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iietos from all ilatlous.
—An amnsing incident occurred at Wells-
Tine, Ohio, during Mr. Lincoln's journey to Cleveland.—
A large crowd had assembled .and Mr. Lincoln went out on
be platform. He excused himself from making a gpeecb
having made a few remarks there on the previous day.—
At this moment a man stepped forward and offered a
eouplc of apples to the President elect. A little boy in
the crowd yelled out, " Say, Mr. Linkin, that man is run
ning for Postmaster!" The donor of the apples collapsed
amid screams of laughter.
—The London Daily Xetcs in remarking up
on the madness of the South, thinks the proposition that
a " barbaric slaveholding community has a prospect of
splendor and wealth, in virtue of its barbarism, while a
free and thriving people will become a mere rump of the
Republic, is treason to political principles in any civili
ed country in the world."
—Robert T. Lincoln, the eldest son of the
President elect, and who is accompanying him to Wash
ington, is a student at Harvard, and will shortly return
to liis class. He is a young man of fine abilities and much
dignity of character. The reports in various papers inti
mating that his course of lite is what is popularly denom
inated "fast," are strictly erroneous, and no less "painful
to him than to his excellent parents, to whom he has ever
been a dutiful and affectionate son.
—There is a sublime insolence about John
Chinaman, unsurpassed except by the seceding mutual
admiration coterie now running the Southern Confeder
acy. Over the house assigned in Pekin to Mr. Ward, the
American Ambassador,the Chinese authorities placed the
following inscription: "Lent to American Barbarian
Ward, Tribute Bearer."
—Gen. Butler, of Lowell, ia a wit. The
Boston Courier reports the be was in Washington the
other (lay, and during a conversation with southern men,
one of them, a Georgian, said. "I do not believe there is
an honest man in Massachsetts." After a moment's re
flection he added : "I beg to assure you, Mr. Butler I
mean nothing personal." The general responded : " 1
believe there are a great many honest men in Georgia;
but in saying so, sir, I do not mean anything personal."
—An official statement laid before the Lou
isiana Convention, shows that Louisana realized $731,-
330 by her thefts of public property at New Orleans
This sum includes the value of two revenue cutters the
McClelland lard the Washington which were surrendered
by their officers.
—A letter from Milwaukee says—The
country is full of wheat. AH the warehouses in the city
are full, and they art shipping it off"all the time in bar
rels and hags, by railroad, to make room.
—The Bauks in New York are now nearly
glutted with specie. They now held $36,000,000 with a
prospect of a future increase.
—The family of Hon. J. Glancy Jones,
Minister to Austria, comprising Mrs. Jones, two daugh
ters and son Richmond arrived at Reading on Wednesday
of last week. Mr. Jones will remain at his post until his
successor is appointed.
—A member of the Illinois Legislature had
the satisfaction of creating a decided sensation a few days
since. Having expressed himself with much emphasis on
• question before the house, he attempted to resume his
seat, but forgeting that he had moved it back, was aston*
ished at finding himself on the floor. Above the shout of
laughter which ensued, his voice was heard asserting that
he still " had the floor."
—There is an actual scarcity of provisions in
Smith county, Miss. A resident of that section, Maj
Hawkins, was recently deputed to visit Illinois, to pur
chase corn. On his arrival at Springfield, the people con
vened spontaneously .passed resolutions denouncing seces
sion, and pledging themselves to give the destitute all the
corn they needed.
From the fact that $15,000,000 who bid
for the new United States six per cent, loan of $3,000,000'
it may be inferred that confidence in the government is
not entirely gone. Of the sum, $13,500,000 was bid in
New Vork city alone. The award was made in Washing
ton on Saturday.
—Speaking of the number and variety of
names suggested for the " Southern Confederacy,'" the
Milwaukee Sentinel says: Samboania, jXiggeria and Cot
tonalia, are all very pretty, but we suggest that they use
the name of one of their leading men—take Ilhett, for
instance. How appropriate this would sound—"The
—The smartest young butcher in New York
Is named Gorman. II" can kill and dress a sheep in four
minutes and twenty lour seconds, and did it the other day
for a wager. Ilis competitor, a veteran butcher named
Darhy, occupied six minutes and twenty-six seconds in
performing the same operation.
—A most desperate a (Tray took place in
Carbondale, Luzerne county, on Saturday night, during
which George Brennon was killed. Andrew Farrell was
fatally stabbed, and Berole dangerously injured by
a man named Martin Gibson who used a bowie knife
with fatal execution. Gibson when arrested, expressed
regret that he had not killed all his victims.
—The Republicans of New York State
bave gained in the County Elections for Supervisors as
far as hoard from. John Brownism and Sec ess ion ism are
alike impotent to inspire any love for Slavery among
educated people who have time to think and act intelli
—ln the recent flood on the West Branch
at Youngwomanstown, the gorged ice was piled fifty feet
high, destroying houses and bridges and doing great
damage to many persons.
—The returns of 1850 show the militia of
the Northern States to be 1,255, 573 ; and of tbe South
em States, 773,864.
—The Charleston Courier is moved to an
ger because, on Washington's Birthday, Fort Sumter
" belched forth its saucy salute " of 34 guns.
—Missouri has decided by 20,000 major
ity, against a Convention to even consider about Seces
sion. They are sensible in that.
—The Congress of the Southern Confed
eracy has adopted a resolution in favor of the free navi.
gat ion of the Mississippi. It is evidently fearful of pro.
yoking a collision.
—The Baltimore Sun, a rabid secession pa
per openly confesses that the sole purpose of the South
Carolina Rebellion was to break the Republican party
Into pieces, and that the failure of the Border Slave States
to side with South Carolina and go out of the Union has
blown up, not the Republicans, but the Cotton States.
—The Town Elections in New York State
arc as strongly in favor of Republicanism, as they were
last year—in some instances they even show gains.
—The oddest of all gifts to the President
elect came to hand, in the course of yesterday morning.
It was neither more nor less than a whistle made ont of
a pig's tail. There is no "sell" in this. Your correspon
dent has seen the tangible refutation of the time honored
saying that no "whistle can be made ont of a pig's tail"
with his own eyes. The donor of the instrument is a pro
minent Ohio politician, residing at Columbus, aud con
nected with the Stale government. Mr. Lincoln enjoys
the joke huge'.}'.
—Judge Low, of the Land Coort, St. Louis,
has decided that a paper published in the interest of a
religious sect, is not a nttrspaper , and that legal notices
pnblished in such journals are void.
—ln tho United States Senate the other
day, while the tariff was nnder consideration, Mr. Col
lamer proposed to raise the duties on Havana cigars as
luxuries. Whereupon Mr . Seward remarked : "I desire
to know of the Senator from Verm ant, if 1 correctly un
derstand him, whether he regards cigars as luxuries ; be
eanee I have come to regard them as a necessary of life?"
Mr. (Seward is an inveterate smoker.
£' W. ™Scir. 1 EDITORS.
Thursday Morning, March 7, 1861.
The Inaugural Address.
On the Fourth of March, in the pres
ence of an immense and enthusiatic assem
blage, with the customary ceremonies, the
oath of office was administered to ABRA
HAM LINCOLN, and he was inducted
into the office of the Chief Magistrate of
this Nation. We have no space for the
details of the ceremonies of thi3 important
and interesting occasion ; but everything
was done amidst peace and good order, and
without violence or accident.
We give the Inaugural Address in full,
and we are sure our readers will be grati
fied with its sentiments. It meets the mo
mentous questions fairly and squarely. It
repeats the oft-declared purpose of the Re
publican party not to interfere with the
rights of the Southern states ; and ack
nowledges the Constitutional obligation to
return fugitive slaves. The L nion " must
and shall be preserved " —and the Inaugu
ral takes mild, forbearing, yet firm ground
for the enforcement of the laws. Finally,
Mr. LINCOLN appeals earnestly for the
Those who have looked to Mr. LINCOLN
to humiliate the Republican" party, have
little comfort from the present indications
of his policy. Our faith in him is confirm
ed—that his prudence, sagacity and firm
ness combined, make him the man for the
The struggle for places in the Cabi
net has been tremendous. The following
is probably the programme :
Secretary of State.—\\ M. H. SEW ARP, of N. York.
Secretary of Treasury,—SALMON T. CHASE, of Ohio.
Secretary of War—SIMON CAMERON, of Penn.
Secretary of Navy —MONTGOMERY BI.AIR, of Md.
Secretary of Interior—CALEß B. SMITH, of Indianna.
Postmaster General.—GlDEON WELI.ES, of Conn.
Attorney-General— EDWAßD B ATES, of Missouri.
CABINET OF THE NEW CONFEDERACY.
We understand that the Cabinet of the
Southern Confederacy is arranged as follows :
Secretary of State, Herscliell V. Johnson, Ga.
Secretary of War, 1'- O. Hider, La.
Secretary of the Navy, S. It. Mallorv, Florida.
Secretary of the Interior, W. Porcher Miles, S. C.
Post Office Dedartmeat, J. H. Homphill, Texas.
Attorney General, John A. Elmore, Ala.
The premier of thi3 Cabinet, Mr. Johnson,
was lately the candidate for the \ ice Presi
dency on the Douglas ticket. He has always
been, says the U. S. Gazelle, a rank partisan
of the extreme southern school of political
doctrines, and how he ever got into the com
pany of Douglas in the late cauvass remains a
mystery. When he was Governor of Georgia
he was a Gre-cater in opposition to the Union
men, then victorious. Daring] the] Presiden
tial canvass his sentiments were quoted far
and wide in direct opposition to the teuet3 of
the Northern Douglasites. He is a proper
companion of Cobb, Toombs, and the rest of
the school of troublesome men. This same
State of Georgia seems to cut an extensive
figure among the cottonocracy. She has the
President of their Congress, Mr. Cobb, tbe
Vice President of the Republic, Mr Stephens,
and the premier of the Cabinet, Mr. Johnson.
South Carolina, the head and front of scces
siouism, gets the sraa'l sop of Secretary of the
Under the great Union this Department
had a province of vast importance. It dealt
with the patent office, ludian, pension, bud
and census bureaus, and the government of
the territories and public buildings. The uew
republic has no territories to govern, no In
dians to control, no pension list to pay, no
pateut office to manage ; the census has just
been finished at Washington, and the public
lands are seized by the States. What then
will the Interior Department do ? When it
gets any money it may engage in spending it
to erect public buildings, but that and all the
rest of its business is yet to be created. It is
a Department without a function. And this
is the equality, and this the honor, for which
South Carolina seceded ! How are the great
men of the Palmetto State rewarded ? Their
crop of laurels is absolutely prodigious.
A NEW DIVORCE BILL of 6ome interest has
been rend in the Legislature. It enacts that
the jurisdiction of the several Courts of Com
mon Pleas of this Commonwealth shall here
after extend to all cases of divorce from the
bonds of matrimony for causes not desig
nated by existing laws of this Commonwealth,
when cither or both of the parties were or
may be at the time of occurring of said causes,
domiciled in another State or foreign coun
try. Frovidcd, that no application for the
divorce shell be received by said Courts,
unless the applicant shall have been a citizen
of this State, and shall have resided therein
at least one whole year previous to the filing
of his or her petition or libel. Any woman
who shall have had a bona fait residence in
this State at least one whole year previous to
the filing of her petitions for libel, shall be
taken to be a citizen for the purposes of
THE TARIFF BILI. at last passed the Senate,
by a vote of 25 yeas to 14 Days. Of the
fourteen Senators who voted agninst the bill,
every man is a Democrat. Even Mr. Douglas,
who made Tariff speeches in this State, voted
against it, but spoke against it.
March 4. 1861.
Fellow citizens of the United States:
Iu compliance with a custom as old as the
Government itself, I appear before you to ad
dress you briefly, aud to take iu your presence
the oath prescribed by the Constitution of the
United States to be taken by the President be
fore he enters on the execution of his office.
I do uot consider it necessary at present for
me to discuss those matters of Administration,
about which there is no special anxiety or ex
Apprehensions seem to exist among the peo
ple of the Southern States that, by the acces
aion of a Republican Administration, their
property, and their peace and personal securi
ty are to be endangered. There has never
been any reasonable cause for such apprehen
sion. Indeed, the most ample evidence to the
contrary has all the while existed, and been
open to their inspection. It is found in nearly
all the published speeches of him who now
addresses you. I do but quote from one of
these speeches, when I declare that "I have no
purpose, directly or indirectly, to interfere with
the institution of Slavery in the States where
it exists. I believe I have no lawful right to
do so." Those who nominated and elected me
did so with a full knowledge that I had made
this and many similar declarations, and had
never recanted them. And more than this,
they placed in the platform for my acceptance,
and as a law to themselves and to me, tbe clear
and explicit resolution which I now read :
Htso'vul, That the maintenance inviolate of the
rights of the States, ami especially the right of each
State to order and control its own domestic institutions
according to its own judgment exclusively, is essential to
that balance of power of which the perfection and en
durance of our political fabric depend; and wc denounce
the lawless invasion, by armed force, of the soil of any
State or Tearritory, no matter under what pretext, as the
greatest of crimes.
I new reiterate these sentiment", and in do
ing so, I only press npon the public attention
the most conclusive evidence of which the case
is susceptible, that the property, peace and se
curity ot no section ore to be in any wise en
dangered by the now incoming administration.
I add too, that all the protection which, con
sistently with the Constitution and the laws,
can be given, will be cheerfully given to ull tho
States when lawfully demanded, for whatever
cause, as cheerfully to one section as to an
There is much controversy about the deliv
ering up of fugitives front service or labor.—
The clause I now read is as plainly writtcu in
the Constitution us any other of its provis
" So person held to service or labor in one State under
the laws thereof, escaping into another, shall, in couse
rpienceof any law or regulation therein, be discharged
from such service or labor, but shall be delivered up on
claim of the party to whom such service or labor may
it is scarcely questioned that this provision
was intended by those who made it for tho re
claiming of what we call fugitive slaves, and
the intention of the lawgiver is tho law. All
Members of Congress swear their support to
the whole Constitution—to this provision as
much as any other. To the proposition, then,
that slaves whose cases come within the terms
of this clause "shall be delivered up," their
oaths are unanimous. Now if they would
make the effort in good temper, could they not
with nearly equal unanimity frame and pass a
law by means cf which to keep good that
unanimous oath ? There is seine difference of
opinion whether this clause should lie enforced
by National or by State authority, but surely
that difference is not a very material one. if
the slave is to be surrendered, it can be of but
little consequence to him or to others by which
authority it is done. And should any one in
any case, he content that this oath shall go
unkept on a merely unsubstantial controversy,
as to how it shall be kept ? Again, in any
law upon this subject, ought not all the safe
guards of liberty known in the civilized and
humane jurispruth .ice to be introduced, so that
a freeman be not in any ca--? surrendered as a
slav i ? And might it not be well at the same
ti* e to provide by law for the enforcement of
that clause in the Constitution which guaran
tees that "the citizens of each State shall be
entitled to all tlie privileges and immunities ol
citizens in the several States." 1 take tho of
ficial oath to day with no mental reservations,
and with no purpose to construe the Constitu
tion or laws by any hypercritical rules ; and
while I do not choose now to specify particu
lar acts of Congress as proper to be enforced,
I do suggest that it will be much safer for all,
both in official and private stations, to conform
to, and abide by all, those acts which stand
unrepealed, than to violate any of them, trust
ing to find impunity in having them held to be
It is 6eventy-two years since the first inaug
uration of a President under our National
Constitution. During that period, fiitcen dif
ferent and greatly distinguished citizens have
in succession administered the Executive branch
of the Government. They have conducted
it through many perils, and generally with
great success. Yet with all this scope for
precedent, I now enter upon the same task,
for the brief constitutional term of four years,
under great and peculiar difficulty. A disrup
tion of the Federal F nion, heretofore ouiy
menaced, is now formidably attempted. I
hold that in contemplation of universal law
and of the Constitution, the union of these
States is perpetual. Perpetuity is implied, if
not expressed, in the fundamental law of all
National Governments. It is safe to assert
that Government proper never had a pro
vision in its organic law for its own termina
tion. Continue to execute all the express
provisions of our nationnl Constitution, and
the Union will endure forever, it being impos
sible to destroy it except by some actiou not
provided for in the instrument itself. Again,
if the United States be not a Government
proper, bat an association of States in the na
ture of a contract merely, can it, as a contract,
be peaceably unmade by less than all the par
ties who made it. One party to a contract
may violate it—break it, so to speak—but
does it not require all to lawfully rescind it ?
Descending from these general principles, we
find the proposition that, in legal contempla
tion, the Union is perpetual, confirmed by the
history of the Union itself. The Union is
much older than the Constitution. It was
formed in fact by the articles of association
in 1774. It was matured and continued iu
the Declaration of Independence, in 1776. It
was further matured and the faith of all the
then thirteen States, expressly plighted and
engaged, that it should be perpetual by the ar
ticles of Confederation in 1778 and finally in
1787, one of the declared objects for ordaiu
; ing and establishing the Couslitution was, to
form a more perfect Union. Bnt if the de
trnction of the Union by one, or by a part
only of the States, be lawfully possible tbe
Union is less' than before, the Constitution
having lost tbe vital element of perpetuity. —
It follows Ironr theso views that no State upon
its own mere motion can lawfully get out of
the Union ; that resolves aud ordinances to
that effect arc legally void, and that acts of
violence within any State or States against
the authority of the United States are iusur
rectionary or revolutionary according to cir
1, therefore, consider that, in view of the
Constitution and the laws, the Union is un
broken, and, to the exteut of my abiiity, I
shall take care, as the Constitution itself ex
pressly enjoins upon me, the laws of the Union
be faithfully executed in all the States. Do
ing this 1 deem to be only a simple duty on
my part. 1 shall perfectly perform it, 60 far
as is procticable, unless my rightful masters,
the American people, shall withhold the re
quisition, or in some authoritative manner di
rect the contrary. I trust this will uot be re
garded as a menace, but only as the declared
purpose of the Union, that it will constitu
tionally defend and maintain itself.
In doing this, there need be no bloodshed
or violence, aud there shall be noue unless it
is forced upon the natioual authority. The
power confided to me will be used to hold, oc
cupy and possess the property and places be
longing to the Government, and collect the du
ties and impost®, but beyond what may be
uecessary for these objects there will be no
invasion, no using of force against or among
the people anywhere.
Where hostility to the United States in any
interior section shall be so great and so uni
versal as to prevent competent resident citi
zens from holding the Federal offices, there
will be no attempt to force obnoxious strangers
among the people that object. While the
strict legal right may exist of the Government
to enforce the exercise of these offices, the at
tempt to do so would be so irritating, and so
nearly impracticable withal, that I deem it
better to forego for the time the uses of such
The mails, unless repelled, will continue to
be furnished in all parts of the Union.
So far as possible, the people everywhere
shall have that sense of perfect security which
is most favorable to calin thought and rellec
tion. The course here indicated will be fol
lowed, unless current events and experience
shall show a modification or change to be
proper, and in every case aud exigency my
best discretion will be exercised, according to
the circumstances actually existiug, and with
a view and a hope of a peaceful solutiou of
the uatiou&l troubles aud the restoration of
fraternal sympathies aud affections. That
there are persons in one section or another
who seek to destroy the Union at all events,
and are glad of any pretext to do it, I will
neither affirm or deny. But if there be such
I need address no word to them.
To those, however, who really love the
Union, may I not speak. Before entering
upon so grave a matter as the destruction of
our national fabric with all its benefits, its me
moirs and its hopes, would it not be well to
ascertain why we do it. Will you hazard so
desperate a step while there is any portion of
the ills you fly from have no real existence ?
Will you, while the certain ills you flv to are
greater than all the real ones you fly front ?
Will you risk the commission of so fearful
a mistake? All profess to be content in the
Union, if all Constitutional rights can be
maintained. Is it true, then, that any richt
plainly written ir. the Constitution has been
denied? I think not. Happily the human
mind is so constituted that no party can reach
to the audacity of doing this. Think, if you
can, of a single instance in which a plainly
written provision of the Constitution has ever
been denied. If, by the mere force of num
bers, a majority should deprive a minority of
any clearly written constitutional right, it
might, in a moral point of view, justify revo
lution—certainly would, if such right were a
vital oue. But such is not our case.
All the vital rights of minorities and indi
viduals are so plainly assured to them by affir
mation and negotiations, guaranties and pro
hibitions in the Constitution, that controver
sies never arise concerning them. Put no or
ganic law can ever be framed with a provi
sion specifically applicable to every question
which may occur in practical administration.
No foresight can anticipate nor any document
of reasonable length contain express provi
sions fur all possible questions. Shall fugitives
from labor be surrendered bv National or by
State authority ? The Constitution doe 3 not
expressly say. Must Congress protect Slav
cry in the Territories ? The Constitution does
not expressly say. From questions of this
class spring all our constitutional controversies,
and we divide upon them into majorities and
If the minority will not acquiesce the ma
jority must, or the Government must cease.—
There is no alternative for continuing the Go
vernment but acquiescence on the one side or
the other. If a minority in such a case will
secede rather than acquiesce, they make a pre
cedent which in turn will ruin and divide them,
for a minority of their own will secede from
them whenever a majority refuses to be con
trolled by such a minority.
For instance, may not any portion of a
new confederacy, a year or two hence, arbitra
rily secede again, precisely as portions of the
present Union now claim to secede from it?
Ail who cherish disunion sentiments are now
being educated to the exact temper of doing
this. Is there such perfect identity of inter
ests among the States to compose a new Union,
as to produce harmony only and prevent re
newed secession ? Plainly, the central idea of
secession is the essence of anarchy.
A majority held in restraint by constitution
al check and limitations, and always changing
easily with deliberate changes of popular opin
ions and sentiments, is the only true sovereign
of a free people. Whoever rejects it, does of
necessity, fly to anarchy or to despotism.—
Unanimity is impossible. The rule of a mi
nority, as a perinaucut agreement, is wholly
So that, rejecting the majority principle,
anarchy or despotism in some form is a!! that
is left. Ido not forget the position assumed
by some that the constitutional questions are
to be decided by the Supreme Court, nor do 1
deny that such decisions must be binding in any
case upon the parties to a suit, as to the object
of that suit, while they arc also entitled to
very high respect and consideration in all par
allel cases by all other Departments of the
Government, and while ii is obviously possible
that such a decision may be erroneous in any
given case, still the evil effect following it be
ing limited to that particular case, with the
chance that it may be overruled and never be
come a precedent for other coses, can better
be borne than could the evili of a different
practice. At the same time the candid citizen
must aonfew, that if the policy of the Govern
ment uwon the vital questions affecting the
whole people, is to be irrevocably fixed by the
decisions of the Supremo Court, the instant
they arc made in ordiuary litigation between
parties in personal actions, the people will
have ceased to be their own rulers, having to
that extent practically resigned their Govern
ment into liie hands of that eiuiuent tribunal.
Nor is there in this view any assault upon the
Court or the Judges.
It is a duty from which they may not shrink
to decide cases of property brought before
them, and it is no fault of theirs if others geek
to turn their decisions to political purposes. —
One section of our country believes Slavery is
right, and ought to lie extended, while the
other believes it is wrong, aud ought not to be
This is the only substantial dispute in the
Fugitive Slave clause of the Constitution ; and
the laws for the suppression of the foreign
Slave-trade arc each as well enforced, perhaps
as any law can ever be in a community where
the moral sense of the people imperfectly sup
ports the law itseif.
The great body of the peopla abide by the
dry legal obligation in both cases, and a few
break over in each. This, I think, cannot be
perfectly cured, and it would be worse in both
cases after the separation of the sections than
before. The foreign Slave-trade, now imper
fectly suppressed, would be ultimately revived
without restriction, in one section, while fugi
tive slaves now only partiaiy surrendered,would
not be surrendered at all by the other.
Physically speaking, we cannot separate—
we cannot remove our respective sections from
each other, nor buili an impassable wall be
tween them. A husband and wife may be di
vorced, and go out of the presence and beyond
the reacli of each other—but the different
parts-of our country cannot do this.
They cannot but remain face to face, and
intercourse either amicable or hostile must
coutiuue between them. It is possible theu to
muko that intercourse more advantageous or
more satisfactory ufter separation than before?
Can aliens make treaties easier than frieuds
can make laws ? Can treaties be more faith
fully enforced between aliens than laws cau
among friends ?
Suppose you go to war, you cannot fight
always, and when, alter much loss on both
sides and no gain or either, you cense fighting,
the identical questions as to terms of intercour
se are again upon you. This country, with its
institutions, belongs to the people who inhabit
it. Whenever they shall grow weary of the
existing Government, they can exercise their
Constitutional right of aineudiog or their re
volutionary right to dismember cr overthrow
it. I cannot bo ignorant of the fact that many
worthy and patriotic citizens are desirous of
having the National Constitution amended.—
While 1 make no recommendation of amend
ment, I fully recognize the full authority of
the people over the whole subject to be exer
cised in either of the modes prescribed in the
iu>trumeiit itself, and I should, under existing
circumstances, favor rather than oppose a fair
opportunity being afforded to the people to
act upon it.
I will venture te add that to me the Con
vention mode seeins preferable in that it nliuws
amendment to originate, with the people them
selves, instead of only permitting them to take
or reject proposit ous originated by others not
especially chosen for the purpose, and which
might not be precisely such as they would wish
either to accept or relu<e. 1 understand n
proposed amendment to the Constitution,which
amendment, however, I have not seen, has
passed Congress to the effect that the Federal
Gerernment shall never interfere with the
i domestic institutions of States, including that
of persons held for service. To avoid miscon
struction of what I have said, I depart from
ray purpose not to speak of particular amend
ments, so far as to say that holding such a
provision to now be implied by constitutional
law I have no objection to its being made ex
press and irrevocable.
The Chief Magistrate derives all his author
ity from the people, and they have conferred
none upon him to fix the terms for a separa
tion of the States The people themselves,
also, can do this if they choose, hut tlie Exe
cutive, as such, has nothing to do with it.
His duty i* to adraini-ter the present Government as
it come to iiis hands, and to transmit it unimpaired by
hiut to his successor. Why slio dd there u>the a p itieut
confidence in the ultimate justice of the people? Is there
any better for equal hope in the wot id ? In our present
differences is either party without tailh of being ia thn
If the AlrtTghty ruler of Nations, with His eternal
truth ami justice he on your si !•? of the North, or on
yours of the South, that truth and that justice will surety
prevail hy the judgment ot this great tribuual, the Amer
By the frame of the Government under which we live,
this same people have wisely given their public servant?
hot little power for mischief, and have with equal wis
dom provided lor the return of that little to their own
hands at vi ry short intervals. While the people retain
their viltiire and vigiUnee.no Administration, by any ex
treme wickedness or folly can very seriously injure the
Government in the short space of lour years.
My countrymen, one and all, think calmly and well
upon this whole subject Nothing valuable can be lost
by taking time.
If there be an object to hurry any of yon in hot haste
to a step which you would never take deliberately, that
object will be frustrated* by taking time: hut no good
objee! can be frustrated by it. Such of you as are now
dissatisfied still have the old Constitution unimpaired,
and on the ssusitive point, the laws of your own framing
under it. while tha new Administration will have no im
mediate power, if it would, to change either. If it were
admitted that you who are dissatisGed hold the right
side in the dispute, there still is no single reason for pre
Intelligence, patriotism, Christianity and a firm reli
ance on Htm who has never yet forsaken this favored
land, are still competent to adjust in the best way all our
In your bands, my dissatisfied fellow-countrymen, and
not in miue, is the momentous issue of civil war. The
Government will not ass.iil you. You can have no con
flict without lieing yourselves the aggressors.
Vim have no oalh registered in Hcaveu to destroy the
Government, while I shall have the most solemn one to
" preserve, protect and defend it."
lam loth to close. We are not enemies but friends.
We must not be enemies.
Though passion may have strained, it must not break
onr bonds of affection. The mystic chords of memory
stretching from every battle field and patriot's grave to
every living heart and hearthstone all over this broad
land, will yet swell the chorus of the Union when again
touched, as surely they will be, by the better angels of
ISJT" The Peace Conference was held with
closed doors, hence but a meagre report of its
proceedings has been given to the public. Of
the Commissioners from this State Mr. MERE
DITH and Judge WII.MOT, were firm and un
yielding in their determination not to compro
mise their principles, at the same time desir
ous of giving to our National difficulties earn
est and serious consideration, and willing to go
all reasonable lengths to produce peace and
harmony. Messrs. POLLOCK, WHITE, LOOMIS
and MCKEXNAR, seem to have been ready to
yield up everything, to satisfy Jonx TVLIR,
who did not come there to be satisfied with
We find hi the Philadelphia Prtts, of the
3d, an article concerning the action of
Commissioners from this State,
Mr. Wn.MOT'S friends can learn what hi§
course was in the deliberations of that body
There was no more uncompromising member
than Mr. WII.MOT, yet his action seems to BIN
trained him the applause and respect of th 9
Southern men. The correspondent of ths
Prus (whom we take to be Mr. Foas tr/
Mr. MenrMTH took no active part in the debate, • v.,
Judire WILMOT. lam informed, dorins the [*< f. w J '
was frequently on the floor, and by hie frank and nun
course gaioed universal ester in. Aft r concluding •.(
first speech be made in the Convention, (Jeneral [) OKI .
FIIAV. of Missouri, and several other prominent [joutiir
commissioners, as well as those from the North.
around him and offered their cordial congratulation*-,
thanking him for his "straightforward, courteotn.
Su. PRESSION or FORTCVS TKLUXO A. bill
for the suppression of fortune telling h.-aa just
been passed by the Pennsylvania llous# of
It provides that any pefson who shall pre.
tend, for gain or lucre, th* inspection of th
head or hands of any person, or by any ons'i
age, or by consulting the movements of t| !9
heavenly bodies ; or who shall pretend, for
gain or lucre, to effect any purpose by spells,
charms, necromancy or incantation, shall be
guilty ola misdemenor, punishable by aay
Court of Quarter Sessions in this Common
wealth, wiili fine and imprisonment. The firq
offense shall be punished with not more than
two years' imprisonment, nor less than fifteen
days, and a fine of not more thau $101), ooig
less than $lO ; the tecond offense with any
term of imprisonment and fine exceeding the
above that the court may deem proper That
any person or persons who shall advise tba
taking or administering of what is commonly
called love powders or potions, or who shall
prepare ths same to be taken or administered,
shall be punished as above provided.
rjUARLES OAKFORD & SON'S
For Spring and Summer Styles,
Just received at E. S. BENEDICT'S
Clothing 1 and Sat and Cap Store,
March 7. TOWAXDA, PA.
Clover and Timothy
s e e r>.
TUST RECEIVED at M. p: Solomon's,
*t JflO lmtlifh ol Went Branch Clover Seed,—also HJ
bushels of Western Timothy Seed, of the very uwi q-jai
it". and at the lowest prices for Cash.
Feb. 2*. 1861.
VTOTICE. —The public examination nf
il cl.isses in the Susquehanna Collegiate laslitae.
Tow mil, will commeuce Tuesday 12t!> inst.. at #a. o.
The term will close on Wednesday p. m , with litrrar/
exercises. The public are invited to attend.
The Trustee* of the lustitute will meet in iho bniMlsj
as adjourned, on Wednesday atone p.m.
By order C. C. CORSS, Seo'y.
The Presbytery of Susquehanna is adjourned to rnset
in the Lecture lioam of the Proseyterian church, Ties
day l'llh at 74 p. til.
J. POSTER. Stated (Trk
N OTICE —All persons are hereby notified
nut to purchase a NOTE given to Wm. Brain fir
Fißy Dollars, by the undersigned, dated April 30. lSj},
Pavable two years after cate. as 1 have not received jay
value for the same, and wilt nut pay said note unleucom
pelled by law.
March's, 1861. GEORGE Wlf.l.f tS
\ UDITOR'S NOTICE.— In tht mittr of
thr ettatr of G. F. .Mason e. CAfl'/ei I VtVt. fn
the Court of Common Pleas of Bradford County, No. it
Feb. T. 1861.
The undersigned, an Auditor, appointed by said Cuff
to distribute funds raised by Sheriff's Sale o! teal Ml
personal estate of dependent will attend to t e duties •
his appointment at his office in Towanda B>r :gli. *j
SATURDAY. the fith day of APRIL, ts'Cl, at 2 o'clock,
p. m., at which time and place all persons are requested
to present their claims or else bo lorever edbarrod frea
G. D. MONTANYB.
March S, 1861. Aadisnr. L
jt JL IF. IF. Cnampion vs. Hiram Root. In the basil
of Bradford County Common Picas, No. 480, Mir!
The undersigned. *:i Auditor, appointed hv said C*l
to distribute the monies in the hands of the Bi.HT
will sttcnA to the duties of his appointment it
office o; Overton and Montanve. in Towanda Rnrrniji,
on FRIDAY, the 6th day ol April, 1861. at 2 o'clort.?
in .at which time and place all persons interested •
present their claims or he debarred from chimin;
portion of said fund.
G. D. MONTANTT
March S,ISCT. __ t
Dissolution of Copartnership.
HE Copartnership that existed "wvitMn
. R. M. WIXI.ES. J. P. BLOOD and S. M Bl.bOU,
under the firm name of Wells. Blood A f l -, p'sjirirt ri
of the Tioga Point Agricultural Worka at Athens. Pv.
was mutually dissolved on the ".Ist day of Dec. Psi
which time the subscriber withdrew from the **:4
and business, and J. P. Blood assumed all the debt* •
| liabilities of the siroc. Since that date I have hiJ
connection with said business.
Mr. Blood was to have advertised the dissolutiit'
said copartnership : but having neglected no tod i. silt'
•as i am aware, —.and, as I am informed. having ennd—
new business, at least to some extent, under the efyteB
the old lirm. without publishing or making public in !
way the formation of a new firm, 1 leel that justice •
myself requires me to give puhPc notice of tuni "
tion. R. M. M ELLEA
Athens, Pa., March 4, 1661.
JjO YOU WANT WHISKERsT
DO YOU WANT WHISKERS?
DO YOU WANT A MUSTACHE?
DO YOU WANT A MUST ACRE?
For the Whiskers and Hair.
The subscribers take pleasure in anaonncing to the
zens of the United States, that they have obtained '"
Agency for, and are now enabled to offer to the Ainec *.
public, the above justly celebrated and woriJ renos
THE STIMULATmO ONGUEN*
is prepared by Dr. C. P. Belmxoha*. an eminent poo
siciau of London. and is warranted tc bring out ia "
Whiskci s or a Mustache.
in from three to six weeks, This article is the only r --'
of the kind used by the Francb, and in Loudon anu • *•
it is in universal use. . .
it is a beautiful, economical, soothing, yet stinx..*-; j
compound, acting as if by magic npou the roots, ra-'jb
a beautiful growth of luxuriant hair. If app'iw r
scalp, it will core Baldness, and cause to serial! •?'
place of the bald spot a fine growth of new bair- 'W, ,
according to directions, it will turn red or towr •
oark, and restore gray lwiir to its orginal color. lea< }
it solt, smooth, and llextble. The " Onotrnt '* *%.
dispensable article in every gentleman's toilet. "_• * )j(
one week's use they would not for any consider** 1 s
without it. * " , j.
The subseribers are the only Agents for the
the United States, to whom all orders must be s '' r, *o
Price Une Dollar a box—tor sale by all IVugF" l -''. f(
Dealers ; or a iox of the " Ouguent," (warraatedw
the desired effect) will be sent to any who desire 1
mail (direct), securely packed on receipt of P"* 6
postage, $l,lB. Apply to or address . . ril
lioraceuhegem.lv A c°-
DBI'OOISTS. Ac., ~-t
24 William Street.
EXECUTOR'S NOTICE —Notice i kjj
-Li bv given that all persons indebted to 'he
CHRISTIAN HF.VERLY. late of Overton
are berei.y requested to msko payment without Jjl
aud all persons having claims agaiust said est*
present them dnly authenticated for settlement I
Aft, M, fffftL U" 1