HBL -ML- 0 OJLLAR PER ANNUM INVARIABLY IN ADVANCE. TOWANDA: Thursday Morniug, May 15, 1862. jailuttli TO A SECESSION SYMPATHIZER. 'Twill be no thinks to you. good sir '■ 'Twill be no thanks to von. When our troops come marching heme from war, The Bed, the White, the Blue. Still Coating o'er them like a cloud Of glory as tbey come, While a nation's blessing, long and loud. Shall shout their welcome home '. Oh 1 then, 'twill be no thanks to you 1 You frowned upon their toil , At best, 'twas Icily ia your view- L'ntil you saw tbe spoil. You sighed, and looked amating wist At Justice's long delay, Aid talked about a " Compromise" To keep the hounds at bay. Oh! yes, 'twill be no thanks to you ! You never spike one word Where heart and hands and all were due, That 1 have ever heard— Oue cbeenug woid of-ympatby. One patriotic prayer— Ooe word of ia::h aaiJ hope, to be A charm ngaiuU despair. Yet, YOU shall reap what they have sowed, A country shall be yours ; For Lents' Hood iu stiearns has flowed, A richness that endures. I Go. eatihe fat, and diiuk the sweet I B ught by the biave and true— And yet, remember, as you eat. it is no thank- to you ! political. Speech ol Hon. David Wilmof. Is toe United States Senate. April 3 J, ISE2. on the bill to confiscate th' piopei ty and lee the slave* of iciaels- T!.e Senate resumed '• e consideration of the Liil S Nj 151; >o ci twhle Hie prupertj ti J tree ihe sbive- cf rebel- M WJL.MOI' Mr. r.'e-ident, thexecont s e i of ine in ; r ported froco the Jadiciari U ..i.ii tf- is an hi", ot t tiini cipatmii, givnty (.ecdoitt U> tiie .-i.iV' St 1 thu-e w bo, (iurii.g the T-v"t rl - mi, situ! Hike up nuns flgiaiust ' :c U - ? Hies, or in any manlier give u | nfd . .. \-rt o said iebcilion. i lie bill il-t .! > .wiai-s t iir eiuitncipa'.iow wi Imut the inter n :i. vjurt or couam saioiuis, and pro v lies t;iat in tiny proct-c ling by the muster t< enforce hit thiiai against tbe ?! IVI-, BO shall esUbi -h Ms loyalty laefore an order snail In i oiade for the surrender of ihe slave. Tne 1. Ii ti so provides or the coufiscaiion to the nation a. lreasury of both ihe real and personal es ' s'.a!e of re'iels uiio shall, afur the passage .f I libs Uit. be ei gaged in tbe re! eiiion, or iu g v | i g it aid and euinfort, wtid who are oud the Uniled Mutes, or, if wiihiu ttie U. tied Slates, are bevoud the reach of judicial process The bill does not pr if work u forfeiture, but forfeiture takes place utter st z i r e uui %p; o pristioa by the comiu:-*ion-rs upp itcd toav t within tiuse States and d str cts where ihe re benion makes tie I oiding of court- impossible, and after coudeiunatioo by the courts, in dis tricts wlierr tin? can be field, of the property se led, upon proceedings it r c m. as in prize cases, or ca-es of forfeiture ariaing under the rt'Ve te aws. 1 1 v- iissdt-r bri fly of both ft-atures of the bill. T e second secuou, Ifiat providing for f r rtrn 'iptttion of the s avrs of rebels. I sus la .", i the whola leiig;h and breadth of its pr,; - ci.s While I sliai! claim for the Gov uent full power over the subject of slavery, I w.mid not at th s lime go beyond the pro r-'oi.s of this bill I would to da* give free ioo to the slaves of every traitor ; and after that would confidently look for the early adop ,'..on of the policy recommended by the Presi i-nt, gradually to work out tbe great result f;f nnirersa! emancipatioo. Special gtiHrantecs are claimed for the pro ttction of s! ivery. Exemption is demanded fur a from the hazards ami oe:essilu* of war. "Water security is attempted to lie thrown A'oc i it thau is accorded to any other inter est or ught I deny the legality of lb s pre I trtaroo in behalf of slavery It has no con-ti title nal basis. Its cIaNDS of peculiar sacred a; d for special protection, are an iouii to the cation. L'fe and liberty are oi-ide sec |:ort. A.I that w- # , l( j property, are at the dis .' -a ?' G rtriuneiii : slave ry alone c aims nee 0 ; relielluHt, the pwr ' • i., .a caiimities that tloreaten aid - • 1 is great revolt against tbe integ , T ;g r y cf the nation has to other - Oa than slavery. Deiuocratio govern -a perpetual danger to slavery The - " rtfT.t or an o. is dm*udetias ?fr 7 'or its perpstui'y and [vwcr. Here • • e cause of tie rth.!,ion w th us immense '* r of life ami treasure Amidrt the this hour, this universa. wreck uf "• > > I the Suvehoidii g tra.tor j his human chattel ? Not, sir, rf u v - •*" or vote can reach him. t ®ust r ghtly roraprehend the ntparal " wiekedaess ofrlavery, awl the desperate frsi natioo with whuh it makes war on the j.r. 'B.M.t, or we shall fii to deal with it a - security and prce demand. For thirty • r * ' >iaethders hare looked w.th fear and -o o.i our tree system of governineot .. 3 * n d the wide diffu-ion and cr. ? r t- source# of cou.-tant c-' For year# they have kept the peace . 'se ter[is of their doruina'iou and our tt The - T ftcverued the cour.try, <•*<> *td domestic poliry, con '.r'.** Xt ' f ? ls,4l ' OQ aB questions of interest '-'sstlves, apd adm a stered, ic tbeir owa THE BRADFORD REPORTER. bauds or through northern men subservient to theui, every high office of State. A more im perious oligarchy never ruled a government. Tbe freemen—the democracy of the nation —iu the electiou of Abraham Lincoln, vindi cated their right to administer the Govern . event. and iu the first hour ol victory were met | By the armed rebellion of the slaveholders i Shall slavery overthrow this Government ? The nation has the right of self defense, of i self protection the right to make secure its peace and safety, aud to remove whatever stands in the way. Slavery, in the war it has provoked, perils the national existence. It is the immutable luw of nature and cf nations, that a State shall preserve itself, that it may destroy whatever enemy threatens its life. Vattel, a writer of caution, and of high au thority on national law, lays it down that " A State has a right to everything that can secure it from threatened danger, and to keep at a distance what ever is capable of causing its ruiu. A nation is obliged to preserve it>e!f, and the law of nature gives it the riirht to everything without whuh it could not fulfill this obli gation. '• The law of nati ns is originally no more than the law •if nature applied to nations, tt'e call that the r.tetstary law of nations that consists in the application o: the law of uature to nations. It is receasary because nations are absolutely obliged to observe it. The law of nations, being iounded on the nature ol things is immu table. VV heuce. as this law is immutable, and he obli gations that arise Irom it necessary and indispensable, nations can ueither make any changes in it by their con vention- dispense with it themselves, nor "reciprocally with each other. - ' Again, Mr Ruwle, in his view of the Con stitution, in speaking of our duty to maiutaiu the Uiiion, says ; '• In every there'ere, which this great su ject presents, we ieti t; e < e-pt.-t :tnj rets-ion oi asacied obli g..iioa to pre-eive the Union ol our country ; we feel our g uiy.o r safety, and "ur happiness involved in it ; we un ite the interests ol tbo-e wbo coldly calculate advuruu g'-s with those who giow with what u little short ot d ial Secti n. and we must ie-ist the attempt of our own citi it -l) de-ti y it w th the -auie leeliuga that we should avert the dagger ot tue parricide." Slavt-t v is the pttrrkide that now aims at the nnti ■! al Ife \W must bind the criminal iu perpetual bonds, it we would secure to tho na tion safety uial peace. Tie riclit of a JS'nte to preserve itself is ieuriv set forth by Vattel ; nay, it is obliged so to do by a necessary ai.d paramount law.— Every writer of aulhoritv on the law of nations agrees with Vattel touching :he right of na tion il self defense The law is consonant with reason and jus;ice and the common sense of oa: kmti, and uerds uocit&tioti of authorities IO S'ippOl t it The law being established,the only questions open for examination ore, the nature of ibis Government, a d ttie hostile character of the I•p.my by winch it is a-smk-d. If we are a ■ague o' independent S ates, each having the r giit t. withdraw ul pleasure, and tor causes the -uffi -ieiii-v o* winch each uiay jujge, then the Confederate Stales are right in the inde peiidetice they as-time, and ihe war on our | prt is a war o r sobj igation, fi tgrsnt and un jMt O t :gh: ro carry on the war can only • 9 defended on tbe ground lhat we are a na tion. bound by the obligation to dtfeud our national existence. What enemy puts our safety in peril; assa s with war our unity ami life? All enlightened it: d mpmtia! men will give the same answer Slavery is that enemy—the deadly and persist ei.t loe of the nation. Slavery has organized for the overihrow of. the Guvernroent ine greatest rebellion n h.-to'y, and without cause, save its fear and hatred of republicau iustitu tions The nation was prosperous ami happy; life and property were secure ; we enjoyed a freedom given to no other people, a prosperity full to overflowing Every blessing and every right was ours. The Government was only feii in the protection it gave and in the bi-ss ings •: conferred. The aimed revolt of the slaveholders against a Government so just and benificent is the most detestible crime on re cord a avery arms brother against brother, and imbrues the na'.oti iu fraternal blood It off. r> al lsnces with foreign despots and con sents to the establishment of monarchies on our continent. D h-s any Senator on this side of the Chamber doabt thit slavery is the tin mediate cause of our troubles ? if not, then I claim his support for such measures against I slavery as >hall make :t powerless for future mischief I demand indemnity for the past aud stcur.ty for the future. The nation tnu-t never agnin pass under the yoke of the slave power. We must have no reconstruction reestablishing tbe domination of slavery. We shall deserve, and will receive, tiie scorn and execration of the civil zed world if we step hick from the plain duty before us. We must give the ecuv try lasting peace ; we must cripple forever the powtr ot sliiVery, aud enfranchise tbe natiou troru is u soient rule Slavery has made and unmade, built op and torn dowu al pleasure. It has eiiforced upou the Government and country uort-1 and unwarrantable constructions I of tiie Constitution by threats of disunion aud I blood it is an element of constant disturbance and danger Mr Caihouu earlier saw and more clearly comprehended than his cotemp rarics the irreco. eoa' le antagonism betw en ireedc-m and suv-ry. Commodore Me wart is the wit ness thai, ns ear.v as 1814, Mr. Calhoun be came satisfied that ilie iwo systems of society and latK>r-ou d not both stand under one Gov eminent ; that slavery uu ist go to the wall, or a dissoiuiioii of the Union was inevitable, lie tie v..ted his bfe m givi .g strength to slavery, and thus preparing lor ti.e con Tot which he >aw mu-t surely come What Mr. Caitoun .-aw- in !Si4 nov the philosophy ai;d fixed oebet Oi" the leaders of the Jsouih. This war on '.heir part is far the perpetuity of s arery. and thi- can only lie secured a: the vxptuse of individual and national freedom Tbe Constitution is continually pushed for wa'd in smiport of the inviolability of slavery. Sir, I deny that the Coiistoui on contains any -ptcial guarantees in betialf of slavery. It pro vides for the surrender of ptrso*s owing labor er sci vice escape g from one Slate .utoanOlhtr to the person to whom such l*!>Of or service is due. Tms is as applicable to apprentices as to slaves ; and. at the time the CoiiSUtutiG.ii was framed, embraced a large number of currants i kcown as redrmptiouers. No ooe ever c.a.med ' that iu tbe service of an apprentice was specially placed onder national protection j berasse of thta PUBLISHED EVERY THURSDAY AT TOWANDA, BRADFORD COUNTY, PA., BY E. 0. GOODRICH. Constitution were all that slavery claims for it iu ttiis resjiect, the paramount law of self-pres ervutiou is uot the less obligate ry on the nation. Whatever we deem uecessary, iu the exercise of un honest and sound discretion, as a means of preserving national existence, thai we have the authority of rea&oa and of law to do. This doctriue is clearly recognized io the late spe ciul message of the President to Congress re commending national aid to the liberating border States. It is souud law, and has both reasou and authority in its support. Slavery is not only the cause, bnt one of tbe great sup potts of the rebellion. Slaves do much of the work of the rebel army—throw up the iutreuch raents and build the fortifications of tbe enemy Their labor, in u large degree, furnishes the means of support to the armies employed ugiiust us, and gives to the Confederate States the littie credit they have either at home or abroad. Vet slavery is tbe one thing we must not disturb. We must not directly attack it, eveu though the natiou perish through our for bearance To no other interest do we accord this exemptiou from tbe dangers aud necessi ties of war. Mr. President, I come now to consider tbe bill as an act of confiscation Here its pro visions arc not as broad aud sweeping as its opponents represent. It is uot a geueral act 0! confiscation against the property of all re oels, but against the properly of such ouly as s mil Oe beyond the reach of judicial process. The bill is based ou the principle lLai if the rebel can be arrested, and punishment inflieted upon him through the courts, l is property is not . molested, but it he abuudou his piopeity, and flue the country, or be w.thin territory where llie r< ociliou nas ovei ride i the authority of the i United Slates, tie bill proposes, alter condem nation m court, or by military comuius oners when no courts can be held, to luke aud sel! in* properiy, placing us proceeds iu the na tional I'reasiiry 1 taVor the amendment ml"pted ou i'uursd.if last, of the Senator from Ohio, (Mr. oiiL-t'iii.i ) I desire io reach oi y t. e property of the leaders of the rebellion.— To t.ie masses o; the southtrn people, who have been grossly deceived, 1 would graut an am tsty, a lull and tree pardon. Turee grouiuis o! objection are mrio to this biil. It is claimed to bo ia contraventiou of tlie la* of naiions ; violative of the Constitu tiou of the UniteO StaUS ; and that lis pas age wou.d be most impolitic, driving cur cue mies to desp ration, and soap g the sevdsol" u iter enin.'.y tjr at aerations to come. 1 will consider, briny, tiie objections pre s'i!ted. Tue Senator Iroui M.Ssoun, (Mr Henderson; labored learnedly to nuke good the first ground of objection, tie cited author Ities of weight and respectability ; but upon furtl.tr examination he w,!i find, 1 think, the law settled against iiiui, L-olu Oil general au tnorrty and by Lbe Jec.stou of our own courts. National l.w rests upou the taw or uaiure, convenlioua l raw, or treaties, and upou geuer al customs which, by c consent, have toe force of inw Nations are by the naiu a. law, which IS Called the necessary law of nations 0: th;s I considered in speaking ot emancipation undtr this bid. It is of uui versal obligation, binding at all times and un dt-r ad circumstances Conventional law rests upon conventions and treaties, and ot course b us tnose oa.ions on y that are par ;es to them Genera! cns'orcs or u-ige have the au thority ol law o.y by the consent oi nations, and each nation has the right to decide for it self under v.hat circumstances aud to what ext. Nt ii will submit to a custom or usage This must of necessity be so. The right is es sential to the freedom-of nation*. A* a lie 1 says: •• The natural soc.ety oi nat.oas eaoot vubsist. if ti* r giu* earn have received Irorn nature are in>t resjjectel V-uc wuuld wiliiugly renounce its libtrty ; it wouid raiber bitak oi' *u tvunection w th th"se that should .t --terapL to vi-.Ule it. From this .uctty and iad eaUeni.e it 10.,j .fa that every nan. -a is to what its juscience demands ; ol vhat ;t can oi cauiut d>.; of what it is prop er or naproper to oe u >ue. la aii cases -rhcre a n*t; a has tae liberty of judging what its duty rrq res. another Cauoot oblige i to any give - ; acti >u. tor attempting tais wouid be u irjurr to tb liberty ot nations." As an independent member of the common wealth of nations, we aloue deteimiue wfeu and how far we will be bound by the cuslooa ry law Upon the hypothesis, then, that the measure before us is in conflict with interna tional law, still our right to tnact it cannot be questioned. should we pass this bill, what power will annul it within cur jurisdiction, on the ground that the taw of nations is violated ? If nation al law is invaded n .lions must come to r.s sup port Does any Senator believe that the pas sage of tb.s bi!i wouid provoke towards u; the hosiil ty of iiat otis ? Would the foreign m msters resident here, pro est on behalf of their repect;ve Governments ? S.r, we know they would not. aud far toe best of reasons ; the bi;i does no", impi; ge on the national law. So much of the bill s re a measure of emanci pation would foe ha .it-d w th joy throughout the civilized world. For this e would receive the pluutlila iusiead of the censure of natiouf. 1 have thus far considered 'he case on the hypothesis that the till is violative of nat ocal law, aud presented the grouud that we are bound to obedience by oar cc-usent alone. But tbe law is well settled in fsvor of our right to ' seize and confiscate tne property of au ulitn enemy in time of war, aud who, at the time of seizure, is engaged ia peaceful commerce. — The case is greatly strengthened agxiust a re bel iu arms. Tiie ptiut was dec Jed in oar Supreme Court, in the case of Browu w T.'.e United Slates. V S Cranch, 110 y The poiuts raised for adjudication were: I. May eue3 es'property found oa land at the coaimencemen; of bO;Liilies be se.zed and condeurted? Ad 2 is an act of Congress, authorizing such se xure aud condemnation, neccssar) ; or does tbe right follow a dec'.arat oa of war f Tne opinion of tne court was delivered by Chief Jas t ice Marshall. On tbe first point, tne court says : - pbwar of the Government. so ffoibt is er.ten*:ned. Thai war gives tbe sovereign fall rigtet to tiie ;iae persons ooni- a'-t tbe aroperty oi the e.tay wuerever twu&d. ia conceded Tbv BitinihSs of this rale, which tbe iaxme iad w: polky or m-xie-a v.xea iQ-.n-d-ced into praeri.e. wtil acre cr Dm affect iu< ejicrciae cm ib>a right, bet caaaot icpair tb r.gb: :uL'. I hit lunatsa üb>ii9iciabtd.aa.d * ut'c uce ss bority itrvt! -b>=|o orisg rt Ihl* operation, tha tJ -tepa-aes" - wrt to tie win H " r-EOARDLKSS OP DKNCNCIATION PROM ANY QUARTER." Kent, in commenting on this case, says : ' " Hotferwr strong the current of anthority in favor of I tbe modern and milder construction of the rule of nstion ' al law oa this subject, the point seems to be no longer i open for discussion in this country. It has been definite- I lv settled in favor ol the ancient and sterner rule, by the 1 Supreme Court of the United States. The effect ot war on British property, found in the United States, on laud, at tbe commencement of the war, was learnedly discuss j ed and thoroughly considered, in the case or Brown ; and ! it was decided as upon a settled rule of the law of nations that the goods of au enemy found in the country, and the vessels tud cargoes found "afloat la our ports, at the com mencement of hostilities, arc liable to seiseure and con flscatioa ; and the exercise of tbe right vested In the dis cretion of the sovereign of the nation." This right to seize and confiscate the proper ty of an alieu enemy, wherever found withiu our territory, is as clearly established as tbe . adjudications ol our own courts can establish it. He who is both a public enemy and a traitor surely cannot claim to stund in a better position than an alien enemy actually guilty of ,no offeuce. The traitors of our couutry occu py a very different position from that of law tul belligerents. It is true that we accord to . them many belligerent rights, but we may pro perly treat them as traitors. As agaiust them, we are possessed of every belligerent right, as fully as if they were un independent nation levy ng war against ns ; and we are also pos- Sealed of all the righta of a legitimate sover eign against traitors in armed revolt. Their property cannot be reached, because they are j citizens, anil entitled to the protectiou of the , Constitution ! '• No person shall be deprived cf life, liber tv, or properly, without due process of law ; ' ihat is, without proceedings according to tbe course of the common law How grossly we violate the Constitution in shooting down these , citizen traitors ! There can be no mistake. — ■ The Solution of tbe Constitution is most pai pable. We take the lives of ti.cse citizens u'-d j brothers without due process of law. Hew : übaerd i? ail this. Those iu rebellion are both : traitors und public enemies, and arc omcuuuble to the laws piovidcd against both. An alien J euemy, wlio-e property is found among us, I having never himself borne arms against the cou;it r y, this proptrty ue r-ize and forfeit ; but i 11 ins allegiance were due to us, if we l.ud 1 sworn to supp< rt and defend the Constitution, ! and then wickedly pejured himself, if he had j borne commission iu lebel armies, and devoted his all to tht overthrow of the Government, I we cannot take and forfeit hi# property ; it is under the a?zis of the Constitution, and must he u>cd ou v in the service of the rebellion ! Tue very point I am uow considering was re ctntlv before the United Males oistrict court for Massachusetts. The Army Wurwark was captured on the high seas by the United Stares vhip of-war Quaker City, August 10. ISGI. The libel was Hgainst both vessel and cargo The vessel and p-jrt of the enrgo were admitted to belong to citizens and |>erminent resideuts of Richmond, Virginia. The hearing was confined to the p'op. rtv so owned ; the question as to the ! rest of the carco being left for future invesii ' gation. Sprneue, Justice, delivered the opio -1 ion of the court. I give so much as bears on the point under consideration : " fMmv have apprehended that if tlii* conflict cf arms is to be deemed war. oar enemies must hive, as Against the Government, all tbe immunities of international bel l cerents. Bat this is tn overto- k the double character which these enemies sustain. They are at the sair.etime belligerents ana traitors, and subject to the liabilities of beth : while the United States S .;sta;ns the donb'e char acter ot befigeiet.i and sovereign. a&J have the rights of i both. These riehts cr.exit. and may be exrrc.esed at j pleasure. Tbu we may treat the rebel crew of a rebel privateer, merely as priwrners of war, eras pirates or I traitors ; or we may. t the same time give to a part of , the crew the one character, and 'o the residue the other, ; and after treating them as prisoners c? war, we may ex er:ise over them sovereign power acd deal w lib them as , traitors. The temporary non - -er oi sach lights is not a renanciation of them, but tbey moy be vailed into practical exercise." 1 •• Mr. Wharton. in his Elements of International law, ipnge 3-15.) so ytr>ng!v maintains beliigereat rights in civ., war. that some of his language would imply that there wercnoo'bet rights. This, however could not have beta intended ; lor if s< vere.gr, rights be at aa end.the *ir is merely interaatioiial. Civ.i war. tz rt U-Tuni. imports tbst sovereign tights are i'Ot relinqoish eu. but lu-isted on. The war .s wsged to marr.u.n them. II -e tr Hi mely (4 Cranch. T72) wis a case aris ing out of the exercise of <* vereign rights by Fran.e in '..er civ l wsr with fet. Domingo. The court recoenrzed the c *x -.tence of oefiiiterenx and sc.vereign right.-." '• The United States have, daring tbe preser.t war, ex ercised both belligerent a>-d sovereign rights." •• F-xamples of the tormer are. rece-.v ug capitulatics of the enemy as prisoners of vir, arc holding and ex changing tbem as such : and a still more prominent in.-tance is the bi. kade which, before the assembling <■( Congress, was established by military authority of the Commatder in Chief."' "I am satisfled that the United States as a nation, have toil *nd complete belligerent rights, whi-hareia no degree ttnpared by the fact that their enemies owe a'.leg ati.-e. ted have the gait of treason to that of unjust war." The confiscation of the property of tboe enlaced in rebellion an nnsoccessful revolu tion is a part of the history of civilize 1 natioss. It is deeply impressed upon English k-eis'a tion do'ing tLe la.-t century. Half tbe titles of the k.ngdotn rest udOj actfeand decrees cf coufiscaiion. Sneb, too, is the history of France. Everyone, I think, of tbe Thirteen Colonies confiscated the property of enemies within their respective jarisdictiot.s in the t.me of oar own Revolution. Tbe properiy of German refugees who engaged in the revo'.a :ion of 1848 Gevond question was confiscated. It is the policy and practice of eTery nation thus to punish reeiiion and treason In pass iug this bill, we are traveling in tbe t>eat n pa.h of nations. Ail men who understand the true aatore of tbe struggle ta which we are engaged wil! hail this nre-asure as just, and de manded by a wise consideration of our own in terests, aud b J the atrocious wickedness of our er.tffij. Again; objections is made to the b " beeau-e of alleged unconstitutionality. The Constitu tion, after defining the crime of treason, pro vides that— shall hwe power to deolure tbe pinishmeat of treasva ; but no att* :.der of treasoa ahau woik cor r jptio* of hiuud or furieuure, tXvept caring toe Lie of tie perssaatta-sed.'' What is " attainder," a e here csed ? Sias ply judical judgmeut against an offender jfor the crime ot treaeon. The provision then is. no judgment pronounced by a court for trea son shall work corruption of biood or forfeit ure beyond the lite of the purty. T is provis ion chared the rule of the common law j the judgment of a court against an offender for ! treason did corrupt the biood, acd destroy its inheritable qualities, acd bis property became forfeited t* 'ha CYown The Ooastitutfbß simply does away with the comuiou-law conse quence# of tbe judgment, by declaring that no attainder,that is, no judgment for treason,sb&ll work uorrnption of blood or forfeiture beyond the life of tbe party against whom judgmeut shall be pronouueed. Our right to confiscate tbe property of rebels cannot be affected by a constitutional prevision which declares that certain consequences which attached to a judg ment for treason at common law, shall not follow such judgment here. This bill does ( not pronounce judgment against any one. No mau can be tried under it. It affects prop erty alone, and toacbes no property of an of fender amenable to process. It does not change the punishment of treason by declar ing a forfeiture of estate as part of the penal ty. Those whose property is taken are beyond the reach of personal pauisbment. Are the refugees of this rebellion to live upon the rev enues of large estates here ? Is Siidell to live iu Europe inaffiueuce on the revenue from estate in Louisana ? Dots a traitor, possess j ing large estate, gain immunity from all pun ishment whatever by fleeing the contry and making bis permanent residence abroad ? Sir, this bill has no relation whatever to the punishment provided against treason. It attach- > es to the projxny of tboS in rebellion,and pro vide.- for proceedings in rem and not in personam. The two are wholly diMiuet. Under this bill, ' you take aud confiscate the property of rebels; if aftTwards they should come within our pow- ; er, they may be indicted, convicted, and bung for tbe crime of treason The bill provides for' proceeding in rrm, as in prize cases, and iu no way affects the penalties in personam adminis tered by our criiuiual coarts. The case of the Palmyra {l2 Wbeaton, p. 1, was the cave of seizure by a Government vessel, tlie Grampus, sudor the acts cf piracy, of the 3d March, 18I9,a:jd of loth May,lß2o. Oue ground tukeu against a coudemuaatiou of . the veasel was, that it was not uvtired in the | libel that there Lad ben a conviction in per- ' senem of the r SVuse charged iu the libei; aud it was contended that there must be a conv.c-i lion upon an indiccieut for the offense in per- 1 sonam, averred and pioved, in otdtr to ina.n- . lain the bbel in rem. Justice Story, who delivered the opinion of the court, in noticing this objection, ssys : " Tbe point o! otje.tion is of an important and d; - i cult nature. It ia well known tLat at common iaw, in many cose* of leionies, the party forfeited fits goods and chatt.es to the Crown. No r.gh't to the goods and chat ties of the teiun could be acquired by the Crown by tiie rneie comm.ska o; ine offense ; Lot tbe right attached only by the conviction ct the offender. In coctetcp.a tion ol tbe common law, the offender's right was not di- • vested until conviction. But this d'Ktriiie never wa- ap plied to sewtres and forfeitures cre.ted by -tatnie inttrn, coptisabie on the leveaue s.ie ot the ex--fiequer. The thing is here piimarity consider'd as the offender,or rath er the offc .se is primarily attached to tbe tning. Many wm exist where the lorit,lure tor acts done attache* soieiy tn rem. and there is no a comracying penalty m p*rn.nam. Many case* ex st where there U Both afor lelfcre > rrm aLd a peisenai ptr.iity. But in neither CiSs* ot cases ha* it ever tee& oeciic-d that the pnwes- t lions were dependent upon each otuer. ik,t the practi-te La* teen, and .-o this court nnder-iand the law to be.rhat the liiucteutug >n TIT. stands .ndepeoc. of and wnoi.y cr.affccied by any crunfti&l proceed.ng mptrtonam." IT. re the offense is attached lolling, ar.d the bill provides for proceedings in rem, es iu prize cascsor forfeiture# arising under tbe rev eij.ae laws. It has no connection whatever with criminal proceedings in personum ; they are stili open to be resorted to, if tbe offender shall ever come witl.u tbe reach of our crimi nal process. Tue Constitution provides that " to Liil of attainder or rr j OK JKSCS.— Publius Len toios, asocuied by some to have beeu procon sul of Judea prior to Herod, is reported to have seen the Savioor, and to have written tbe followiug k-tter to the Roman Senate : " At this time appeared a man wbo ia still living, and endowed with mighty powers ; bis name is Jesus Christ. His disciples call bim the son of GOD ; others regard Dim as a pow erful prophet. He raises the dead to life, and heals the sick of every description of infirmity and disease. This muii is of lofty st&tore and well proportioned ; his countenance severe and virtuous, so that he inspires beholders with feelings both of fear and love The Lair of bis head is of the color of wine, and from the top of bis head to the ear*, straight and without radiance, but descends from the ears to tbe shoulders in shining carls. From tbe shoul ders the hair flows down the back, divided into two portions, after the manner of the Xazar enes ; his forebear! is char acd without wrin kle, hi: Lee free from blemi