iietos from all ilatlous. —An amnsing incident occurred at Wells- Tine, Ohio, during Mr. Lincoln's journey to Cleveland.— A large crowd had assembled .and Mr. Lincoln went out on be platform. He excused himself from making a gpeecb having made a few remarks there on the previous day.— At this moment a man stepped forward and offered a eouplc of apples to the President elect. A little boy in the crowd yelled out, " Say, Mr. Linkin, that man is run ning for Postmaster!" The donor of the apples collapsed amid screams of laughter. —The London Daily Xetcs in remarking up on the madness of the South, thinks the proposition that a " barbaric slaveholding community has a prospect of splendor and wealth, in virtue of its barbarism, while a free and thriving people will become a mere rump of the Republic, is treason to political principles in any civili ed country in the world." —Robert T. Lincoln, the eldest son of the President elect, and who is accompanying him to Wash ington, is a student at Harvard, and will shortly return to liis class. He is a young man of fine abilities and much dignity of character. The reports in various papers inti mating that his course of lite is what is popularly denom inated "fast," are strictly erroneous, and no less "painful to him than to his excellent parents, to whom he has ever been a dutiful and affectionate son. —There is a sublime insolence about John Chinaman, unsurpassed except by the seceding mutual admiration coterie now running the Southern Confeder acy. Over the house assigned in Pekin to Mr. Ward, the American Ambassador,the Chinese authorities placed the following inscription: "Lent to American Barbarian Ward, Tribute Bearer." —Gen. Butler, of Lowell, ia a wit. The Boston Courier reports the be was in Washington the other (lay, and during a conversation with southern men, one of them, a Georgian, said. "I do not believe there is an honest man in Massachsetts." After a moment's re flection he added : "I beg to assure you, Mr. Butler I mean nothing personal." The general responded : " 1 believe there are a great many honest men in Georgia; but in saying so, sir, I do not mean anything personal." —An official statement laid before the Lou isiana Convention, shows that Louisana realized $731,- 330 by her thefts of public property at New Orleans This sum includes the value of two revenue cutters the McClelland lard the Washington which were surrendered by their officers. —A letter from Milwaukee says—The country is full of wheat. AH the warehouses in the city are full, and they art shipping it off"all the time in bar rels and hags, by railroad, to make room. —The Bauks in New York are now nearly glutted with specie. They now held $36,000,000 with a prospect of a future increase. —The family of Hon. J. Glancy Jones, Minister to Austria, comprising Mrs. Jones, two daugh ters and son Richmond arrived at Reading on Wednesday of last week. Mr. Jones will remain at his post until his successor is appointed. —A member of the Illinois Legislature had the satisfaction of creating a decided sensation a few days since. Having expressed himself with much emphasis on • question before the house, he attempted to resume his seat, but forgeting that he had moved it back, was aston* ished at finding himself on the floor. Above the shout of laughter which ensued, his voice was heard asserting that he still " had the floor." —There is an actual scarcity of provisions in Smith county, Miss. A resident of that section, Maj Hawkins, was recently deputed to visit Illinois, to pur chase corn. On his arrival at Springfield, the people con vened spontaneously .passed resolutions denouncing seces sion, and pledging themselves to give the destitute all the corn they needed. From the fact that $15,000,000 who bid for the new United States six per cent, loan of $3,000,000' it may be inferred that confidence in the government is not entirely gone. Of the sum, $13,500,000 was bid in New Vork city alone. The award was made in Washing ton on Saturday. —Speaking of the number and variety of names suggested for the " Southern Confederacy,'" the Milwaukee Sentinel says: Samboania, jXiggeria and Cot tonalia, are all very pretty, but we suggest that they use the name of one of their leading men—take Ilhett, for instance. How appropriate this would sound—"The Rhett-Ched Confederacy." —The smartest young butcher in New York Is named Gorman. II" can kill and dress a sheep in four minutes and twenty lour seconds, and did it the other day for a wager. Ilis competitor, a veteran butcher named Darhy, occupied six minutes and twenty-six seconds in performing the same operation. —A most desperate a (Tray took place in Carbondale, Luzerne county, on Saturday night, during which George Brennon was killed. Andrew Farrell was fatally stabbed, and Berole dangerously injured by a man named Martin Gibson who used a bowie knife with fatal execution. Gibson when arrested, expressed regret that he had not killed all his victims. —The Republicans of New York State bave gained in the County Elections for Supervisors as far as hoard from. John Brownism and Sec ess ion ism are alike impotent to inspire any love for Slavery among educated people who have time to think and act intelli gently. —ln the recent flood on the West Branch at Youngwomanstown, the gorged ice was piled fifty feet high, destroying houses and bridges and doing great damage to many persons. —The returns of 1850 show the militia of the Northern States to be 1,255, 573 ; and of tbe South em States, 773,864. —The Charleston Courier is moved to an ger because, on Washington's Birthday, Fort Sumter " belched forth its saucy salute " of 34 guns. —Missouri has decided by 20,000 major ity, against a Convention to even consider about Seces sion. They are sensible in that. —The Congress of the Southern Confed eracy has adopted a resolution in favor of the free navi. gat ion of the Mississippi. It is evidently fearful of pro. yoking a collision. —The Baltimore Sun, a rabid secession pa per openly confesses that the sole purpose of the South Carolina Rebellion was to break the Republican party Into pieces, and that the failure of the Border Slave States to side with South Carolina and go out of the Union has blown up, not the Republicans, but the Cotton States. —The Town Elections in New York State arc as strongly in favor of Republicanism, as they were last year—in some instances they even show gains. —The oddest of all gifts to the President elect came to hand, in the course of yesterday morning. It was neither more nor less than a whistle made ont of a pig's tail. There is no "sell" in this. Your correspon dent has seen the tangible refutation of the time honored saying that no "whistle can be made ont of a pig's tail" with his own eyes. The donor of the instrument is a pro minent Ohio politician, residing at Columbus, aud con nected with the Stale government. Mr. Lincoln enjoys the joke huge'.}'. —Judge Low, of the Land Coort, St. Louis, has decided that a paper published in the interest of a religious sect, is not a nttrspaper , and that legal notices pnblished in such journals are void. —ln tho United States Senate the other day, while the tariff was nnder consideration, Mr. Col lamer proposed to raise the duties on Havana cigars as luxuries. Whereupon Mr . Seward remarked : "I desire to know of the Senator from Verm ant, if 1 correctly un derstand him, whether he regards cigars as luxuries ; be eanee I have come to regard them as a necessary of life?" Mr. (Seward is an inveterate smoker. £' W. ™Scir. 1 EDITORS. TOWANDA: Thursday Morning, March 7, 1861. The Inaugural Address. On the Fourth of March, in the pres ence of an immense and enthusiatic assem blage, with the customary ceremonies, the oath of office was administered to ABRA HAM LINCOLN, and he was inducted into the office of the Chief Magistrate of this Nation. We have no space for the details of the ceremonies of thi3 important and interesting occasion ; but everything was done amidst peace and good order, and without violence or accident. We give the Inaugural Address in full, and we are sure our readers will be grati fied with its sentiments. It meets the mo mentous questions fairly and squarely. It repeats the oft-declared purpose of the Re publican party not to interfere with the rights of the Southern states ; and ack nowledges the Constitutional obligation to return fugitive slaves. The L nion " must and shall be preserved " —and the Inaugu ral takes mild, forbearing, yet firm ground for the enforcement of the laws. Finally, Mr. LINCOLN appeals earnestly for the Union. Those who have looked to Mr. LINCOLN to humiliate the Republican" party, have little comfort from the present indications of his policy. Our faith in him is confirm ed—that his prudence, sagacity and firm ness combined, make him the man for the times. The struggle for places in the Cabi net has been tremendous. The following is probably the programme : Secretary of State.—\\ M. H. SEW ARP, of N. York. Secretary of Treasury,—SALMON T. CHASE, of Ohio. Secretary of War—SIMON CAMERON, of Penn. Secretary of Navy —MONTGOMERY BI.AIR, of Md. Secretary of Interior—CALEß B. SMITH, of Indianna. Postmaster General.—GlDEON WELI.ES, of Conn. Attorney-General— EDWAßD B ATES, of Missouri. CABINET OF THE NEW CONFEDERACY. We understand that the Cabinet of the Southern Confederacy is arranged as follows : Secretary of State, Herscliell V. Johnson, Ga. Secretary of War, 1'- O. Hider, La. Secretary of the Navy, S. It. Mallorv, Florida. Secretary of the Interior, W. Porcher Miles, S. C. Post Office Dedartmeat, J. H. Homphill, Texas. Attorney General, John A. Elmore, Ala. The premier of thi3 Cabinet, Mr. Johnson, was lately the candidate for the \ ice Presi dency on the Douglas ticket. He has always been, says the U. S. Gazelle, a rank partisan of the extreme southern school of political doctrines, and how he ever got into the com pany of Douglas in the late cauvass remains a mystery. When he was Governor of Georgia he was a Gre-cater in opposition to the Union men, then victorious. Daring] the] Presiden tial canvass his sentiments were quoted far and wide in direct opposition to the teuet3 of the Northern Douglasites. He is a proper companion of Cobb, Toombs, and the rest of the school of troublesome men. This same State of Georgia seems to cut an extensive figure among the cottonocracy. She has the President of their Congress, Mr. Cobb, tbe Vice President of the Republic, Mr Stephens, and the premier of the Cabinet, Mr. Johnson. South Carolina, the head and front of scces siouism, gets the sraa'l sop of Secretary of the Interior. Under the great Union this Department had a province of vast importance. It dealt with the patent office, ludian, pension, bud and census bureaus, and the government of the territories and public buildings. The uew republic has no territories to govern, no In dians to control, no pension list to pay, no pateut office to manage ; the census has just been finished at Washington, and the public lands are seized by the States. What then will the Interior Department do ? When it gets any money it may engage in spending it to erect public buildings, but that and all the rest of its business is yet to be created. It is a Department without a function. And this is the equality, and this the honor, for which South Carolina seceded ! How are the great men of the Palmetto State rewarded ? Their crop of laurels is absolutely prodigious. A NEW DIVORCE BILL of 6ome interest has been rend in the Legislature. It enacts that the jurisdiction of the several Courts of Com mon Pleas of this Commonwealth shall here after extend to all cases of divorce from the bonds of matrimony for causes not desig nated by existing laws of this Commonwealth, when cither or both of the parties were or may be at the time of occurring of said causes, domiciled in another State or foreign coun try. Frovidcd, that no application for the divorce shell be received by said Courts, unless the applicant shall have been a citizen of this State, and shall have resided therein at least one whole year previous to the filing of his or her petition or libel. Any woman who shall have had a bona fait residence in this State at least one whole year previous to the filing of her petitions for libel, shall be taken to be a citizen for the purposes of this act. THE TARIFF BILI. at last passed the Senate, by a vote of 25 yeas to 14 Days. Of the fourteen Senators who voted agninst the bill, every man is a Democrat. Even Mr. Douglas, who made Tariff speeches in this State, voted against it, but spoke against it. INAUGURAL ADDRESS OP ABR'M LINCOLN, March 4. 1861. Fellow citizens of the United States: Iu compliance with a custom as old as the Government itself, I appear before you to ad dress you briefly, aud to take iu your presence the oath prescribed by the Constitution of the United States to be taken by the President be fore he enters on the execution of his office. I do uot consider it necessary at present for me to discuss those matters of Administration, about which there is no special anxiety or ex citement. Apprehensions seem to exist among the peo ple of the Southern States that, by the acces aion of a Republican Administration, their property, and their peace and personal securi ty are to be endangered. There has never been any reasonable cause for such apprehen sion. Indeed, the most ample evidence to the contrary has all the while existed, and been open to their inspection. It is found in nearly all the published speeches of him who now addresses you. I do but quote from one of these speeches, when I declare that "I have no purpose, directly or indirectly, to interfere with the institution of Slavery in the States where it exists. I believe I have no lawful right to do so." Those who nominated and elected me did so with a full knowledge that I had made this and many similar declarations, and had never recanted them. And more than this, they placed in the platform for my acceptance, and as a law to themselves and to me, tbe clear and explicit resolution which I now read : Htso'vul, That the maintenance inviolate of the rights of the States, ami especially the right of each State to order and control its own domestic institutions according to its own judgment exclusively, is essential to that balance of power of which the perfection and en durance of our political fabric depend; and wc denounce the lawless invasion, by armed force, of the soil of any State or Tearritory, no matter under what pretext, as the greatest of crimes. I new reiterate these sentiment", and in do ing so, I only press npon the public attention the most conclusive evidence of which the case is susceptible, that the property, peace and se curity ot no section ore to be in any wise en dangered by the now incoming administration. I add too, that all the protection which, con sistently with the Constitution and the laws, can be given, will be cheerfully given to ull tho States when lawfully demanded, for whatever cause, as cheerfully to one section as to an other. There is much controversy about the deliv ering up of fugitives front service or labor.— The clause I now read is as plainly writtcu in the Constitution us any other of its provis ions. " So person held to service or labor in one State under the laws thereof, escaping into another, shall, in couse rpienceof any law or regulation therein, be discharged from such service or labor, but shall be delivered up on claim of the party to whom such service or labor may be due.'' it is scarcely questioned that this provision was intended by those who made it for tho re claiming of what we call fugitive slaves, and the intention of the lawgiver is tho law. All Members of Congress swear their support to the whole Constitution—to this provision as much as any other. To the proposition, then, that slaves whose cases come within the terms of this clause "shall be delivered up," their oaths are unanimous. Now if they would make the effort in good temper, could they not with nearly equal unanimity frame and pass a law by means cf which to keep good that unanimous oath ? There is seine difference of opinion whether this clause should lie enforced by National or by State authority, but surely that difference is not a very material one. if the slave is to be surrendered, it can be of but little consequence to him or to others by which authority it is done. And should any one in any case, he content that this oath shall go unkept on a merely unsubstantial controversy, as to how it shall be kept ? Again, in any law upon this subject, ought not all the safe guards of liberty known in the civilized and humane jurispruth .ice to be introduced, so that a freeman be not in any ca--? surrendered as a slav i ? And might it not be well at the same ti* e to provide by law for the enforcement of that clause in the Constitution which guaran tees that "the citizens of each State shall be entitled to all tlie privileges and immunities ol citizens in the several States." 1 take tho of ficial oath to day with no mental reservations, and with no purpose to construe the Constitu tion or laws by any hypercritical rules ; and while I do not choose now to specify particu lar acts of Congress as proper to be enforced, I do suggest that it will be much safer for all, both in official and private stations, to conform to, and abide by all, those acts which stand unrepealed, than to violate any of them, trust ing to find impunity in having them held to be unconstitutional. It is 6eventy-two years since the first inaug uration of a President under our National Constitution. During that period, fiitcen dif ferent and greatly distinguished citizens have in succession administered the Executive branch of the Government. They have conducted it through many perils, and generally with great success. Yet with all this scope for precedent, I now enter upon the same task, for the brief constitutional term of four years, under great and peculiar difficulty. A disrup tion of the Federal F nion, heretofore ouiy menaced, is now formidably attempted. I hold that in contemplation of universal law and of the Constitution, the union of these States is perpetual. Perpetuity is implied, if not expressed, in the fundamental law of all National Governments. It is safe to assert that Government proper never had a pro vision in its organic law for its own termina tion. Continue to execute all the express provisions of our nationnl Constitution, and the Union will endure forever, it being impos sible to destroy it except by some actiou not provided for in the instrument itself. Again, if the United States be not a Government proper, bat an association of States in the na ture of a contract merely, can it, as a contract, be peaceably unmade by less than all the par ties who made it. One party to a contract may violate it—break it, so to speak—but does it not require all to lawfully rescind it ? Descending from these general principles, we find the proposition that, in legal contempla tion, the Union is perpetual, confirmed by the history of the Union itself. The Union is much older than the Constitution. It was formed in fact by the articles of association in 1774. It was matured and continued iu the Declaration of Independence, in 1776. It was further matured and the faith of all the then thirteen States, expressly plighted and engaged, that it should be perpetual by the ar ticles of Confederation in 1778 and finally in 1787, one of the declared objects for ordaiu ; ing and establishing the Couslitution was, to form a more perfect Union. Bnt if the de trnction of the Union by one, or by a part only of the States, be lawfully possible tbe Union is less' than before, the Constitution having lost tbe vital element of perpetuity. — It follows Ironr theso views that no State upon its own mere motion can lawfully get out of the Union ; that resolves aud ordinances to that effect arc legally void, and that acts of violence within any State or States against the authority of the United States are iusur rectionary or revolutionary according to cir cumstances. 1, therefore, consider that, in view of the Constitution and the laws, the Union is un broken, and, to the exteut of my abiiity, I shall take care, as the Constitution itself ex pressly enjoins upon me, the laws of the Union be faithfully executed in all the States. Do ing this 1 deem to be only a simple duty on my part. 1 shall perfectly perform it, 60 far as is procticable, unless my rightful masters, the American people, shall withhold the re quisition, or in some authoritative manner di rect the contrary. I trust this will uot be re garded as a menace, but only as the declared purpose of the Union, that it will constitu tionally defend and maintain itself. In doing this, there need be no bloodshed or violence, aud there shall be noue unless it is forced upon the natioual authority. The power confided to me will be used to hold, oc cupy and possess the property and places be longing to the Government, and collect the du ties and impost®, but beyond what may be uecessary for these objects there will be no invasion, no using of force against or among the people anywhere. Where hostility to the United States in any interior section shall be so great and so uni versal as to prevent competent resident citi zens from holding the Federal offices, there will be no attempt to force obnoxious strangers among the people that object. While the strict legal right may exist of the Government to enforce the exercise of these offices, the at tempt to do so would be so irritating, and so nearly impracticable withal, that I deem it better to forego for the time the uses of such offices. The mails, unless repelled, will continue to be furnished in all parts of the Union. So far as possible, the people everywhere shall have that sense of perfect security which is most favorable to calin thought and rellec tion. The course here indicated will be fol lowed, unless current events and experience shall show a modification or change to be proper, and in every case aud exigency my best discretion will be exercised, according to the circumstances actually existiug, and with a view and a hope of a peaceful solutiou of the uatiou&l troubles aud the restoration of fraternal sympathies aud affections. That there are persons in one section or another who seek to destroy the Union at all events, and are glad of any pretext to do it, I will neither affirm or deny. But if there be such I need address no word to them. To those, however, who really love the Union, may I not speak. Before entering upon so grave a matter as the destruction of our national fabric with all its benefits, its me moirs and its hopes, would it not be well to ascertain why we do it. Will you hazard so desperate a step while there is any portion of the ills you fly from have no real existence ? Will you, while the certain ills you flv to are greater than all the real ones you fly front ? Will you risk the commission of so fearful a mistake? All profess to be content in the Union, if all Constitutional rights can be maintained. Is it true, then, that any richt plainly written ir. the Constitution has been denied? I think not. Happily the human mind is so constituted that no party can reach to the audacity of doing this. Think, if you can, of a single instance in which a plainly written provision of the Constitution has ever been denied. If, by the mere force of num bers, a majority should deprive a minority of any clearly written constitutional right, it might, in a moral point of view, justify revo lution—certainly would, if such right were a vital oue. But such is not our case. All the vital rights of minorities and indi viduals are so plainly assured to them by affir mation and negotiations, guaranties and pro hibitions in the Constitution, that controver sies never arise concerning them. Put no or ganic law can ever be framed with a provi sion specifically applicable to every question which may occur in practical administration. No foresight can anticipate nor any document of reasonable length contain express provi sions fur all possible questions. Shall fugitives from labor be surrendered bv National or by State authority ? The Constitution doe 3 not expressly say. Must Congress protect Slav cry in the Territories ? The Constitution does not expressly say. From questions of this class spring all our constitutional controversies, and we divide upon them into majorities and minorities. If the minority will not acquiesce the ma jority must, or the Government must cease.— There is no alternative for continuing the Go vernment but acquiescence on the one side or the other. If a minority in such a case will secede rather than acquiesce, they make a pre cedent which in turn will ruin and divide them, for a minority of their own will secede from them whenever a majority refuses to be con trolled by such a minority. For instance, may not any portion of a new confederacy, a year or two hence, arbitra rily secede again, precisely as portions of the present Union now claim to secede from it? Ail who cherish disunion sentiments are now being educated to the exact temper of doing this. Is there such perfect identity of inter ests among the States to compose a new Union, as to produce harmony only and prevent re newed secession ? Plainly, the central idea of secession is the essence of anarchy. A majority held in restraint by constitution al check and limitations, and always changing easily with deliberate changes of popular opin ions and sentiments, is the only true sovereign of a free people. Whoever rejects it, does of necessity, fly to anarchy or to despotism.— Unanimity is impossible. The rule of a mi nority, as a perinaucut agreement, is wholly inadmissible. So that, rejecting the majority principle, anarchy or despotism in some form is a!! that is left. Ido not forget the position assumed by some that the constitutional questions are to be decided by the Supreme Court, nor do 1 deny that such decisions must be binding in any case upon the parties to a suit, as to the object of that suit, while they arc also entitled to very high respect and consideration in all par allel cases by all other Departments of the Government, and while ii is obviously possible that such a decision may be erroneous in any given case, still the evil effect following it be ing limited to that particular case, with the chance that it may be overruled and never be come a precedent for other coses, can better be borne than could the evili of a different practice. At the same time the candid citizen must aonfew, that if the policy of the Govern ment uwon the vital questions affecting the whole people, is to be irrevocably fixed by the decisions of the Supremo Court, the instant they arc made in ordiuary litigation between parties in personal actions, the people will have ceased to be their own rulers, having to that extent practically resigned their Govern ment into liie hands of that eiuiuent tribunal. Nor is there in this view any assault upon the Court or the Judges. It is a duty from which they may not shrink to decide cases of property brought before them, and it is no fault of theirs if others geek to turn their decisions to political purposes. — One section of our country believes Slavery is right, and ought to lie extended, while the other believes it is wrong, aud ought not to be extended. This is the only substantial dispute in the Fugitive Slave clause of the Constitution ; and the laws for the suppression of the foreign Slave-trade arc each as well enforced, perhaps as any law can ever be in a community where the moral sense of the people imperfectly sup ports the law itseif. The great body of the peopla abide by the dry legal obligation in both cases, and a few break over in each. This, I think, cannot be perfectly cured, and it would be worse in both cases after the separation of the sections than before. The foreign Slave-trade, now imper fectly suppressed, would be ultimately revived without restriction, in one section, while fugi tive slaves now only partiaiy surrendered,would not be surrendered at all by the other. Physically speaking, we cannot separate— we cannot remove our respective sections from each other, nor buili an impassable wall be tween them. A husband and wife may be di vorced, and go out of the presence and beyond the reacli of each other—but the different parts-of our country cannot do this. They cannot but remain face to face, and intercourse either amicable or hostile must coutiuue between them. It is possible theu to muko that intercourse more advantageous or more satisfactory ufter separation than before? Can aliens make treaties easier than frieuds can make laws ? Can treaties be more faith fully enforced between aliens than laws cau among friends ? Suppose you go to war, you cannot fight always, and when, alter much loss on both sides and no gain or either, you cense fighting, the identical questions as to terms of intercour se are again upon you. This country, with its institutions, belongs to the people who inhabit it. Whenever they shall grow weary of the existing Government, they can exercise their Constitutional right of aineudiog or their re volutionary right to dismember cr overthrow it. I cannot bo ignorant of the fact that many worthy and patriotic citizens are desirous of having the National Constitution amended.— While 1 make no recommendation of amend ment, I fully recognize the full authority of the people over the whole subject to be exer cised in either of the modes prescribed in the iu>trumeiit itself, and I should, under existing circumstances, favor rather than oppose a fair opportunity being afforded to the people to act upon it. I will venture te add that to me the Con vention mode seeins preferable in that it nliuws amendment to originate, with the people them selves, instead of only permitting them to take or reject proposit ous originated by others not especially chosen for the purpose, and which might not be precisely such as they would wish either to accept or reluthe a p itieut confidence in the ultimate justice of the people? Is there any better for equal hope in the wot id ? In our present differences is either party without tailh of being ia thn right. If the AlrtTghty ruler of Nations, with His eternal truth ami justice he on your si !•? of the North, or on yours of the South, that truth and that justice will surety prevail hy the judgment ot this great tribuual, the Amer ican people. By the frame of the Government under which we live, this same people have wisely given their public servant? hot little power for mischief, and have with equal wis dom provided lor the return of that little to their own hands at vi ry short intervals. While the people retain their viltiire and vigiUnee.no Administration, by any ex treme wickedness or folly can very seriously injure the Government in the short space of lour years. My countrymen, one and all, think calmly and well upon this whole subject Nothing valuable can be lost by taking time. If there be an object to hurry any of yon in hot haste to a step which you would never take deliberately, that object will be frustrated* by taking time: hut no good objee! can be frustrated by it. Such of you as are now dissatisfied still have the old Constitution unimpaired, and on the ssusitive point, the laws of your own framing under it. while tha new Administration will have no im mediate power, if it would, to change either. If it were admitted that you who are dissatisGed hold the right side in the dispute, there still is no single reason for pre cipitate action. Intelligence, patriotism, Christianity and a firm reli ance on Htm who has never yet forsaken this favored land, are still competent to adjust in the best way all our present difficulties. In your bands, my dissatisfied fellow-countrymen, and not in miue, is the momentous issue of civil war. The Government will not ass.iil you. You can have no con flict without lieing yourselves the aggressors. Vim have no oalh registered in Hcaveu to destroy the Government, while I shall have the most solemn one to " preserve, protect and defend it." lam loth to close. We are not enemies but friends. We must not be enemies. Though passion may have strained, it must not break onr bonds of affection. The mystic chords of memory stretching from every battle field and patriot's grave to every living heart and hearthstone all over this broad land, will yet swell the chorus of the Union when again touched, as surely they will be, by the better angels of our nature. ISJT" The Peace Conference was held with closed doors, hence but a meagre report of its proceedings has been given to the public. Of the Commissioners from this State Mr. MERE DITH and Judge WII.MOT, were firm and un yielding in their determination not to compro mise their principles, at the same time desir ous of giving to our National difficulties earn est and serious consideration, and willing to go all reasonable lengths to produce peace and harmony. Messrs. POLLOCK, WHITE, LOOMIS and MCKEXNAR, seem to have been ready to yield up everything, to satisfy Jonx TVLIR, who did not come there to be satisfied with aoythiug. We find hi the Philadelphia Prtts, of the 3d, an article concerning the action of Commissioners from this State, Mr. Wn.MOT'S friends can learn what hi§ course was in the deliberations of that body There was no more uncompromising member than Mr. WII.MOT, yet his action seems to BIN trained him the applause and respect of th 9 Southern men. The correspondent of ths Prus (whom we take to be Mr. Foas tr/ Rays: Mr. MenrMTH took no active part in the debate, • v., Judire WILMOT. lam informed, dorins the [*< f. w J ' was frequently on the floor, and by hie frank and nun course gaioed universal ester in. Aft r concluding •.( first speech be made in the Convention, (Jeneral [) OKI . FIIAV. of Missouri, and several other prominent [joutiir commissioners, as well as those from the North. around him and offered their cordial congratulation*-, thanking him for his "straightforward, courteotn. manly" speech. Su. PRESSION or FORTCVS TKLUXO A. bill for the suppression of fortune telling h.-aa just been passed by the Pennsylvania llous# of Representatives} It provides that any pefson who shall pre. tend, for gain or lucre, th* inspection of th head or hands of any person, or by any ons'i age, or by consulting the movements of t| !9 heavenly bodies ; or who shall pretend, for gain or lucre, to effect any purpose by spells, charms, necromancy or incantation, shall be guilty ola misdemenor, punishable by aay Court of Quarter Sessions in this Common wealth, wiili fine and imprisonment. The firq offense shall be punished with not more than two years' imprisonment, nor less than fifteen days, and a fine of not more thau $101), ooig less than $lO ; the tecond offense with any term of imprisonment and fine exceeding the above that the court may deem proper That any person or persons who shall advise tba taking or administering of what is commonly called love powders or potions, or who shall prepare ths same to be taken or administered, shall be punished as above provided. Jieto SllJtrrtisemfnts^ rjUARLES OAKFORD & SON'S CELEBRATED HAT, For Spring and Summer Styles, Just received at E. S. BENEDICT'S Clothing 1 and Sat and Cap Store, March 7. TOWAXDA, PA. Clover and Timothy s e e r>. TUST RECEIVED at M. p: Solomon's, *t JflO lmtlifh ol Went Branch Clover Seed,—also HJ bushels of Western Timothy Seed, of the very uwi q-jai it". and at the lowest prices for Cash. Feb. 2*. 1861. VTOTICE. —The public examination nf il cl.isses in the Susquehanna Collegiate laslitae. Tow mil, will commeuce Tuesday 12t!> inst.. at #a. o. The term will close on Wednesday p. m , with litrrar/ exercises. The public are invited to attend. The Trustee* of the lustitute will meet in iho bniMlsj as adjourned, on Wednesday atone p.m. By order C. C. CORSS, Seo'y. The Presbytery of Susquehanna is adjourned to rnset in the Lecture lioam of the Proseyterian church, Ties day l'llh at 74 p. til. J. POSTER. Stated (Trk N OTICE —All persons are hereby notified nut to purchase a NOTE given to Wm. Brain fir Fißy Dollars, by the undersigned, dated April 30. lSj}, Pavable two years after cate. as 1 have not received jay value for the same, and wilt nut pay said note unleucom pelled by law. March's, 1861. GEORGE Wlf.l.f tS \ UDITOR'S NOTICE.— In tht mittr of thr ettatr of G. F. .Mason e. CAfl'/ei I VtVt. fn the Court of Common Pleas of Bradford County, No. it Feb. T. 1861. The undersigned, an Auditor, appointed by said Cuff to distribute funds raised by Sheriff's Sale o! teal Ml personal estate of dependent will attend to t e duties • his appointment at his office in Towanda B>r :gli. *j SATURDAY. the fith day of APRIL, ts'Cl, at 2 o'clock, p. m., at which time and place all persons are requested to present their claims or else bo lorever edbarrod frea said fund. G. D. MONTANYB. March S, 1861. Aadisnr. L the m>UUrel jt JL IF. IF. Cnampion vs. Hiram Root. In the basil of Bradford County Common Picas, No. 480, Mir! 1863. The undersigned. *:i Auditor, appointed hv said C*l to distribute the monies in the hands of the Bi.HT will sttcnA to the duties of his appointment it office o; Overton and Montanve. in Towanda Rnrrniji, on FRIDAY, the 6th day ol April, 1861. at 2 o'clort.? in .at which time and place all persons interested • present their claims or he debarred from chimin; portion of said fund. G. D. MONTANTT March S,ISCT. __ t Dissolution of Copartnership. HE Copartnership that existed "wvitMn . R. M. WIXI.ES. J. P. BLOOD and S. M Bl.bOU, under the firm name of Wells. Blood A f l -, p'sjirirt ri of the Tioga Point Agricultural Worka at Athens. Pv. was mutually dissolved on the ".Ist day of Dec. Psi which time the subscriber withdrew from the **:4 and business, and J. P. Blood assumed all the debt* • | liabilities of the siroc. Since that date I have hiJ connection with said business. Mr. Blood was to have advertised the dissolutiit' said copartnership : but having neglected no tod i. silt' •as i am aware, —.and, as I am informed. having ennd— new business, at least to some extent, under the efyteB the old lirm. without publishing or making public in ! way the formation of a new firm, 1 leel that justice • myself requires me to give puhPc notice of tuni " tion. R. M. M ELLEA Athens, Pa., March 4, 1661. JjO YOU WANT WHISKERsT DO YOU WANT WHISKERS? DO YOU WANT A MUSTACHE? DO YOU WANT A MUST ACRE? BELLINGHAMS CELEBRATED STIMULATING ONCUENT, For the Whiskers and Hair. The subscribers take pleasure in anaonncing to the zens of the United States, that they have obtained '" Agency for, and are now enabled to offer to the Ainec *. public, the above justly celebrated and woriJ renos THE STIMULATmO ONGUEN* is prepared by Dr. C. P. Belmxoha*. an eminent poo siciau of London. and is warranted tc bring out ia " set of Whiskci s or a Mustache. in from three to six weeks, This article is the only r --' of the kind used by the Francb, and in Loudon anu • *• it is in universal use. . . it is a beautiful, economical, soothing, yet stinx..*-; j compound, acting as if by magic npou the roots, ra-'jb a beautiful growth of luxuriant hair. If app'iw r scalp, it will core Baldness, and cause to serial! •?' place of the bald spot a fine growth of new bair- 'W, , according to directions, it will turn red or towr • oark, and restore gray lwiir to its orginal color. lea< } it solt, smooth, and llextble. The " Onotrnt '* *%. dispensable article in every gentleman's toilet. "_• * )j( one week's use they would not for any consider** 1 s without it. * " , j. The subseribers are the only Agents for the the United States, to whom all orders must be s '' r, *o Price Une Dollar a box—tor sale by all IVugF" l -''. f( Dealers ; or a iox of the " Ouguent," (warraatedw the desired effect) will be sent to any who desire 1 mail (direct), securely packed on receipt of P"* 6 postage, $l,lB. Apply to or address . . ril lioraceuhegem.lv A c°- DBI'OOISTS. Ac., ~-t 24 William Street. EXECUTOR'S NOTICE —Notice i kjj -Li bv given that all persons indebted to 'he CHRISTIAN HF.VERLY. late of Overton are berei.y requested to msko payment without Jjl aud all persons having claims agaiust said est* present them dnly authenticated for settlement I EAMCW. I Aft, M, fffftL U" 1