President's Message. Fellow Citizens of the Senate and House of Representatives : Throughout the year since our last meeting, the country has been emiuentiy prosperous iu ' all its material interests. The general health has been excellent, our harvests have been t abundant, and plenty smiles throughout the land. Our commerce and manufactures have been prosecuted with energy and industry, and have yielded fair and ample returns. In short, no nation in the tide of time has ever presen ted a spectacle of greater material prosperity than we have done until within a very recent period. Why is it, then, that discontent now so ex tensively prevails, and the Union of the States, which is the source of all these blessings, is threatened with distraction ? The long-con tinued and intemperate interference of the Northern people with the question of Slavery in the Southern States has at length produced its natural effects. The different sections of the Union are now arrayed against each other and the time has arrived, so much dreaded by the Fathers of our Country, when hostile geo graphical parties have been formed. I have long forseeu aud often forewarned my country men of the now impending danger. This docs not proceed solely from the claims on the part of Congress or the territorial legislature to exclude Slavery from the Territories, nor from the efforts cf different Slates to defeat the exocution of the Fugitive Slave Law. All or any of these evils might have been endured by the South without danger to the Union (as others have been,) in the hope that time and reflection might apply the remedy. The immediate peril arises not so much from the fact that the incessant and violent agita tion of the Slavery question throughout the North for the last quarter of a century, lias at length produced its malign influence on the slaves, and inspire them with vague notions of freedom. Ilence a sense of security no lon ger exists around the family altar. The feel ing of peace at home has given place to ap prehensions of servile insurrection. Many a matron throughout the South retires at night in dread of what may befall herself and her children before the morning. Should this ap prehension of domestic danger, whether reai or impginary, extend and intensify itself until it shall prevade the masses of the Southern people, then disunion will become inevitable. Self preservation is the first law of nature,and has been implanted in the heart of man by his Creator for the wisest purpose; and no political union, however fraught with blessings and lienelits in all other respects, can long continue, if the necessary consequence be to render the homes and the firesides of nearly half the parties to it habitually and hopelessly insecure. Sooner or later the bonds of such a Union must be severed. It is my conviction that this fatal period has not yet arrived ; and my prayer to God is, that he would preserve the Constitution and the Union throughout till generations. But let us take warning in time, and re move the cause of danger. It cannot be de rJ"d that, for five and twenty year-', the agi- tation at the North against Slavery in the South lias been incessant. In 1535, pictorial handbills and inflammatory appeals were cir culated extensively throughout the South, of a cl.arr.ctcr to excite the pasdons of the slave-, and, iu the language of Gen. Jackson, " to stimulate them to insurrection, and produce all the horors of a servile war."' This agit&'ion has ever since b"en continued by the public press, by the proceedings of State and Coun ty Conventions, and by Abolition sermons and and lectures. The time of Congress has been occupied in violent speeches on this never ending subject, and appeals in pamphlet and other forms, indorsed by distinguished name, have beeu sent forth from this central point, and spread broadcast over the Union. How easy would it be for the American peo ple to settle the Slavery question forever, and to restore peace and humanity to this distrac ted country. They, and t'acy alone, can do it. All that is necessary to accomplish the object, and all lor which the Slave States have ever conten ded, is to be let alone, and permitted to man age their domestic institutions in their own way. As sovereign States, they, and they alone, are responsible before God and the world for the Slavery existing among them. For this, the people of the North are not tnore responsible, and have no more right to interfere, than with similar institutions in Rus sia or in Brazil. Upon their good sense and patriotic forbearance 1 confess I still rely.— Without their aid, it is beyond the power of any President, no matter what may be his political proclivities, to restore peace and har mony among the States. Wisely limited and restrained as is his power, under the Constitu tion and laws, lie alone can accomplish but little, for good or for evil, oa such a momen tous question. And this brings me to observe that the election of any one of our fellow-citizens to the office of President does not of itself afford just cause for dissolving the Union. This is more especially true if his election has been effected by a mere plurality, and not by a ma jority of the people, and lias resulted from transient and temporary causes, which may probably never again occur. In order to jus tify a resort to revolutionary resistance, tiie Federal Government must be guilty of " a de liberate, palpable, and dangerous exercise " of powers not granted by the Constitution. The late Presidential election, however, has been held in strict conformity with itsjexpress pro visions. How, then, can the result justify a revolution to destroy this very Constitution ? all require that we shall wait for some overt and dangerous act on the part of the Presi dent elect before resorting to such a remedy. It is said, however, that the antecedents of the President elect have been sufficient to justify the fears of the South that ho will at tempt to invade their constitutional rights. But are such apprehensions of contingent dan ger in the future sufficient to justify the im mediate destruction of the noblest system of government ever devised by mortals ? From the very nature of bis office, and its high re sponsibilities, he must necessarily be conserv ative. The stern duty of administering the vast and complicated concerns of this govern ment affords in itself a guarantee that lie will uot attempt any violation of a clear constitu tional right. After all, he is no more than the chief executive officer of the Government. His province is not to make,hot to execute the laws ; and it is a remarkable fact in our his tory, that, notwithstanding the repeated ef forts of tha Anti Slavery party, no single act has ever passed Congress, unless we may pos sibly except the Misouri Compromise, impair ing, ia the slightest degree, the rights of the South to their property in slaves. Aud it may nlso be observed, judging from the present indications, that no probability exists of the passage of such an act, by ft majority of both Houses, either in tne present or the next Con gress. Sutely, under ihese circumstances, we ought to be restrained from present action by the precept of Hitn who spake as never man spoke, that "sufficient unto the day is the evil thereof." The day of evil may never come, unless we shall rashly bring it upon ourselves. It is alledged as one cause for immediate secession that the Southern States ure denied equal rights with the other States in the com mon Territories. But by what authority are they denied ? Not by Congress, which has never passed, and 1 believe never will pass, any act to exelnde Slavery from these Ter ritories ; and certainly uot by the Supreme Court, which has solemly decided that slaves are property, and, like all other property,their owners have a right to take them into the common Territories, and hold them there under the protection cf the Constitution. So far then, as Congress is concerned, the objection is not to anything they have ulready done, but to what they may do hereafter. It will surely be admitted that this apprehension of future danger is no good reason for an im mediate disolution of the Union. It is true that the Territorial Legislature of Kansas, on the 23J of Febuary. 1860, passed in great haste an act, over the veto of the Governor, declaring that Slavery *' is, and shall be, for ever prohibited in this Territory." Such an act however, plainly violating rights of property secured by the Constitution, will surely be de clared void by the Judiciary whenever it shall be presented in a legal form. Only three days after my inauguration, the Supreme Court of the United States solemnly adjudged that this power did not exist in a territorial legislature. Yet such has been the factious temper of the times that the correct ness of this decision has been extensively im pugned before the people, and the question has given rise to angry political conflicts throughout the country. Those who have ap pealed from this judgement of our highest constitutional tribunal to popular assemblies would, if they could, invest a territorial leg islature with power to annul the sacred rights of property. This power Congress is express ly forbidden by the Federal Constitution to exercise. Every State legislature in the Un ion is forbidden by its own constitution to ex ercise it. It cannot be exercised in States ex cept by the people m their highest sovereign capacity when framing or amending their State constitution In like manner it can only he exercised by the people of a Territory represented in a convention of delegates for the purpose of preparing a constitution preparatory toad mission as a State into the Union. Then,and not until then, are they inrested with power to decide the question whether Slavery shall or shall not exist within its limits. This is an act of sovereign authority, and not of subor dinate territorial legislation Were it other wise, then indeed would the equallity of the States be destroyed, and the rights of prop perty in slaves would depend, not upon the guarantees of the Costitution, but opon the shifting majorities of an irrepressible territorial legislature Such a doctrine, from its intrinsic unsoundness, cannot, long influence any portion of our people, much less can it afford a good reason for a dissolution of the Union. I The most palpable violations of constitu tional duty which have yet been commited, consists in the acts cf different State legis lature to defeat the execution of the Fugitive Slave Law. It ought to be remembered, however, that for these acts neither Congress nor any President can justly be held responsi ble. Having been passed in violation of the Federal Constitution, they are therefore, null and void. All the. courts, both State and na tional, before whom th? question lias arisen have from the beginning declared the Fugi tive Slave law constitutional. The single ex ception is that of a State court in Wisconsin ; an ! this has not only been reversed by the proper appellate tribunal, but has met with such universal reprobation that there can be no danger from it as a precedent. The va! idity of this law has been establised over and over again by the Supreme Court of the United States with perfect unanimity. It is | founded upon an express provision of the Con- I .titution, requiring that fugitive slaves who , escape from service in one State to another ' shall be " delivered up" to their masters. In one form or other, under the acts of 1793 and 1850, both being substantially the same, the Fugitive Slave Law has been the 'aw of t'ne land from the days of Washington until the present moment. Here, then, a 'Meur case is presented, in which it will be the i duty of the next President, as it lias been my 1 own, to act with vigor in executing this su | pretne law against the conflicting enactments iof State Legislature. Should lie fail in the performance of this high duty, he will then have manifested a disregard of the Constitu tion and laws, to the great injury of the peo pie of nearly one-half of the States of the : Union. The Fugitive Slave law has been carried into execution in every contested case ! since the commencement of the present ad ! ministration ; though often, it is to be re gretted, with great loss and inconvenience to the master, and with considerable expense to the Government. Let us trust that the State Legislature will repeal their unconstitutional ! and obnoxious enactments. Lnless this si all : be done without any necessary delay, it is iiu ; possible for any human power to save the i Union. The Southern States, standing on the basis of the Constitution, Lave a right to demand this act of justice from the States of the North. Should it be refused, them the Constitution,to which all the States are parties,will have been willfully violated by one portion of them in a provision essential to the domestic security and happiness os the remainder In that event the injured States, after havimr first osed all peaceful and Constitutional means to obtain redress,would be justified in revolutionary resis tance to the Government of the Union. I have purposely confined my remarks to re volutionary resistance, because it has been claimed within the last few years thot any State, whenever this shall he its sovereign will and pleasure, may secede from the Union in accordance with the Constitution, and with out eny violation of the Constitutional rights of the other members of the Confederacy.— That, as each became parties to the Union by the vote of its own people assembled in Con vention, so any one of them may retire from the Union in a similar manner by the vote of such a convention. In order to justify secession as a constitu tional remedy it must be on the principle that the Federal Government is a mere voluntary association of States,to be dissolved at pleasure by any one of the contracting parties. If this be so, the Confederacy is a rope of and, to be peentrated and dissolved by the first adverse wave of public opinion in any of the States.— In this manner yur thirty-three States may re solve themselves into as many petty, jarring, and hostile republics; each one retiring from the-Union, without responsibility, whenever any sudden excitement might impe' them to such a course. By this process a Union might be entirely broken into fragments in a tew weeks, which cost our forefathers many year.-> of toil, privation, aed blood to establish. Such a principle is wholly inconsistent with the history as well as the character of the Federal Constitution. After it was framed, with the greatest deliberation and care, it was submitted to conventions of the people of the several States for ratification. Its provisions were discussed at length in these bodies, com posed ol the first men of the country. Its op ponents contended that it conferred powers up on the Federal Government dangerous to the rights of the States, while its advocates main tained that under a fair construction of the in strument there was no foundation for such ap prehensions. In that mighty struggle between the first intellects of this or any other country it never occurred to any individual, either among its opponents or advocates, to assert.or even to intimate, that their efforts were all vain labor, because the moment any State felt herself aggrieved she might secede from the Union. What a crushing argument would this have proved against those who dreaded that the rights of the States would be endangered by the Constitution. The truth is, that it was not until many years after the origin of the Federal Government that such a proposition was first advanced. It was tlien met and refuted by the conclu sive arguments of Gen. Jackson, who in his message of 16th January, 1833, transmitting the nullifying ordinance of South Carolina to Congress, employs the following language : " The light of the people of a single State to absolve themselves at will, and without the consent cf the other States, from their most .solemn obligations, and hazard the liberty and happiness of the millions composing this Union cannot be acknowledged. Such authority is believed to be utterly repugnant bothto the prin ciples cpon which the General Government is constituted and to the objects which it was ex pressly formed to attain.'' It is not pretended that any clause in the Constitution gives countenance to such a theory. It is altogether founded upon inference, not from anv language contained in the instrument itself, but from the sovereign character of I lie several States by which it was ratified. I>ut is it beyond the power of a State, like an indi vidnal.to yield a portion of its sovereign rights to secure the remainder ? In the language of Mr. Madison, who has been called the father of the Constitution ; " It was formed by the States—that is, by the people in each of the States, acting in their highest sovereign capa city ; and formed consequently by the same authority which formed the State Constitu tions " "Nor h the Government of the Uniti dStates created bv the Constitution, less a Goverir ment in the strict sense of the term, within the sphere of its powers, than the governments created by the constitutions of the Slates are within their several spheres. It is, like them, organized into legislative, executive and ju dieiary departments. It operates, like them, directly on persons and tilings ; and like them, it has at command a physical lorce for execut ing the powers committed to it. It was intended to be perpetual, and rot to be annulled at the pleasure of any one of the contracMng parties. The old articles of con federation were entitled "Articles of Confed eration and Perpetual I nion between tiie States and by the 13th article it is express ly declared that " the articles of this Confed eration shall be inviolably observed by every State, and the L nion shall be perpetual."— The preamble to the Constitution of the Uni ted States, having express reference to the articles of Confederation, recites that it was established "in order to form a msre perfect union." And yet it is contended that this "mote perfect union" does not include the essential attribute of perpetuity. Hut that the Union was designed to be per petual appears conclusively from the nature and extent of the powers conferred by tiie Constitution on 'the Federal Government. — These powers embrace the very highest attri butes of the national sovereignty. They place both the sword and the purse under its con trol. Congress has power to make war, and to make peace ; to raise and support armies and navies,and to conclude treaties with foriegn Governments. It is is invested with the power to coin money,and to regulate the value thereof, and to regulate commerce with foreign nations, and among the several States. It is not necessary to enumerate the other high powers tfiat have been conferred upon the Federal Government. In order to carry the enumerated powers into effect, Congress pos sesses the exclusive right to lay and collect duties on imports, and in common with the States to lav and .collect ail other taxes. But the Constitution lias not only conferred tliese high powers upon Congress, but it. has adopted effectual means to restrain the States from interfering with their exercise. For that purpose it lins strong prohibitory language,ex pressly declaring that " r.o State shall enter into any treaty, alliance, or confederation ; great letters of marque and reprisal ; coin money ; emit bills of credit ; make anything but gold and silver coin a tender in payment of debts ; pass any bill of attainder, ex post facto law, or law impairing the obligation of contracts." Moreover, "without theconsentof Congress, no State shall lay any imposts or duties on any imports or exports, except what may he absolutely necessary for executing its inspection laws and if they exceed this amount, the excess shall belong to the United States And " no State shall, without the consent of Congress, lay any duty of tunnage ; keep troons, or ships of war, in time of peace ; enter into any agreement or compact with another State, or with a foreign power ; or engage iu war, unless actually invaded, or in such imminent danger as will not admit of de lay." In order still further to secure the uninter rupted exercise of those high powers against State interposition, it is provided "that this Constitution and the laws of the United States which- shall be made in pursuance thereof; and all treaties made, or which shall he inade, un der the authority ot the United States, shall lie the supreme law of the land ; and the Judges in every State shall he bound thereby, anything in the Constitution or laws of any Stare to the contrary notwithstanding.'' The solemn sanction of religion has been superaded to the obligations of the official duty and all Senators aud Representatives of the United States, all members of State Legislu ture, aud all executive and judicial officers " both of the United States and of the several States, shall be bound by oath or affirmation to support this Constitution." In order to carry into effect these powers, the Constitution has established a perfect Gov ernment in all its forms, legislative, executive and judicial ; and this Government to the ex tent of its powers, acts directly upon the indi vidual citizen of every State, and executes its own decrees by the agency of its own officers. In this respect it differs entirely from the Gov ernment under the old Confederation, which was confined to making requisitions on the States in their sovereign character. This left it in the discretion of each whether to obey or to refuse, and they often declined to comply with such requisition. It thus became necessary . for the purpose of removing this barrier, and : " in order to form a more perfect Union," to i establish a Government which could act direct I ly upon the people, and execute its own laws without the intermediate agency of the States. ; This has been accomplished by the Coustitu ' tion of the United States. In short, the Government created by the Constitution, and deriving its authority from the sovereign people of each of the several ! States, has precisely the same right toexercise its power over the people of all these States, in the enumerated cases,that each one of them i possesses over subjects not delegated to the United States but "reserved to the States, re spectively, or to the people." To the extent of the delegated powers of the Constitution of the United States is as | much a part of the Constitution of each Stale aud is as binding upon its people as though it ! had been textnally inserted therein. This Government, therefore, is a great and | powerful Government, invested with all the attributes of sovereignty over the special sub jects to which its authority extends. Its fra ! mers never intended to implant in its bosom the seeds of its own destruction, nor were they at its creation guilty of the absurdity of provi ding for its own dissolution. It was not intend ed by its frumers to be the baseless fabric of a 1 vision which, at the touch of the enchanter, would vanish into thin air, but a substantial ; and mighty fabrie.capable of resisting the slow decay of time and of defying the storms of 1 ages. Indeed, well may the jealous patriots of that day lfave indulged fears thus a povern ! incut of such high powers night violate the r served rights of the States.and wisely did they I adopt the rule of a strict construction of these powers to prevent the danger ! But they did not fear, nor had they any reason to imagine, that the Constitution would tie s> interpreted i a? to enable any State, by her own act, and without the consent of her sister States, to di-- j charge her people from all or any of their Federal obligations. It may be asked, then, are the people of i the States without redress against the tyranny and oppression oi the Federal Government ? By no means, The right of resistance on the part of the governed against the oppression of their Governments cannot be denied. It exists independently of all Constitutions,and has been exercised ut all periods of the world's history. Under if old Governments li7c been destroyed and new ones have taken their place. It is I embodied in strong and express language in our own Declaration of Independuuce. But the distinction must ever be observe I, that this is revolution against an established Gov < ernorraent, and not a voluntary session from it by virtue of an inherent constitutional right. I In ehort, let us look the danger fairly in the | face: Secession is neither more nor less than ! revolution, it may or it may uot be a justifi able revolution, but still it is revolution What, in the n?eaa time, is the responsibili ty and true position of the Executive ? lie is : bound by solemn oath belore God and the country "to take care that the laws be fait.li i fully executed," aud from this obligation he cannot be absolved by any human power.— j But what if the performance of this duty, in j whole or in part, has been rendered impraeti | cable by events over which he could have cx | ercised no control ? Such at the present tco ! ment, is the case throughout the State of I South Carolina, so far as the laws of the i United States to secure the administration of j justice by means of the Federal Judiciary are ; concerned. All the Federal officers within its ; limits, through whose agency alone these laws j can be carried into execution have already re ; signed. We no longer have a District-Judge, 1 a District-Attorney, or a Marshal, in South : Carolina. In fact the, the whole machinery of the Federal Government necessary for the dis tribution of remedial justice among the people has been demolished, and it would be difficult, if not impossible, to replace it. i The only acts of Congress on the statnte ' book, bearing upon this subject, are those of • the 28th February, 179.">, and J l March, 1807. These authorize the l'eesident, after he shail have ascertained that the marshal with his pnsse comUntus is unable to execute civil or criminal process in any particular case, to call fortii the militia and employ the army and na vy to aid him in performing this service, hav i ing first by Proclamation commanded the in j snrgents to " disperse and retiae peaceably to their respective abodes, within a limited time." This duty cannot by possibility be per formed in a State where no judicial authority ; exists to issue process, and where there is no ; marshal to execute it, and where, even if there ! were such an officer, the entire population ! would constitute one solid combination to re sist him. The bare enumeration of these provisions proves how inadequate they are without fur ther legislation to overcome a united opposi tion in a single State, not to speak of other States who may place themselves In a similar attitude. Congress alone has power to decide whether the present laws can or cannot be | amended so as to carry out more effectually j the objects of the Constitution. The same insuperable obstacles do not lie in the way of executing the laws for the collec tion of the customs. The revenue still contin ues to be collected, as heretofore, at the Cus tom House in Charleston ; aud should the col lector unfortunately resign, a successor may be appointed to perform this duty. Then in regard to the property of the Unit ed States in South Carolina. This has been purchased for a fair equivalent, "by the con sent of the Legislature of the State," " for the erection of forts, magazines, arsenals," &c , and over these the authority " toexercise exclusive legislation " has been expressly granted by the Constitution to Congress. It is not believed that any attempt will be made to expel the United States from this property by force ; bntif in this I should prove to be mistaken,the officer in command of the forts has or lers to act strictly on the defensive. In such a con tingency, the responsibility for consequences would rightfully rest upon the heads of 'he as sailants Apart from the execution of the laws, so fur as this may be practicable, the Executive has no authority to decide what shall be the relations between the Federal Government and South Carolina. He has been invested with no such discretion. He possesses no power to change the relations heretofore es isting between them, much less to acknowl edge the independence of that State. This would be to invest a mere Executive officer with the power of recognizing the dissolution of the Confederacy among our thirty three sov ereign States. It bears no resemblance to the recognition of a foreign d'fndo Goverument, involving no such responsibility. Any at tempt to do this would, on his part, be a nak ed usurpation. It is, therefore, my duty to submit to Congress the whole question in all its bearings. The course of events is so rapid ly hastening forward, that the emergency may soon arise, when you m.iv be called upon to decide the momeiituons question whether you possess the power, by force of arms, to Compel a S'ate to remain in t!ip I'nion. I should feel myself recreant to my duty were I not to ex press an opinion on this important subject. The question fairly stated is: Has the Constitution delegated to Congress the power to coerce a State into submission which is attempting to withdraw, or has ac ttnily withdrawn, from the Confederacy? If answered in the affirmative, it must be on tiie principle that the power has been conferred upon Congress to declare and make war against a State. Alter much serious reflection, I have arrived at the conclusion that no such power ha* been delegated to Congress, or to any other department of the Federal Government. It is manifest, upon an in spection ot the Constitution, that this is not among the specific and enumerated powers granted to Congress ; and it is equally apparent that its exercise is not " ne cessary and proper lor carrying into execution " any one of these power-. So far Ironi litis power having been delegated to (.'"ingress, it wiLs expressly refused by the Convention which framed the Constitution. It appears from the proceeding- of that body, that on the hist May, IT-.7, the clause ' aulh.izing an exertion of the force of the tehole again t a itch ■quent State," came up tor consideration. Mr. Madison opposed it in a liriet but powerful speech, from which I shall extract but a single sentence. He observed : " The use of force against a State would look more like a declaration of war than infliction of punishment ; and would probably be considered by the party attacked by dissolution ot ail previous compacts by which it might be bound.' 7 Upon his motion, the clause was unanimously postponed, and was never, I believe, again presented. Soou afterward, on the *th June. 17*7, when incidentally adverting to the subject, he States, formed on the supposed practicability of using force against tin* unconstitutional proceedings of the States, would prove as visionary and fallacious as the Government ol Congress." evidently meaning the then existing Congress of the old Confederation. Without descending to particulars, it may be safety as serted that the power to rraNr Var uga'tfst a folate u a variance with tiic whole spirit and interest of the Con stitution. Suppose such a war should result in the con quest of a State, how are we to govern it afterward?— Shall we hold it as a province, ami govern it by despot ic power? in the nature of tilings cf could not. by physical force, control the vrill of the people and com pel them to elect Senators and Representatives to Con gress, and to perform all the other duties depending up on their volition, and required from the Iree citizens of a free Stato, as a constituent member of the Confedera cy. Hut, if we pi'lslSsofl this p.rtwer. wonliT it be wise to exercise it nodes existing eir-imsfances ? Tli object would doubtless be to preserve the Union. War would not only present the most effectual means of destroying it. hi.! would banish all hope of its peaccaqle reconstruc tion. Besides, in the fraternal conflict,a va-t amount of blood ami treasure would he expended, rendering future reconciliation between the S'.rtes impossible. In ike mean tines who c:*fli ; !i'" "t~li.it would Ir'the sutßriuga and privations of the people during its exi-tence ? The fact is.that our Union rests upon public opinion, and can never tie cemented by the blood of its citizens shed in civil war. if it cannot live in tiie affections ot llie people, it must one day peii-.li. Congress po--e-s many means of preserving it bv conciliation : but the stmrr! was not placed in their baud to preserve it by force. Hut I may be permitted solemnly to in-'okc ir.y coun trymen to pi use and deliberate, before they determine to destroy this, the grandest temple which lias ever lieen dedicated to human freed un since the world began ? It has bceb "onscrrated by the blood uf our la'fvs, by the glories of the pn-t. and ! * ttv hopes of tiu> future. The Union lias already uia :e us the ir.--t i-m.-tpiTOus and, ere long, will, if preserved, render itslmost puwefful na tion on the face of the earth. Is every foreign region ot the gkilx* tiie title ot American citizen is in id in the highest respect, and when pronounced in a foreign litnl it causes tli" hearts o! our countrymen To swell with honest pride. Surely when we reach the brink of the yawning abv*s. we sirall recoil with lmmr from tb ■ i.i-t lata! plunge. lly such a dread eatostrapii? the l*dpes of the friein's of freedom throughout the world would be destroyed.'and a long night ot leaden despotism Would enshniud the nations. Our example for more than eigh ty years would not only be lost ; but if w ml.l be quoted as a conclusive proof that man rs unfit for sell goveru reent. it is not every Wrong—nay. not every'grievrttis wrong —which can justify a resort tc sncli a learful alternative. Tills ought to lie the last desperate remedy of a despair ing people, liter every other constitutional means of con ciliation had been exhausted. We should reflect that under this free Government there i- an inci -sant ebb' and flow iii public opinion. The Slavery question, ikievsr>- tiiing human, will have its day. 1 firmly believe tli.it it has aire uly reached and passt-J its culminating point.— Hit il, in the midst of the exi-tcn eot excitement, tlie Unlon shall perish, the evil may then become irrepara iiie. Congress can contribute tnueh to avert it by pro posing and recommending to the Legislatures ol thesev eral States the n medy tor existing cvii.-. which the Con stitution lias it soil provided for its preservation. This has been tried at different critical periods of our history, and always with eminent succc-s. It is to lie lonnd iu the sth article providing lor its own amendments.— ; Under this article amendments have been pro been proposed by two-thirds ol ooib houses of Congress, and have tieen ratified by the legislatures of three fourths of tiie severil States," and have consequently become parts of the Constitution. To this process the country is indebted for the clause prohibitieg Congress from passing any law respecting an establishment ot re ligion. or abridging the freedom ot speech or of the press, or of the right of petition. To this we are, also, indebted for the bill of Rights, which secures the people against any'abuse of power by the Federal G iverament. Such were the apprehension* justly entertained by the friends of State rights at that period as to have render ed it extremely doubtful whether the Constitution could have long survived without these amendments. Again, the Constitution wis amended by the same process after the election of President Jefferson by the House of Representatives, in February. lsii.S. This amendment was rendered necessary t" prevent a re-mr renee of the dangers which had seriously threatened the existence of the Government during the pendency ot that election. The Article for its amendment was intended to secure the amicable adjustment of conflicting con-ti tutior.nl question like the present, which might arise be tween the Governments of the States and that of the United States. This appears from cotemporaraneotis j history. In this connection, I shall merely call attention to a few sentences in Mr. Madison's justly celebrated re port in IT'.is, to tiie Legislature t| 1 other difficulties, we experienced a revulsion in mo* affairs, soon after my advent to power, of unex"" 1 severity and of ruinous consequences to all th terests of the country. When we take a ret tis what was theu our condition, and contrast t!m j ! material prosperity at the tune of toe late l'lenii "V election, we have abundant rea-on to return our "I*"'*' thanks to that merciful Providence which has uev V"' sakva us as a nation in ail our past trill*. er !(ir GREAT BRITAIN'. Our relations with Great Britain are of the n, ost . ly character. Since the commencement of mv a V' K " tration, the two dangerous questions arising*fro"/' Clayton and liclwer Treaty, and from the right of" 1 1 claimed by the British Government, have been an"■ and honorably adjusted. j The discordant constructions of the Clayton an I r wer Treaty between the two Governments, which V fercnt periods of the discussion, bore a threaten/', pect. have res dted in linol settlements entirely .jj"' " tory to this Government. In my last annual men/ inioruied Congress that the British Oovertimeßt ' then completed treaty arrangements with the Re.,,' 1: of Aoudur-os and Nicaragua, in pursuance of the slaiidiiig between the two Governments. It i less coulideutly expected that this good work',/ ' " long be accomplished." This confident ex p. tun,, J* since been luliilled. Iler Brittanic Maje-tv cor, :' j "** treaty with Honduras on the *isth November, l//' 1 with Nicaragua on the tfiith August, 1m0. ridintiui >* ' the .Mosquito Protectorate. Be-ides. by the mniier • B.i.i Islands are recognized as a part ot" the Itepji,: Honduras. It uiay be observed tl.at the sti; ,• these treaties conform in every important i.ir ' ' the amendments adopted by the {senate ot t' l( V ' * Slates to the tr ay c b leded at London ou the i'ti toiK-r, 18jG, between the two Governmeuts. it j, ■ recollected that this treaty wa- rejected hr the h Government bei ft ie of us objection to the "just portatu amendment ol the Senate to the arte ~| V' to Koatan and the other islands in tiie Bay h.,, ' it most be a si urce of sincere satistaclioii to., | '.n ' of our fedow citizens, and e pecially to those e!i -i-v toieigu commerce. Unit the claim, on the part of?;-/ Britain, forcibly to visit and search American mi-ie ' vessels on the high seas iu time of peace, lias keen d uted. This was by tar, the Must dSagenma q i the peace ot the two countries which ua- exi-ted • the war ot I*l2. iVhile it remained open, they mi-a any moment have been precipitated intoawar. Tut*"*. rendered manifest by the exasperated slate of uir " leciuig throughout our entire country, produced bv forcible search of American vessels by British cruiser" the coast of C üba, iu tiie Spring ot lojs. q| ie .\u i?r j people hailed with general acclaim the order- oi t!„. 7 retaiy ol the \avy to our naval ton e in the Gulf ut y • ico. to'pmfcrt al? vfctaeWot' the United bian-s o' " trom search or detention by the v f ,.)<„• / of any oti.er nation." These orders might have nr - ced an imiuedi te coiii-ioii between tie- naval lv! tbu two count; K-s. Tin- ,fas i;V,-t lortuuotely pre., ; by in spji'al tc'fl.e justice ot "Vat Britain aidt-.' ia.v of uauo.is as expounded by her own in Ist cm;-. , juri-ts" The only qatstiotTof any importance which : -j maias open is the disputed' title between the two giyj incuts to the island ot Sm Juan, in the vicinity oi ,v.|J irgton Territory. As this question is st.i! uuJernc-B alion. it is not deemed advi-abie at the present u, || to make any other allusion to the subject. "The recent visit of the Prince ot Wales, in a s-t clotnicter, to the people of this country, has p.-'.. be ain ist auspicious event, in its conse'riem i - it not laii to increase t lie kind ted and kindly Ming* I trust ma/ever actdate tne gover-meiji and peuy. both countries iu their political and social mitre, with each other. KANSAS AND "UTAH. _ At the period of my inauguration I was confrraiiK Kansas by u revolutionary government, existing u what is called the Topeka constitution, it- at .-! I ject was to sutidue the territorial government bf i* J and to inaugurate what was culled the Topexa "givr-l iiieut iu its stead. To n'-c<>mpii.-h tins ohj.-vt an n J s ev unitary organization w;is formed and' its .'-.'..5/J efitrrtstc'd to tile most indent rev. 1 items-c folders. I dei these -in miistanees, it lecame n.y ijuptrat:vo dw to exert the whole eoustituti mat power ot me Lxee,::f to prevent the li.uues ot civil war li un again ragi .l Kau-as, which, in the °*cited state of the public i . I both North and South, mignl have ertemted mt ueigliboring State-. Ttie hostile parties in Kansas had been inflamed ••• each uther by emissaries both troat the North s i.ttb, to a degree ol ma. guity witao.it parolh liist- ry. 'To prevent actual collision, and to av-c.. civil magistrate- in edforcing the laws, a strong meut ol the army was stationed iu the Territory, -tv to aid the marshal and hi-; deputies when lawtubv upon, as a posVf cumittaiu.it in tiie execution oi cht . criminal process. .still tly troubles in Kinsxs could not have Leer.; •a"ini ntlV settled t* ffboCVan election by the pe>iple. 1 allot box .s lie surest arbiter ol disputes aitioug men. Under this coi.victioii, every proper ett irtu ployed to induce the hostile parties to vole at t; t l':dn cU deVgates to frame a Stjte Uon.-tituri m. air. terw.ii d- .it the t-lei ll 11 to lie ide whether Kansas - be a slave or a free State. The insurgent party le to Vote at either, le-t tins inig.it oc utisidcicd a ie, ton mi tb dr part of tire Territorial governmeut e lished by Congress, a bet er ep.nt, howe-er. si.ui alter to prevail, and the iu parties met,lift, Mnuii ■ January, lttjs. lor memb'-rs of tiie ami'fl odicei's, uudei the Le onjttoii r'oii.-iilotnm. The-H iv.ij the triumph ot the anti slavery party at the : H Tins deeisioii or the lialiot-oox proved clearly tli". H jiart.r were hi the majority, atul removed the da . ■ civil war. From that time we have Iteard little i i:tg ot the Topeka government: and all serum-d.cyH revi latiiiiuiry troubles in Kansas was then at a f- :u I The l.ecoiuptou Gon-titution. which h.ni L.e:i',. ognized at tin- State election by the vote „i H cul p..flies ia Kansas, was transmitted to :nc -I quest that I should present it to l ougress. i. 'H not have refused to do without violating uiv - arlH strongest convictions of duty. The r oiisii... ■ ail the proceedings which preceded and inflow - ■ mat ion, were lair and regular ou their fac. I'. lieved, and experience has proved, that the i:i;en- I tiie people ot Kan-as would liaTe been Ire-t cun-alttcH its admi-sion as a Hate into the Union, cspc a majority, within a brief period, could Lave .ureinlc.H Cou-tituti:i:i ac ording to ilieir will ami pi-aswH fraud existed in all or any of These ..proceeding-. not for the l'rcsidcnt, but lor Uotigrc-s. to imc-.-'B ami determine the question of fraud, aud what - ■ lie its consequences. if. at the two first elections, the mojority vote, it cannot lie pretended that this refusal *to ci I tlie elective franchise could invalidate an elect held nuder lawful authority, even i; they had n queiitly voted at the third election, it is true whole constitution had not been submitted to tee as 1 always desired ; but the precedents are the admission of Ktates into the Union without -- HB mission It would not comport wiin my ]• resent purpw C 9 view the proceedings of Congress upon the Constit ition. it is sufltcieut to observe tint action iris removed the last vestige of serious rev arv troubles. The desperata band recentiv under a notorious outlaw, in the southern porn m Territory, to resist the execution of the law - auf ' der peaceful citizens, will. I doubt not, be Uued mid brought to justice. Had I treated tiie Lecoiupton Constitution as am H and refused to transmit it to Congress, it is m< d'l t i imagine, while recalling the position ol the !•••.- that inomeut, what would have been tiie d;-a-;r - ■ sequences, bo'h in aud out of the Territory. der.lictioß of duty on the part o. the Kxeciitive. l'eace has also been restored witliiu tlie TernU'J Utah, which at the commencement of my admin;-*® was in a state ol open rebellion. This was tli- re gerous, as the people, animated by a lanab al •: eutrenclied within their distant mountain a-- ; might have made a long and formidable re-istar • what it might, it was necessary to bring them l3 * fl jection to the Constiiution and the law - Swuii' M therefore, as well as liumauity required that n B should.it possible, be accomplished without ui blood. Tiiis could only be effected hy ■ tar)- force into the Territory, sufficiently -to nc 1 ■ viiico tiie p. opie that resistance would be at the same time to offer them a pardon tor ja-t on condition of immediate submission to the tiyi- 1 " 1 ™ This policy was pursued with eminent sin r-- -' "B only eau.-e tor regret is the heavy expeiulitaiii *s 1 H march a large detachment oi ttie army to liiit p * gion, and to furnish it subsistence. Utah is •' H paratively peaceful anil quiet, and the militaf.* lieen withdrawn, except that portion otiicvv-"B hegp the Indians itt check, and to protect the trains on their way to our Pacific possession*. FINANCES. In my first annua! message I promised t'" l best cxettious, in cooperation with Congo'-- the expenditures of tiie Government witlu" I ' !l jjß a wise and judicious economy. An overflow' 3 .- had produced lialiits of prodigality and , which could only be gradually corrected. l Jf quired tioih time and patience. 1 applied ui) 1y to tins ta-k trom tiie beginning, and w t- 1 able and energetic efforts of the headset t-< Executive ltepartments. Tiie result of our good cause did not appear in the sum total >'t ditares lor tiie first two years, mainly in eons' the extraordinary expenditures nei'essarih ' the Utah expedition, tud the very large • ti '" contingent expenses ot Congress daring ' ". These greatly exceeded the pay ami mileage ' ( hers. For tiie year ending 30th June. lvi>. * and mileage amounted to $1.400,2U, the l " 1>3 penie* ro-e to s2,oy .ia 7?, and tor the 9