E. O. GOODRICH, EDITOR. TOWANDA: Thursday Morning, July 11, 1861. LATEST WAR NEWS. Monday was the day agreed upon by the Presideut and his advisers, including Gen. Scott, for a grand combined movement on Manassas Jucction, by flank and center col umns. We make no comments, but give this simple announcement, and wait patiently for result. Gen. Beauregard is reported to be at Fairfax Court-llousc, bat the number of his army is not even proximately known. Yarious excitiDg rnmors and extravagant re rcports concerning a battle of great magni tude between Gen. Patterson and Gen. John son, at Martmsbnrg, prevailed at Washington. The war department, however, had no infor mation which would authorize these stories, and tbey were considered improbable. It is kuown that Gen. Jackson has been re-enforeed, his army now consisting 15,000 or 16,000 in fantry, 600 cavalry,and abont 20 pieces of ar tillery. Gen. Pat terson has sent for re-enforce ment, and the New-York 12th and &th left Washington on Sunday afternoou to go to him. On Monday it was expected, that his forces will be still further increased by Col. Stone's command. Patterson has now about 17,000 men and 20 pieces of artillery. Some uneasiness was caused at Washington by the fact that his commnnication with the Depart ment has been interrupted within the past three days. On Saturday night 45 men of the Third Ohio regiment fell in with an ambuscade of several hundred rebels at Middle York Bridge twelve miles east of Buckhannon, Ya. Being surrounded they fooght desperately for some time, then cut their way through the enamy and retired, losing only one man and having some wounded. On Sunday three regiments moved from Buckhannon aud took possession of the bridge. It was expected that Gen. j McClellan, with a large force, would go to ' Laurel Hill Monday and a fight is confidently looked for in that direction. We have, byway of Cincinnati, a report which need confirmation, to the effect that Gov. Wise, with a body-guard of 50 men, hod been attacked by Yirgiuians in Sissonville, A*a , and had been mortally wounded. A special dispatch 7th inst., to The Cin einnati Commercial from Pomeroy, Ohio, says that Col. Ilorton, with 150 men had just ar- j rived there from an expedition into Virginia, ' where they captured four horses, 16 head of cattle, and two mules from the rebels. Gov. Wise with a body guard of 50 men under Capt. Patton, were fired at by the ua tives near Sissionvilie. Wise and Patton are supposed to have been mortally wounded, and 40 of the guard killed. The report is undoubt edly true in substance, but the wounding of Gov. Wise and Copt. Patton needs confirma tion. The Washington Star has a special despatch from Grafton, dated the 3d instaat, which says that General Morris attacked and routed a division of Wise's army on Monday morning at Buckhannon, killing twenty three, and tak ing two hundred prisoners and seventy-three horses. CONGRESS. Congress assembled in special session on Thursday, and immediately pocceded to the business of organization. The Senate was called to order by Vice-President HAMLIN at noon, and the newly elected Senators from Kansas, lilinoise and California appeared, and took the customary oath. There were forty-three members present. The Senate did no business on the first day, but Mr. WILSON, ef Massachusetts, gave notice of his intention to iutroduce various bills rendered necessary by the condition of the conutry. On Friday GEORGE T. BROWN, was elected Sergeant at •rms on the first ballot. Mr. CHANDLER, of Michigan, gave notice that he shonld introduce a bill to confiscate the property of leading rebels in the South, the proceeds to be ap plied to the indemnification of Uuion men who may have suffered losses on account of the acts of such rebels. Notice having been received of the organization of the House, a committee was appointed to wait on the Pres Went,and notify him of the readincs of Con gress to proceed to business, and a shorte re cess was taken. On reassembling, the Pres ident's Message was received ad read. We publish this important document in full else where. In the House on Thursday, almost the first busiuess after the roll had peen called was the electing of Speaker. Bat one ballot was had—the contest being between Messrs. GROW, of Pennsylvania, and BLAIR of Missou ri. Mr. COI.FAX woohl not suffer his name to he nsed, and so announced to his friends.— When the vote was taken it was found there was no choice, when Mr. BLAIR withdrew, and his vote was transferred to Mr. GROW— thus electiug that gentleman. Mr. GROW on taking the chair, made an earnest [and telliog address of thanks, wbic will be found in anoth er part of our paper. The members were then sworn in by delegations. Some objections was made to the Virginia delegation by Mr. BUR NET, of Kentucky, bot the objection was overcome. Some other trifling delay was oc easioned by case of contested election, when the House proceeded to the choice of Clerk, and the first ballot resulted in the election of Mr. ETHEREDCK, of Tennessee. Mr YAILAN DIGRAM, of Ohio, gave notice of his intention to introduce a bill to repeal the Tariff act of 1861, and substitute that of 1858 with revis ion. €u Friday Ex-Congressman BALL WAS chosen Sergeant-at-arms ; Ira GOODENOW, of New-York, Doorkeeper, and Rev. Mr. STOCK TO*, Chaplain. The President's Message was received and read, portions of it being greeted with applauses from the floor aDd galleries. Mr. STEVECS, of Pennsylvania, gave notice of a bill to repeal all laws creat ing ports of entry in the rebellious States,and a bill providing for holding of a United States Court in Wheeling. The House soon after wards adjourned. One of the important documents accompany ing the President's, the two of most imme diate interest are the reports of the Secreta ry of War and the secretary of the Treasury. The latter anticipates that it will be necessary to provide for raising $ 320,000,000, and he suggests that $ 80,000,000 of this sum shonld be raised by direct taxation, and the remain ing $240,000,000 by loans. After the announcement of the ballot for Speaker, Hon. G. A. GROW, made the follow ing remarks : Gentlemen of the House of Representatives, of Ike United. States of America : Words of thanks for the honor conferred I by the vote just announced would but feebly express the heart's gratitude. While appreci ating this distinguished mark of your confi dence, I am not unmindful of the trying duties incident to the position to which you bavo as signed me. Surrounded at all times by grave responsibilities, it is doubly so in this hour of national disaster, when every consideration of gratitude to the past and obligation to the fu ture tendrils around the preseut. Four scoro years ago fifty-six bold merchants, farmers, lawyers and mechanics, the representatives of a few feeble Colonists, scattered along the Atlantic seabord, met in Cenvention to found a new Empire, based on the inalienable rights of man. Seven years of bloody conflict ensned, and the Fourth of July, 177*3, is canonized in the hearts of the great and good as the jubi lee of oppressed nationalities, and in the cal endar of heroic deeds it marks a new era in the history of the race. Three-quarters of a century have passed away, and the feeble Col onists, hemmed in by the ocean in front, and the wilderness and the savage in the rear, have spanned the whole continent with a great empire of free States, rearing throughout its vast wilderness the temples of science and of civilization on the ruins of savage life. Hap piness, seldom, if ever, equaled, has surround ed the domestic fireside, and prosperity unsur passed has crowned the national energies, the liberties of the people been secure at home *and abroad, while the Natioual standard float ed, honored and respected in every commercial mart of the world. On the return of thisglo rioos anniversary alter a period but little ex ceeding the allotted lifetime of man, the peo ple's representatives are convened in the Coun cil Chambers of the Republic to deliberate on the means for preserving the Government, un der whose benign influence these grand results have been achieved. A rebellion the most causeless in the history of the race has devel oped a conspiracy of loog standing to destroy the Constitution formed by the wisdom of our fathers aud the Union, cemented by their blood. This conspiracy, nurtured for loug years in secret councils, first develops itself openly iu acts of spoliation and plunder of public property, with the connivance or under the protection of treason, enthroned in all the high places of the Government, and at last in armed rebellion for the overthrow of the best Government ever devised by man. Without an effort in the mode prescribed in the organ ic law for a redress of all grievances, the mal contents appeal only to the arbitrament of the sword, insult the nation's bouor, and trample npon its flag; iuangurate a revolution which, if successful, would end in establishing petty jarring confederacies or anarchy upon the ru [ ins of the Republic aud the destruction of its I liberties. The 19th of April, canonized in the first struggle for American Nationality, consecra ted in the martyr blood of Warren, has its connterpart iu Ellsworth, and the heroic deeds and patriotic sacrifices of the struggle for the establishment of the Republic are being repro duced upon the battle-fields for its mainten ance. Every race and tongue of men almost is represented in the grand legion of the Un ion, their standards proclaiming in a language more impressive than words tlat here indeed is the home of the emigrant and the asyjum of the exile, no matter where was his birth place, or in what clime his infancy was cra dled. He devotes his life to the defence of his adopted land, the vindication of its honor, and the protection of its flag, with the same zeal with which he would guard his hearth stone and fireside. All parties, sects and con ditions of men, not corrupted by the institu tions of human bondage, forgetting bygone rancors or prejudices, blend in one phalaux for the integrity of the Union and the perpetuity of the Republic. Long years of peace in the pursuits of sordid gaiu, instead ot blunting the patriotic devotion of loyal citizens, seems but to have iuteusified its development, when the existence of the Government is assailed. The merchant, the buuker, and the tradesman, with an alacrity unparalleled, proffer their all at the altar of their country, while from the coun ter, the workshop, and the plow, brave hearts and stout arms, leavingjtheir tasks unfinished, rush to the tented field—the air vibrates with martial strains, and the earth shakes with armed men. In view of this grand demon stration for self-preservation in the history of nationalities, desponding patriotism may be assured that the foundations of our national greatness still slauds strong and the sentiment which beats to-day in every loyal heart will for the futore be realized. No flag alien to the sources of the Mississippi will ever float permanently over its mouth till its waters are crimsoned in hnman gore, and not oue foot of American soil can be wrenched from the juris diction of the Constitution of the United States until it is baptised iu tire and blood. [Vociferous applause upon the floor, and in the galleries, which lasted for many minutes.] [ Gentlemen, as your presiding oflieer, it becomes my duty to apprize you that any demonstra tions of approval or disapproval of anything i done or said during your session is iu violation of parliamentary decorum, and the Chair would , also inform the persons in the galleries that applause by them is a violation of good order and a breach of the rules of the House. The Chair hopes thjpfore that any demonstra tions of applause will not be repeated. In God is our and the " Star Span gled Manner forever shall wave, o'er the land of the free and the home of the brave." [Sop pressed applause.] Those who regard it as mere elotb booting, fail to appreciate ita sym bolical power. Wherever civilization dwelb or the name of WASHINGTON is known, it bears on its folds the concentrated powers and ar mies and avies r and snrrounds the votaries with a defence more impregnable than a bat tlement of wall or tower. Wherever, on the earth's snrface, an American citizen may wan der, eaUed by pleasure, business or caprice, it is a shield to secure him against wrong and outrage ; save on the soil of the land of his birth. As the guardians of the rights and liberties of the people, yonr paramount dnty is to make it honored at home as it is respect ed abroad. A Government that cannot com mand the loyalify of it own citizens is unwor thy the respect of the world ; and a Govern ment that will not protect its own loyal citi zens, deserves the contempt of the world. He would tear down this grandest temple of Constitutional liberty, thos blasting forever the hopes of crashed humanity, because its freemen in the mode presented by the Consti tution select a Chief Magistrate not acceptable to him, is a parricide to bis race, and should be regarded as a common enemy of mankind. The Union once destroyed is a shattered vase that no human power can reconstruct in its original symmetry. Coarse stone 'when they are broken may be cemented again ; precious ones never. If the Republic is to be dis membered, and the sun of its liberty most go ontinendhss night, let it set amid the roar of cannon and the din of battle, when there is no longer an arm to strike or a heart to bleed in its caose, so the coming generation may not reproach the present with being too imbe cile to preserve the priceless legacy bequeathed by our fathers, so as to transmit it unimpaired to future times. Again, gentlemen, thauking you for your confidence and kindness, and in voking guidance from that Divine Power that led our fathers through the Red Sea of the Revolution, I enter upon the discharge of the duties to which you have assigned me, reiy iug upon your forbearance and cooperation, and trustiug that your labors will contribute not a little to the greatness and glory of the Republic. President's Message. Fellow-Citizens of the Senate and House of Representatives : —Having beeu convened on an extraord.nary occasion, as authorized by the Constitution, yonr attention is not called to any ordinary subject of legislation. At the beginning of the present Presidential term, four months ago, the functions of the Federal Government were found.to be gener ally suspended within the several States of South Ourolina, Georgia, Alabama, Mississip pi, Louisana, and Florida, excepting only those of the Post office Department. Within these States all the forts, arsenals, dock yards, customhouses, and the like, including the moveable aod stationary property in and about them, had been seized, and were held in open hostility to this Government, excepting oidy Forts Pickens, Taylor and Jefferson, on and near the Florida coast, aud Fort Sumter, in Charleston Harbor, S. C. The forts thus seized had been put in im proved condition, new ones had been built, and armed forces had been organized and were organizing, all avowedly with the same hostile purpose. The forts remaining iu the posses sion of the Federal Government in and near these States were either beseiged or menaced by warlike preparations, and especially Fort Sumter was nearly surrounded by well protec ted hostile batteries, with guns equal in quali ty to the best of her own, and out numbering the latter perhaps ten to one—a disproportion ate share of the Federal muskets and rifles had somehow found their way in these States, and had been seized to be used against the Government. Accumulations of the public revenue, lying within them, had been seized for the same object—the Navy was scattered in distant seas, leaving but a very small part of it within thfr immediate reach of the Gov ernment. Officers of the Federal Army had resigned ill great numbers, and of those resigning a large proportion had taken up arms against the Government. Simultaneously, nnd in con nection with all this, the purpose of severing the Federal Union was openly avowed. In accordance with this purpose, an ordinance had been adopted iu each of these States de claring the States respectively to be separated from the Federal Union. A formula for in stituting a combined Government of these States had been promulgated, and this illegal organization in tho character of the " Confed erate States," was already invoking recogni tion, aid and intervention from Foreign Pow ers. Finding this condition of things, and be lieving it to be an imperative duty upon the incoming Executive to prevent, if possible, the consummation of such attempt to destroy the Federal Union, a choice of meaos to that end became indispensable. This choice was made, and was declared in the Inaugural Address. The policy chosen looked to the exbaustation of all peaceful measures before a resort to any stronger ones. It sought only to hold the public places and property not already wrest ed from the Government, and to collect the revenue, relying for the rest on time, discus siou, and the ballot-box ; it promised a con tinuance of the mails, at Government expense, to the very people who were resisting the Gov ernment, and it gave repeated pledges against any disturbances to any of the people or any of their rights, of all that which a President might constitutionally aud justifiably do in such a case. Everything was forborne, with out which it was believed possible to keep the Government on foot. Ou ot March, the present incum bent's first day in office, a letter from Major Anderson, commanding at Fort Samter, writ ten on the 28tb of February, and received at the War Department on the 4th of March, was by that Department placed in bis bands. The letter expressed the professional opinion of the writer, that reinforcements could not be thrown into that fort within the time for his relief rendered necessary by the limited supply of provisions,and with a view of holding possession of the same,with a force of less than 20,000 good and well disciplined men. This opinion was concurred in by all the officers of his command, and their memoranda on the subject were made inclosures of Major Ander sou's letter. The whole was immediately laid before Lieut.-Gen. Scott who at once concur red with Major Andersoa in his opinion. On reflection, however, he took full time, consult ing with other officers, both of the Army and Navy, and at the end of four days came re luctantly but decidedly to the name conclusion as before." lie also stated, at the same time, that no such sufficient force was then at the control of the Government, or could be raised and brought to the ground within the time when the provisions in the fort would be ex hausted. In a purely military point of view, this reduced the daty of the Administration in the case to the mere matter of getting the garrison safely out of the fort. It was be lieved, however, that to abandon that position, under the circumstances, would be ruinous; that the necessity under which it was to bo done would not be folly understood; that by many it would be construed as a pert of a vol untary policy, that at home, it would discour age the friends of the Union, embolden its ad versaries, and go far to insure to the latter a recognition abroad; that, in fact, it would be our national destruction consummated. This could not be allowed. Starvation was yet up on the garrison, and ere it would be reached Fort Pickens might be reinforced. This last would be a clear indication of policy, and would better enable the country to accept the evacu ation of Fort Sumter as a military necessity. An order was at once directed to be sent for the landing of the troops from the steamship Brooklyn into Fort Pickens. This order could not go by land, but must take the longer and slower route by sea. The first return news from the order was received just one week af ter the fall of Sumter. The news itself was that the officer commanding the Sabine, to which vessel the troops had been transferred from the Brooklyn, acting upon some quasi armistice of the late Administration, and of the existence of which the present Adminis tration, up to the time the order was dispatch ed. had only too vague and uucertain rumors to fix attention, had refused to land the troops. To now reinforce Fort Pickens before a crisis would be reached at Fort Sumter, was impos sible, rendered so by tbe near exhaustion of provisions in the latter named fort. In precaution against such a conjecture, the Government bad a few days before commenced preparing an expedition, as well adapted as might be, to relieve Fort Sumter, which expe dition was intended to be ultimately used or not, according to circumstances. The strong est anticipated case for using it was now pre senied, and it was resolved to send it forward as had been intended, ia this contigency, it was also resolved to notify the Governor of South Carolina that he might expect an at tempt would be made to provision the fort, and that if the attempt should not be resisted there would bfe no attempt to throw in men, arms or ammunition, without further notice, or in case of an attack upou the fort. This notice was accordingly given, whereupon the fort was attacked aud bombarded to its fall, without eveu awaiting the arrival of the pro visioning expedition. It is thus seen that the assault upon and reduction of Fort Sumter was in no sense, a matter of self defence on the part of the as sailants. They well knew that the garrison in the fort conld, by no possibility, commit aggression upon them; they knew—they were expressly notified —that the giving of bread to the few brave and hungry tnen in the gar rison was all that would on that occasion be attempted, unless themselves by resisting so much should provoke more. They knew that this Government desired to keep the garrison in the fort, not to assail thtm, but merely to maintain visible possession, and thus to pre serve the Union from actual and immediate dissolution, trustiug, as hereinbefore stated, to time, discussion nnd the ballot-box, for final adjustment, and they assailed and reduced the ( fort for precisely the reverse object, to drive i out the visible authority of the Federal Un ion aud thus force it to immediate dissolu tion. That this was their object, the Kxecu tive well understood; and having said to them in the Inaugural Address "you can have no conflict without being yourselves the aggres sors, 'he took pains, not only to keep this de claration good, but a'so to keep the case so far from ingenious sophistry, so that the world should not misunderstand it. By the affair at Fort Sumter, with its snrrounding circum stances, that point was reached. Then and thereby tbe assailants of the Government be gan the conllict of arms, without a gun in sight or in the expectancy to rctnrn their fire, save only the few in the fort sent to that harbor years before, for their own protection, and still ready to give that protection in what ever was lawful. In this act, discarding all else, they have forced upon the country the distinct issue—immediate dissolution or blood, and this issue embraces more than the fate of these United States. It presents to the whole family of man the question whether a Consti tutional Republic or Democracy, a Govern ment of the people, by the same people, can or cannot maintain its territorial integrity against its own domestic foes It presents the question whether discontented individuals, too few in numbers to control tbe Administration according to the organic law in any case, can always upon the pretences made in this case, or any other pretences, or arbitrarily without any pretence, break up their Government, and thus practically put an end to free government upou the earth. It forces us to ask, "is there io all Republics this inherent and fatal weak ness?" Must a Government of necessity be too strong for tbe liberties of its own people, or too weak to maintain its own existence? So viewing the issue, no choice was left but to call out the war power of the Government, and so to resist the force employed for its de struction by force for its preservation. The call was made, and the response of the coun try was most gratifying, surpassing in unan imity and spirit the most sauguiue expecta tions. \et none of the States, commonly called Slave States, except Delaware, gave a regiment through the regular State organiza tion. A few regiments have been organized within some others of these States by individ ual interprise, aud received into the Govern ment service. Of course the seceded States, so called, and to which Texas had been joined about tho time of the inauguration, gave no troops to the cause of the Union. The Border States, •o called, were not uniform in their action, some of them being almost for the Union, while in others, as in Virginia, North Caroli na, Tennessee and Arkansas, the Union senti ment was nearly repressed and silenced. The course taken in Virginia was the most remark able, perhaps the most important. A Con vention, elected by the people of that State, to consider this very question of disrupting the Federal Union, was in session at the Capital of Virginia, when Sumter fell. To this body the people had chosen a large majority of professed Union men, almost im mediately after the fall of Sumter. Many members of that majority went over to the original disunion minority, and, with tlirm, adopted an ordinance for withdrawing the State from the Federal Union. Whether this change was wrought by their great approval of the assault upon Sumter, aud their great resentment to the Government's resistance to that assault, is not definitely known. Although tbey submitted the ordinance for ratification to a Tote of the people, to be tak en in a day, then somewhat more than a month distant, the Convention and the Legislature, which was also in session at the same time and place, with leading men of the State, not members of either, immediately commenced acting as if the State was ont ot the Federal Union. They pushed military organizations vigorously forward all over the State. They seized the United States Arsenal nt Harper's Ferry, aud the Gosport Navy-yard, near Norfolk. They received, perhaps, invi ted, into their State large bodies of troops, with their warlike appointments from the so called seceded States. They formally entered into a treaty of tem]>or&ry alliance with the so-called Confederate States, and sent mem bers to their Congress at Montgomery, and finally they permitted the insurrectionary Gov ernment to be transferred to their capital at Richmond. The people of Virginia have thus allowed this giant insurrection to make its nest with in her borders, and this Government has no choice left but to deal with it where it finds it, and it has the less to regret as the loyal citizens have in due form claimed its protec tion. These loyal citizens this Government is bound to protect as being iu Virginia. In the Border States, so called, in fact the mid dle States, there are those who favor a policy which they call armed neutrality. That is, an arming of these States to prevent the Un ion forces passing one way, or the Disunion the other, over their s ( greater proportion to what it was then t ? does the population. Surely each man strong a motive now to preserve our liht r - U ua each had tbeu to establish them. 1 A right result at this time will be * ort , more to the world than ten times the men a I ten times the money. The evidence reach'!. 1 us from the country leaves no doubt that t> material for the work is abundant, aud that needs only the baud of legislation to ggitv t legal sauctiou aud the hand of the Executd! to give it practical shape aud efficiency. (>, of the greatest perplexities of the Government is to avoid receiviug troops faster thau it tln ' provide for them ; iu a word, the people save their Government, if the Governing, itself will do its part ouly indifferently well _ It might seem at first thought to be of difference whether the present movement a", the South be called secession or rebellion J The movers, however, will understand the de ference. At the beginning tbey knew that theycouid never raise their treasou to any respectabl magnitude by any name which implies viola, lion of law ; they knew their people as much of moral sense, as much of devotion to law and order, and as much pride iu its rev erence for the history and Government of their common country as any other civilized and patriotic people. They knew they could malts no advancement directly in the teeth of these strong and noble sentiments. According they commenced by an insidious debauchery of the public mind ; they invented au ingenious sophism, which, it conceded, was followed bt perfectly logical steps through all the ineidco . of the complete destruction of the Union. Tr,e sophism itself is, that any State of the l'u may, consistently with the nation's Constitu tion, and therefore, lawfully and peaee/i/i/v withdraw from theUuiou, without thecomem of the Union, or of any other State. The little disguise that the supposed right J to be exercised ouly for just cause, theiuselrJ to be the sole judge of its justice, is too thin] to merit any notice. With rebellion thus sugar coated they have been drugging tha people of their section for more than thirty years, and until at length they have brought manj good men to a willingness to take up aruis against the Government the day after sotnc assem blage of men have enacted the farcical pretense of taking their State out of the Union alio could have been brought to no such thing the day before. This sophism derives much, pernsps the whole,of its currency from the assumption that there is some omnipotent and sacred supremacy pertaining to a State—to each State of oar Federal Union. Our States have neither more nor less power thau that reserved to them in the Union by the Constitution, no one of them ever having been a State ont of the Union The orignal ones passed into the Union even before they cast off their British colonial de pendence, and I lie new ones came into tbe Union directly from a condition of dependent excepting Texas ; and even Texrx , in its te* porarv independence, was never designated i a State. The new ones only took the designation if States ou coming into the Union, while uame was first adopted for old on and by the Declaration of I ndependetice- Thereiu the united colonies were declared to be free and Independent States. But evert then the object plainly was not to declare their in dependence of one another of the Union, hut directly the contrary, as their mutual p/edge aud their mutual action before,at the time,and afterward, abundantly show. The express plighting of faith by each and all of the origi nal thirteen States in the article nfconfedera tion two years later, that the Union shall be perpetual, is most conclusive, having never been States either in substance or in mure outside of the Union. Whence '.his magicii omnipotence of State Rights, asserting a cli of power to IHWIUIIV destrov the I'ition itself Much is said about the sovereignty of the States, but the word even is not in the N tional Constitution, nor as is believed, in ir of the State Constitutions. What is a sovereignty in the political ves* of the term ? Would it he far wrong toihfa it a political community without a politicM superior ? Tested by this 110 one of ourSi'.e except Texas, was a sovereignty, and ew Texas gave up the character on corning the Union, by which act she acknowledH the Constitution of the United States, and ta laws and treaties of the United States n* in pnrsuauee of States, have their status H the Union made in pursuance of the Coniza tion, to be for her the supreme law f * States have their status in the Union, **l they have uo other legal status. If they break from this they can only do so against la* ,3 ' by revolution. The Union, and not themselves separate procured their independence and their liber? by conquest or purchase; the Union gave f®' 3 of them whatever of independence and libert; it has. The Union is older than any of tk States, and in fact it created them as Originally some dependent colonics made : Union, and in turn the Union threw off tflf old dependence forthem and made them such as they are Not one of them ever a State Constitution independent of the 1 !: >* Of course it is not forgotten that all the States formed their Constitutions before tut entered the Union, nevertheless dependent °F on and preparatory to coming into the Unquestionably the States have the po"'£ and rights reserved to thein in and by ' National Constitution, but among the-o are not included all conceivable powers. ' ! ever mischievous or destructive, hut at 1,1 such only as were known in the world *' time as governmental powers ; and < * rW ' n power to destroy the Government itself never been known as a government merely administrative power. This w!ah n ' , ter of national power and State 1 principle, is no other than the principle ' erality and locality. Whatever concern? whole should be confined to the whole te°^ Government, while whatever concerns State should be left exclusively to 'ho t This is all there is of original P n I about it. Whether the National ions-- I in defining boundaries between the