.
Shall this great, free people be broken up and
destroyed, only to gratify your natural enemies
—to sutiate the ambition of those who de
nounce you as au inferior class ? The world
has its aristocracies, but none so base and
baleful as the aristocracy of Secession. Its
soul und body 'are compound of hatred and
coulempt for Northern industry and toil.— ;
Born of slavery—resting upon slavery—living |
upon it, —in luxury,laziness and ease, the race
thus pampered has become a race of tyrants,
regarding you as its foes, and clutching to its
embrace as natural allies, the despots of the
old world. There is not a traitor in the South
today who dues not believe, or has uot said
that the ultimate design of this great con
spiracy is to e-tablish upon these shores a
monarchy, or, failing in that, to drag the
11-pu die to a dishonored grave; aud either
result is your degradation.
Farmers of Pennsylvania, a word with you!
Come with us and perfect the work of popu
lar unity ! Happy in your quiet homes,
blessed in the midst of abundant harvests,
heretofore more independent than any ether
class, do not be deluded by the hope
'• That trenching war will not channel your fields,
Xor bi'ui-"'. yo >r ../wereta with the aroied hoof of
ho.ti o p. c
Unless, indeed, now as I speak and as you
hear, yuu send your sous to hold back the
invader. Jf rebellion is uot crushed by
Northern coi Ciiitration and courage our bor
ders ill soon be baptized in blood ; the fairest
of our valleys will shake under the thunder
ous tread of mighty .-quadrous. Now that
your crops are gathered in,—your barns filled
to bursting,—your broad acres shorn of their
bounteous burdens, —now iet your young men
advance t > gather glorious laurels ou other
fields, and to crowd the national archives with
the names of other heroes. In the olden time,
when the foreign foe seat his myrmidons among
us, the plough was left standing in the furrow;
the sickle rusted among the ripening sheaves,
and the husbandman flew to battle to follow
tle train of artillery, and to exchange the
n aping hook for the sword. O! rouse ye,
then, tillers of this golden soil, and swear by
the memory of Putnam. and Morgan, and
Wayne, the farmer heroes of the glorious
post, that you will preserve and defeud the
legacies they have bequeathed to you.
Men of wealth, will you hold back ?
Evt ry doliar of your money has been accumu
lated under the fostering cure of that good
Government, whose lire is now at stake.—
You have prospered beyond example. You
have been foruitiale as others have been fortu
nate. What value would attach to your heaps
of gold tl the Republic were gone '! In that
hour your houses, your bonds, and hidden
stores would pass away, as the clouds before
the storm, or the mists before the sun. Come
forth, O Dives, and help your country ! Ap
pear, O Midas, with your saining tributes ;
for, of all your investments, none have re
warded you so much, or returned such solid
premiums, as will tnat speculation which
pron-s your trust in, and gratitude for, the
Government which has protected you.
I now address tne politicians—the leaders
of parties —the controllers of Convention—the
creators of Presidents aud Governors. You
have one Divinity that you worship—the Di
vinity of Public Opinion. Easily swayed and
moulded in peace, it is eagle eyed,keen scented
and jealous in time of war. The ordinary
tricks of the parhzan will not pass currant
now. It is in an inquiring and suspicious
mood. It seeks to know for itself—to weigh
every assertion in the scales ola most exact
in<r judgment. Deceived on former occasions,
it remembers the adage, " Cheated once, it is
my enemy's fait, but cheated a second time,
the fait is mine." Whatever muy be said of
the fickleness of public opinion, in one thing it
has always been steady and unchangeable—
and that is in love of country. Public opinion
has something been compared to a great ocean
tossed by contrary winds and torn by many
currents. Faction muy disturb il—misrepre
se nations of measures and men may convulse
it, hut, beware, gentlemen politicians, of the
other sea that rolls beneath the tempest—the
tranquil, deep, anj eternal flood that finds its
source in every loyal heart —love of country
and devotion to the American Union. And
it ei er this emotion existed before it exists
now. It ambitions men desire place or pro
motion, let them carefully consult the auguries
before they offend their chosen idol. I would
not in this presence revive party narne3 ; but
I will appeal to-he politicians to come forward
and assist in combining and consolidating the
people in favor of the war. Is there before
me one who was a Breckinridge Democrat two
years ago 't To bitu do I address myself.—
Your candidate has gone into the rebellion ;
but many who acted with you are now leading
the hosts in the army and firing the public
heart in civil iife—standiug like heroes by the
flag, and denouncing every man who dares to
be indifferent to the cause of the country and
to sympaihize with the traitors. Let me came
in this connection Governor Dickenson, of
New York, Andrew Johnson, the noble Gov
etuor of Tennessee, the soldier statesman Gen.
Bei.jamine F. Butler, and in onr own State,
such men as Wm. Wilkins aud Wilson McCan
dlese. They show their sense of tbo error of
" REGARDLESS OP DENUNCIATION PROM ANY QUARTER."
j 1860 by acts of gallantry and patriotism that
j canuot fail to be felt ty all the honest men
| who co-operated with them iu the Presidential
cumpaigu. But, oh ! gentlemen, those of you
j in this quarter who are to day following the
j lead of a certain " O. P. F."—as indicated iu
j certain of his newspaper organs hereabouts,
! should look well at the same lime to the less
i ons that are taught to you by the Breckiuridge
Democrats, Butler and Johnson. If these
meu have one feeling of hatred and hostility
. more bitter than that they entertain against
the traitors in arms.it is for those men in the
loyal States who dare to stay here and se
cretly aid and sympathize with the foes of our
glorious country. Is there a Douglas Demo
crat before me ? He canuot be one to aid in
dividing the people iu the dark and trying
hour. Such a man would forget his owu fa
ther and slander the mother that bore him.—
His great leader sleeps in holy aud unforgot
ten solitude near the Metropolis of Illinois.—
In life the embodiment of high principle, en
lightened progress, and daring purpose, he ral
lied to his staudard a mighty army of believers
and devotees. The highest type of a knightly
gentleman, he was the best ideal of an un
daunted patriot. He died early, after leaving
behind him a fame that will eudure as long
HS the great lake that roils by its busy aad
populous shores ; and with his last words he
uttered truth aud warnings that should stir the
soulsjof ail bis countrymen, and should con
found the men with shame who, iu their blind
party hatred, hold the Republicans responsible
for the war, aud thus relieve the murderers of
onr country's liberties of the damuiug guilt of
having commenced and continued it. I can
not avoid, as well to awaken the Douglas Dem
ocrat to his duty, as to shame those who sym
pathize with traitors,calling your attentions to
these familiar farewell words of the lamented
Douglas :
" The election of Mr. Lincoln is a mere
pretext. The present Secession movements is !
the result of an enormous conspiracy formed '
more than a year siuce—formed by leaders in i
the Southern Confederacy more than twelve \
mouths ago. They use the slavery question as i
a means to aid the accomplishment of their |
ends. They desired th* election o( a Northern 1
candidate, by a sectional vote, in order to [
show that the two sections cannot live togeth- i
er. When the history of the two years fro a '
the Lecomptou question down the Presidential ;
election shall be writteu.it will be shown that j
the scheme was deliberately rnude to break up ;
the Union.
" They desire & Northern Republican to
be elected by a purely Northern vote, and
then assign this fact as a reasou why the sec
tions cannot live together. If the Disunion
candidates in the late Presidential contest had
carried the united South, their scheme was,
the Northern candidate successful,to seize the
Capitol last spring, and, by a united South
auil divided North, hold it. Their scheme was
defeated, in the defeat of the Disunion can
didate iu several of the Southern States.
" But this is no time for a detail of causes.
The conspiracy is now known ; armies have
been raised, war is levied to accomplish it.—
There are now only two sides to the question.
Every man must be for the United States, or
against it. There can be no neutrals iu this
war ; only patriots and traitors J''
Can Douglas Democrats require other in
ducements 10 duly? Need I tell them that a'l
the men who sustained his course iu 1860, with
some discreditable exceptions, are now the
uncompromising and unquestioning friends of
the war—that they are trusted bv the Presi
dent and his Cabiuet, and that they are as el
oquent in the council as they are intrepid
in the held ? Were Stephen A. Douglas liv
ing this day—and I speak as one who knows
his inmost thoughts on this great question—
he would be among the foremost champions of
the whole policy of Mr. Lincoln's Administra
tion.
We should hear from hiin no criticism upou
our public agents, who have no interest save
to qrosecule the war vigorously ; no demands
for leniency to the traitors ; no laraeutations
over the suspension of the writ of habeas cor
pus ; no advice to the people to resist enlist
ments and taxes, and no advice to his friends
to unite with his foes to embarrass the Gov
ernment of the country.
As my eyes rests upon this vast throng, I
recall many of the sceues of other days, when
iu this luxuriant region, the adopted citizen
grjw from poverty to opulence in his efforts to
improve the modem thoroughfares of our no
ble State. Coming from a foreign laud, he
found here a welcome and a home. Some of
the defendants of this brave and brawnev race
are no doubt listening to me to day. Many of
them are away in tbe athletic columns of the
Uniou army, under Hambright and Welsh,and
McCarter. Many have died in the
deadly breaclq some have returned among
yon mutilated monuments of unselfish intre
pidity. toide by side with their Germau broth
ers, they have marched to victory or to death
—the one shouting the war song of Schiller,
the other advancing to theexbilarating f-traius
of Erin-Go iiragh. There is sourthing impres
sive iu tins practical gratitude of the adopted
citizen. How hideous the spectacle of an
Irish or German traitor ! If u native born
recreant is < ntitled to iufarny, what must be
thought of him who, having grown to wealth
on the generous bosom of this country, should
seek to take tbe life he wa3 specially sworn to
defend ?
Have you ever reflected, fellow-countrymen
upon tbe signal evidence of the loyalty of our
adopted citizens, that there is not an Irish or,
a Gerniau general in the rebel army ? What
more significant protest could be uttered
against the bloody ritual of treason? There
is no Meagher, or Shields,or Mulligan, or Cor
coran, or 0 Brien—no k Sigel, or Blenker, or
Schurz under tbe flag cf tbe rattlesnake and
scorpion. Why is this ? It is because the
traitors fear to trust our adopted citizens in
the lead. They drive the Germans and Irish
at the point of the bayonet into their ranks,
but when they want leaders they select from
I their slave drivers and aristocrats, Who look
upon lab-Tr with contempt, aod bold their
soldiers as we do oar dumb beasts, as so
much cattle to be driven, to ba worked, to be
slaughtered. But if the oath of the adopted
citizeo and his gratitude to his adopted
country restrain him from treading the hellish
labyrinths of the rebellion, his nerves will be
strong with a uew resolve as ho casts his eye
beyond the seas and beholds the enemies
of freedom preparing to assist the slave
murderers in their this Government.
I have heard the intimation that the best pro
cess to bring about complete unity among our
people would be the intervention of the foreign
Powers, nnd it has been whispered that some
of our adopted citizens needed this incentive
to action. Sir, it is impossible to add to the
justice of the appeal of the Government to
our own people, and it would seem to be equal
ly difficult to aid to the infamy of the rebellion.
But I can readily conceive that when the des
potic designs of the traitors are confirmed by
the intrusion of the armies of Great Britain
or of Frauce, or of both together, there will
be a new rapture in the strife,a new motive to
make it desperate and decisive, and a new op
portunity for the development ot our national !
manhood. Let ns be frauk, Mr. President.— |
The royalties of the old world are holding a
carnival. The very last speech of Lord Pal
merston, and the very last leader of the Lon
dou Times, which arrived on Thursday, ad
mouish us that they are preparing to take a
part iu the struggle. Their fleets are banging
like clouds upou two of our frontiers, and the
English Premier is making "impressive and
warning speeches" to the volunteer riflemen
in Uvde Park. This pospcct must uot dis
courage us, Mr. President. If we are to fight
this great battle against domestic slavery and
foreign despotism, why so be it. With all our
advantages, living as we no do upoo ourselves,
borrowing from each other, and in debt only
to each other, with a soil as prolific as the
Garden of Eden, may we not for a higher and
a holier purpose emulate that self-sacrificing
spirit which was exhibited by the French peo
ple in the most fearful period of their extraor
dinary history ? When they entered upon the
work of reforming the abuses of centuries of
corruption aud tyranny they found arrayed
against them the sentiment of the European
world, the prejudices of aa English king, and
the keen, unscrupulous intellect of the greatest
of English Prime Miuisters. They found, an j
insurrection of the atistoracy in La Vendice—
they fouud disaffection and treason among all
classes. Rising to the sublimity of Spartan
heroism, they crushed tnaton at home, and,
with bleeding feet and furnished forms, and no
weapons but the pike, they resisted invasion j
and saved the honor of their couulry. The in-;
surreetion was crushed —the old tyranny was i
destroyed—aud the sword of a Republican ;
general, in a spirit of niaguiiioenl revenge, 1
punished the perfidy of his foes with Marengo, i
Austerlitz, and Ulm.
Thus, Mr President, this may become the
war of the world ; and if so, it may prove to
be to the enslaved nations of the earth what
the earthquake, which nearly overthrew Laee
damon, was to the Helots of Sparta. For this
is indeed a moral earthquake. It is histori
cally stated that many centuries ago an earth
quake, unprecedented in its violence, occurred
in Spain, The greater portion of its capital
was overthrown, and it is said, probably with
exaggeration, that only five houses escaped.— |
This calamity did not cease suddenly a3 it
came. Its concussious were repeated—it buried
alike men and treasure—and one historian
states that no less thmi twenty thousand per
sons perished iu the shock. In the midst of
this fearful convulsion the slaves, whom the
cruelty of Sparta had nursed in her bosom, re
solved to seize the moment to execute their
vengeance aud consummate her destruction.—
Now was the moment whe-u Sparta lay in ru
ins—now was the moment to realize their ven
geance. From field to field, from village to
village, the uews of the earthquake became
the watchword cf revolt. The earthquake
that levelled Sparta rent her chains. Nor
did the shock create one chasm so dark and
wide as that between the master aDd the 9lave.
Tt was as if the great mother herself had sura
mond her children to vindicate the long-abiißed
the ailinalienable heritage derived from her,
and the stir of the angry elements waH but the
announcement of a stern and solemn union be
tween nature and the oppressed. Mr. Presi
dent, the fettered tribe of mankind may hail
the great moral earthquake iu this country as
the signal opportunity for their deliverance.— !
And the attempt of European despots to de- ;
stroy this Government may end in their own I
overthrow, and in the disfranchisment qf tbq? 1
own oppressed and down-trodden millions,
tOT A traveler stopped at a farm house for
the purpose of getting his dinner. Dismount
ing at the front door he knocked, but receiv
ed no answer. Going to the otherside of the
house, he found a little white-headed man in
the embrace of bis wife, who had his head un
der her arm, with the other she was giving her
lord a pounding. Wishing to put an end to
the fight, our traveler knocked ou the side of
tbe house and cried out iu a loud voice :
" Hallo, here, who keeps this house ?" The
husband, though much out of breath, answer
ed : " Strauger, that's what we are trying to
decide !"
tST Sin is bad in the eye, worse In the
tongue, worse iu the heart, but worset of all
iu the life.
Jtg- We are oftener robbed by those who
enter our hearts, thaD by those who break in
to oor houses.
IQhOar own caprices ire core extrava
gant than those of fortune.
Cft. We pity the fatuity that sits ttatm to a
broil three times a day.
tOT It ie better to love one yoa cannot
marry, than to marry one you cannot love.
iwii ■' 1 11
Iffir Queen Victoria's servants unmber
339
vox., XXIII.—:NO. H
Letter from General Hunter to the Rev.
Stephen H Tyng.
The following is Geu. Hunter's reply to tho
inquiries of the president of tho XaMouul
Freedman's Association j
LLSADQTMKTKRS Dtp'r. OF THE SoFIU,
HIHon Head, Port Itoyal, S. C'., July 17, loGi!.
Rev. Stephen 'ij mg. President of the National fitnl
man't Relief Attocialion, New York City :
SIB : 1 hare the honor to acknowledge the
receipt of your communication, dated June 2,
1862, expressing to me the approval of my
course iu regard to the freed slaves of this De
partment, by the iirportaot and benevolent as
sociation of which you ore president.
Satisfied of having attempted, in the ab
sence of instructions, to do my duty in the mat
ter according to the best lights of my judg
ment and a long experience, every assurance of
sympathy from men whose characters I esteem
is gratifying, and euables me to wait with
more patience for those inevitable days which
j&re to give a policy on the slavery question to
oar government.
It is my only fear that the lesson may not
be understood and acted upon until read iti
characters of biood at the fireside of every
Northern family. To aitaia wisdom we must
suffer ; bat that wisdom on the slavery ques
tion must finally be obtained, is my sustaiutug
faith.
Our people are not dull of comprehension in
regard to matters about which free play is
given to their common sense. When H fire ia
spreading through a block of houses they da
not hesitate to batter down an intermediate
house to save the remainder of the block.—
When the plague occupies an iufected district,
the district is quarantined, and every resourco
of sciouce and industry put forth to rid the lo
cality of its presence. The soldiers of health
are by no means ordered to mount gnard over
each smitten house and see that the vested in
terests of pestilence are protected. " Break
open doors, if they be not opened," is the or
der on these occasions. " Let in fresh air and
sunlight; let purity replace corruption."
But in presence of one great evil, which
has so loug brooded over our country, the in
telligence of a large portion of our people
would seem paralized and helpless. Their
morel nerves he torpid under its benumbing
shadow. Its breath has been the pestilence of
the political atmosphere iu which cur states
men have been nurtured ; and never, I fear,
until its beak is dripping with the best blood
of the country, and its talons tangled in her
vitals, will the free masses of the Icyal Stated
be fully aroused to the necessity of abating the
abomination at whatever cost and by whatev
er agencies.
Thia is written, not politically, but accord
ing to cry profession ia the raditary sense.—
Looking forward, there looms up a possibility
(only too possible) of a peace which shall be
uothing but an armistice, with every advautage
secured to the rebeilioo. Nothing can give
as permanent,peace but a successful prosecu
tion of the war, with every weapon and ener
gy at our command, to its logical and legiti
mate conclusion. The fomenting cause of the
rebellion must be abated ; the axe must be laid
to the root of the upas tree which has rained
down such bitter fruit upon our country, be
fore anything like a permanent peace can be
justly hoped.
Already I. see signs in many influential quar
ters, heretofore opposed to my views iu favor
of arming the blacks, of a change of sentiment.
Our recent disasters before Richmond liavo
served to illuminate rnauv minds.
To speak of using the negroes merely for
throwing up entrenchments is a step io tho
righe direction, though far short of what must
be the end. It has the advantage, however,
of making the further and final steps necessa
ry ; for men working in face of the enemy
must have arms with which to protect them
selves if suddenly attacked.
On the whole, there is much reasou to be
satisfied with the progress made by public seu
timent, considering how deep rooted were tho
prejudices to be overcome, the general failure
of the nation to realize at first the proportions
of the war, and the impunity still extended to
those Northern traitors who are the plunder
ers of the Government by means of fraudulent
army and i.ary contracts, on the oue hand,
while using every energy of tongae and pen to
excite discontent with our Government and
sympathy with the more (.undid nud corageous
traitors of the south who are io arms agaiusi
us.
Iu conclusion, It may not be inappropriate
to say that in transmitting the approval of the
National Freedmau's Relief Association of my
course, yOll Were, doubtless, uncousciously en
dorsing views which your own earnest elo
quence had no slight share in maturing. Tho'
without tho pleasnre of your personal acquain
tance, I was, during a year, a member ot your
congregation, and take this opportunity of
gratefully acknowledging my indebtedness to
your teachings.
Your letter would have been eariier ans
wered, had not pressing duties too fully occu
pied my timo.
Believe me, sir, very troiy your obliged aui
obedient servant, D HUNTER.
"P. S —None of the carefully fostered delu
sions by which slavery has sustained itself at
the North, is more absurd than the bugbear of
" general migration of the negroes to the
North," as a necessary sequence of emancipa
tion. So far is this from beiug the fact, that
although it is well known that I give passes
North to all negroes asking them, not more
than a dozen have applied to me for such pass
es since my arrival here, their local attach
ments being apparently much stronger thaa
with the white race. My experience leads me
to believe that the exact reverse of the receiv
ed opinion on this snbject would form the role,
and that nearly if not qnite all the negroes of
the North woald migrate South whenever they
shall be at liberty to do so without fear of the
auction block. Sincerely, D. H.
Bigfct If a lady has a thousand acres of valu
able land, the young men are apt to conclude
that tbey are mfl&cient grounds fbr ahodkseut.