DIE DOLLAR PER ANNUM INVARIABLY IN AOVANCE.
TOWANDA:
Thursday Morning, January 5, 1860.
President's Message.
I'elh ur-eilizens of Ihe Senate ami House af
Jhpecatntatives : —Our deep and hi urtfelt •rj*t
itude is due to that i'uwer which
Las bestowed upon ns such varied and numer
ous blessiugs through the past year. The
general health of the country has been excel
lent ; our harvests have been unusually plen
tiful, and prosperity smiles throughout the
laud. Indeed, notwithstanding our demerits,
we have much reason to believe from the past
events it. our history, that we have enjoyed
the special protection of Divine l'rovidcnce
ever since our origin as a nation. We have
I.ceii exposed to many threatening and alarm
ing difficulties in our progress ; but on each
Mircessive occasion the impending cloud has
i.u'ti dissipated at the moment it appeared
r. ady to burst upon our head, and the danger
lu our institutions ha.; passed away. May we
ever lie under the divine guidance and protec
tion !
While it is the duty of the President "from
lime to time to give to Congress infoiillation
of the state ol tlie L niein," I shall no', refer
in detail to the recent sad and bloody oceur
i.nee at Harper's Ferry. Still, it is proper to
MTVC that these events, however bad and
■ no 1 in then.-elves, derive their chUf import
ui.ee from ihe apprehension that they are but
Miuptotns ol an incurable disease in the public
mill i. which may break out in still more dun
_t runs outrages, and terminate at la-t in tin
, |nii war by the North to abolish Slavery in
tae South While, for myself, 1 entertain no
sueli apprehension, tliev ought to afford a
-oli tun w Mining to us aii to beware of the ap
i ; ith of Oatrgvi Our A nitm is a stake of
- it inestimable value as to demand on, con
ant and watchful vigilance for its preserva
tion. 11l this view, let me implore mv count ry
i. North un! Suth, to cultivate the ancient
'••I lings of niiiiual for be a ranee and good will
'award each other, and stiive to allay the de
mon spirit of sectional hatred and strife now
iue in the land. This advice proceeds from
tlie heart of an old public fuuetiotmrv whose
; v ice commenced in the last generation, 1
: lining the wise am! conservative statesmen of
Unit day, now nearly all passed end
whose first and d< a rot eiirt lily wish i* to leave
is country trantpiil, prosperous, united, and
i overfill.
\\ e ought to refl.-ct that in this age. and es
| ,r:ailv in this country, there is an incessant
:i i.x and ri flux of put>lie opinion Qne-tious
wi.ieh, in tin ir day. nssiiuicd a most thrextet;-
; g aspect, have now nearly gone trom tfie
in inory of men. Tln v are *' volcanoes burnt
o;i, ami mi the lava and aslie", and sipial.d
- Tie of ol" eruption- grow the peacetul
i , the clu'i roig v.ne, miio the mi taming
• a - ' Sueli, in mv opinion, wii ptove to tie
' fate of the priscnt sectional excitement,
• .ou!d those who wis.ilv set k to applv the
i-iindy, eoitliutte always to confine tlieir t fforts
u I'l.in the pale of the Constitution. If this
. use be pui>u>d, the x-ting agitation on
' ie subject of Domestic Slavery, like eveiy
liiiug Human, will have its l-iy, ami give place
to other and '< s- threatening controversies.—
i' 'I • coin inn in this eouujrv is ail powerful,
i w hen i f rerfi'lu s a J i nger<>us excess upon
any i|sie.t ion, the good sense of the people
will tarnish the corrective aud bring it back
within -afe limits. S ill, to hasten tin. an
ions result, at lie present cris s, we ought
lo rcnicmhi r that every rational creature must
• presuin tl to intend iln-natural eoiisvqu •nees
of hi- own teachings. Those who announce
: h-traet doctrines subversive of the Cons til n
; n and the Union, mn-t not be surprised
siionhl tln ir hrati d partisan.- advance one step
.: liter, and attempt by violence to carry these
doctrines into practic.;! effect.
In this view of the subject, it ought never
' i tie forgotten that, however great muv have
.en ihe political advantage resulting from the
1 ntou to every portion of our eominou conn
try, these would all prove to be ns nothing
-hould the time ever arrive w hen tliev cannot
e enjoyed without serious danger to the per
- ma! safety of the people of fifteen mem Iters
of the Confederacy. If the peace of the vlo
tut -tic fireside throughout these States should
ever be invaded—if the mothers of families
within this extensive region should not be able
to retire to rest at night without suffering
dreadful apprehensions of what may be Aheir
. AII fate and that of their children before the
.rning—it would be vain to recount to such
a peop'e the |>oiitieal benefits which result to
■hem from the LAlton Self-preservationi- the
first instinct of nature ; and therefore any
-Late of society in which the sword is all the
time su-pended over the heads of the people,
must at last become intolerable, But I in
dulge in no suchgloomy forebodings On the
contrary, I firmly believe that the events at
Harper's Ferry, bv causing the people to
pause and reflect upou the possible peril to
'heir cherished institutions, will be the means,
'. aider Providence, of allaying ihe existing ex
> \ inent, and preventing future outbreaks of
a similar eharacfcr. Tiny will resolve that
tin- Constitution and the Union shall uot be
• Lingered by rash counsels, knowing that,
s!i..ii!d " the silver cord lie loosed.or the gold
en bowl be broken * * at the fountain,'' hu
:-an [tower could never rcouite the scattered
End hostile fragments.
1 cordially congratulate you upon tire final
Settlement by the Supreme Court of the United
B'utes of the question of Slavery in the Ter
ritories, which had presented an aspect so
truly formidable at the cOuiiueuceiHeut of my
a huiuwtration. The right has been establish
ed <>f every ritiun'O take his property of anv
kind, including slaves, into the common Ter
rdories belonging equally to all the States of
ti.e Confederacy, ami to have it protected
there under the Federal Constitution. Neither
Congress nor a Tcriitorial Legislature, nor
any human power has any authority to annul
or impair this rested right The supreme ju-
THE BRADFORD REPORTER.
dicial tribunal of the country, which is a co- j
ordinate branch of the Government, has sanc
tioned and nfllruicd there principles of consti
tutional law, so manifestly just in themselves,
and so well calculated to promote peace and
harmony among the States. It is a striking j
| proof of the sense of jastice which is inherent
j in our people, that the property in slaves has
never lieen disturbed, to my knowledge, in j
any of the Territories. Even throughout the
late troubles in Kansas there lias not been
; any attempt, as I am credibly informed, to in- 1
terfere, in a single instance, with the right of
the master. Had any such attempt been made,
j the judiciary would doubtless have afforded
an adequate remedy. Should they fail to do
this hereafter, it will then be time enough to
strengthen their hands by further legislation. '
Had it been decided that either Congress or
the Territorial Legislature possess the power
to annul or impair the right to property in
slaves, the evil would be intolerable. In the
latter evert, there would be a,strnggle for a
majority of the members of the Legislature at
each successive election, and the sacred rights
of property held under the Federal Constitu
tion would depend tor the time being on the
ro.-ult. The agitation would thus be rendered
incessant while the territorial condition re
mained, aud its baneful influence would keep
aiive a dangerous excitement among the peo
ple of the several Bttes.
Thus lias the status of a Territory, d tiring
the intermediate period from its first sett le
nient until it shall become a State, been ir
revocably fixed bv the final decision of the
Supreme Court. Fortunate has tips been for
the prosperity of the Territories, s well as
the tranquility of the States. Now, emigrants
from the North and South, the Hist and West,
wiil meet iu the Territories on a common plat
form, ''living brought with them that species
of prop; rty hi st adapted, in their own opinion,
to promote their welfare. From natural
causes, the Slavery question will, iu each ease,
soon virtually settle itself ; and before the
Territory i- prepared for admission as a State
into the Union, this decision, one way or the
other, w ill have been a foregone conclusion
Meanwhile, the settlement of the new Terri
tory will proeecti without serious interruption,
and its progress and prosperity will not tie en
dangered or retarded by violent political
struggles
When, in the progress of events, the inhab
itants nf any Territory shall have rea died the
nnmlier required to lorm a State, th.y will
then proceed, iu a regular manner, and iu the
exeicise of tlie rights of PopaiarSovereignty,
to form a Constitution preparatory to admix
sion into the Union. After thixlias been done,
to employ the language of the Kansa.- and
N< bi .i-ka art, " they shall be received into the
Union with or without Slavery, a- their Con
s itutiou may preser.be at the lime of their
miuii-xiou " I'll is sound p ineipie li is happ.lv
be -n r.cogn Z"d, in some form or other, by an
a. most unanimous vote of both Houses of the
la-t Congress.
Alt lawful moans at mv command have been
employ, d, and shall continue to tie employed,
to execute the law.- against the African sluv
trade. After a mo-t careful and rigo-oas ox
amina'ion of our coasts and a thorough itives
titration of the subject, we have not been able
' t<> di-covcr that any slaves have been import
ed into the United States except the cargo by
the Wanderer, numbering between three au-i ,
four hundred. Those engaged iu this unlaw- j
I'll envrpn*e have been rigorous!)'prosecuted; |
but not with as much success us their crimes
have deserved. A number of theui are still
u in Ie rn TOS*CU t ion
Our history proves that the Fathers of the
Republic, in advance of all other nations, con
demned the African slave trade. It was, not
w it',;-?and ng, deemed expedient by the fraliters
of til • Coils'it it ion to deprive Congress of the
power to prohibit " the migration or importa
tion of sueli person*as any of the States now
existing shall think proper to admit '' " prior
to the year one thousand eight buiidmd and
It will be seen that this restriction on the
power of Congress was confined to Mich States
only as might think proper to admit the itn
porta'ion of slaves. It did not extend lo
other States or to the trade carried on abroad
According, we find that so early a- the 22ii of
March. 1794, Congress pa.-sed un act imp. s
iug severe penalties and punishments upon c it
iz ns and residents of the L niteil States who
should engage iu this trade between foreign
I nations. The provisions of this act were ex
tended and enforced by the act of 10th May,
1800.
I Again ; The Stales themselves had a clear
right lo waive the constitutional privilege in
tended for their benefit, and to prohibit, by
their own laws, this trade at any time they
thought proper previous to 1868. Several of
llmu exercised this right before that jieriod,
and among them some containing the greatest
: number o! slaves. Th:sgave to Congress the i
) Immediate power to act iu regard to all such
I States becau-e they themselves had removed
i the eoi.fetuUonal barrier. Congress according
ly passed un act on the 28th February, 1803,
"to prevent the imi>ort.ition of certain per
sons into certain States where, bv the laws
thereof, their admission is prohibited." In
this manner the importation of African slaves
inlo the United Stales was, to a great extent,
prohibited some years in advance ot 1808.
As the ytar 1808 npftroaebed. Congress de
termined not to suffer this trade to exist even
for a single day after tlmy had the power to
abolish it. Ou the 2d of March. 1807, they
passed an act to take effect "from and after
the Ist day of January, 1808," prohibiting
the importation of African slaves into the
; United States. This was follbwe l by subse
queut acts of a similar character, to which 1
need not specially refer. Such were the prin
ciples and sneh the practice of our ancestors
more than fifty years ago in regard to the
African slave-trade.
It did uot occur to the revered patriots w ho
had been delegates to the Convention, and
afterward became Members of Congress, that
in passing these law* they had violated the
Constitution which they had framed with EO
PUBLISHED EVERY THURSDAY AT TOWANDA, BRADFORD COUNTY, PA., BY E. O'HEAR A GOODRICH.
j much care and deliberation. They supposed j
that to prohibit Congress, iu express terms, !
from exercising a specified power before an ap
pointed day, necessarily involved the right to
exercise this power after that day had arrived.
If this were uot the case, the framers of 1
the Constitution had expended much labor in
vain. Had they imagined that Congress would j
possess no power to prohibit the trade either
before or after 1808, they would not have
taken so much care to protect the States
against the exercise of this power before that
period. Nay more, they would not have at- j
taehed such vast importance to this provision
us to have excluded it from the possibility of
future repeal or amendment, to which other
[Mirtions of the Constitution were exposed It
would, then, have beeu wholly unnecessary to
engraft on the fifth article of the Constitution,
prescribing the mode of its own future amend
ment, the proviso, " that no amendment which I
may be made prior to the year one thousand 1
eight hundred and eight shall in any manner
affect" the provision iu the Constitution se
curing t) the States the rigiit to admit the im
portation of African sluves previous to that
period.
According to the adverse construction, the
clause itself on which so much care and dis- j
mission had been employed by the members of
the Convention, was an absolute nullity from
the begiuaing, and all that has since beeu done
under it a mere usurpation.
It was well and wise to confer this power on
Congress, because, had it beeu left to the
States, its effi ient exercise would have been
impossible. In that event any one State could
have effectually continued the trade not only
for itself hut tor all the other slave States,
though never so much against their will. And
why ? Because African slaves, when once
brought within the limits of any one Stute, in
accordance with the laws, cannot practically
be excluded from any other State where Slave
ry exists And even if all the States had
separately passed laws prohibiting the impor
tation of slaves, these laws would have foiled
of t fleet for want of a naval force to capture
the riavcrs and to guard the coasts. Such a
force uo State can employ in time of peace
without the consent-of Congress.
These acts of Congress, it is believed, have,
with very rare and insignificant exceptions, ac- l
coiuplislied tlieir purpose. For a period fo
aiore than half a century there has been no
perceptible addition to tlie number of our do
me.-tic slaves. During tiiis period their ad
vancement ipciviliz ition has far surpassed that
os any other portion of the African race.—
The light and the blessings of Christianity
have been extended to them, and Lot li their
moral and physical condition has lieeii greatly
improved.
lb-open the trade, and it would be difficult
to determine whether the effect would b- more
deleterious ou the interests of the master or
those of the native-born slave. Of the evils
to the master, the one most to lie dreaded !
would l>e the intioductiou of wild, beat lieu,
and ignorant barbarians among the sober,
ordi riv, and tpm-t slaves, whose ancestors have
been on the soil for several generations. This
might tend to barbariz *, demoralize, and ex
a-perate the whole mass, and produce most
deplorable consequences.
The iff ct upon the existing -lave would, if
po-.-iole, be >tiH more deplorable. At present
he is treated with kindliest and humanity. He
is well fed, well clothed, and not overworked.
His condition is incomparably better than that
of the coolies which modern nations of high
civilization have employed as a .-üb-titute for
African slaves. Both the philanthropy and
the self-interest of the master have combined
to prod ace this humane result. But let this -
trade be reopened, and what will be the effect? ,
The same, to a considerable extent, as on a
neighboring island the only spot now on
earth where the African slave trade is openly
tolerated : and this in defiance of solemn
treaties with a power abundantly able at any
moment to enforce their extension. There the
master, intent upou present gain, extorts from
1 the slave as much labor a< his physical powers ,
are capable of enduring—knowing that, when
dcatli comes to his relief, his place can be sup
plied at a price reduced to the low est point by
the competition of the African slave-traders.
Should this ver lie the case in onr country— ;
which I do not deem possible—the present
u-t fill character of the domestic institution,
wherein those too old or too young to work
are provided for with care and humanity, and
those capable of labor are not overtasked,
would undergo an un'ortnnate change. The
; feeling of reciprocal dependence and attach- i
Imciit which now exists between master and
-lave would be converted into mutual distrust
and hostility.
But we are obliged, as u Christian and moral
nation, to cousider what would be the effect
• upon unhappy Africa itself if wp should re
' open the slave-trade. This would give the
trade an impnl-e and extension which it has
never had even in its palmiest days. The nu
merous victims required to supply it would
convert the whole slave coast into a perfect
l'andeinonium, for which this country wonld
■be held responsible in tlie eyes both of God
and man. Its petty tribes would then be con-1
-tantlv engaged in predatory wars against each
other for the purpose of seizing slaves to sup
ply the American market. All hopes of Afri
i can civilization would thus be ended.
On the other hand, when a market for Afri
; can slavesshali no longer be furnished in Cuba,
and thus al! the world be closed against this
I trade, we may then indulge a reasonable hope
for the gradual improvement of Africa. The
chief motive of war among the tribes will
cease whenever there is no longer any demand
j for slaves. The resources of that fertile but
1 miserable country might then be developed by
the hand of industry and afford subjects for
legitimate foreign and domestic commerce. In
this manner Christianity and civilization may
gradually penetrate the exi-ting gloom.
The wisdom of the course pursued by this
Government toward China has been vindicated
by the event. While we sustained a neutral
■ position iu the war waged by Great Britain
i aud France against the Chinese Empire, our
" aX'ixK.Di.sas or OSWOWCXZTION raon ANY QCA*IX*."
I late Minister, in obedience to his instructions,
1 judiciously cooperated with the Miuisterg of
: these Powers in all peaceful measures to se
cure by treaty the just concessions demanded
jby the interests of foreign commerce. The
1 result is that satisfactory treaties have been
concluded with China bv the respective Min
isters of the United Ste.tes, Great Britain, 1
France, and Russia. Our " treuty, or general :
: convention of peace, amity, and commerce,"
with that Empire was concluded at Tieu-tsiu
on the 18th of June, 1858, and was ratified
. by the President, by aud with the advice and |
consent of the Senate, on the 21st of Decem
ber following.
On the 15th December, 1858, John E. ,
Ward, a distinguished citizeu of Georgia, was '
duly commissioned as Envoy Extraordinary
and Minister Plenipotentiary to China. He
left the United States for the place of his ;
destination on the sth of February, 1859,
1 bearing with hini the ratified copy of this
treaty, and arrived at Shaughae on the 28th
May. From thence he proceeded to Pckiu on
the 16th June. Lift did uot arrive in that city
until the 27th July. According to the terms
, of the treaty the ratifications were to be ex
changed on or before the 18th June, 1859
i This was rendered impossible by reasons and
j events beyond his control, not necessary to de
tail ; but still it is due (o the Chinese author
ities ut Shanghae to stute that they always as
sured him uo udvautage should be taken of
the delay, aud this pledge his beeu faithfully
redeemed.
Ou the arrival of Mr. Ward at Pckiu he
requested au audience of the Emperor to pre
sent his letter of credence. This he did not
obtain, in consequence of his very proper re- !
fusai to submit to the humiliating ceremonies
required l>v the etiquette of this strange peo
ple in approaching their sovereign. Neverthe
less the interviews on this question were con
ducted in the most friendly -pirit uud with all
due regard to hi* personal feelings and the
honor of his country. When a presentation to
His Majesty was found to be impossible, the
letter ot credence ft oiu the President was re- j
ceivt d with peculiar honors by Kweiliang, "the I
Emperor's Prime Minister and the second man
iu the Empire to the Emperor hiinseif." Tim
ratifications of the treaty were afterward, ou
the 16th of August, exchanged iu proper form
at Pei-tsang. As the exchange did not take
place until after the day prescribed by the
treaty, it, is deemed proper, before its publica- J
tion, again to submit it to the Senate.
it is but simple justice to tfie Chinese au
thorities to observe that, throughout the whole
transaction, they appear to have acted in good
faith and iu a friendly spirit toward the Unit
ed States. It is true this has been done after
their own peculiar fashion ; but we ought to
regard with a lenient eye the ancient customs
of an empire dating back for thousands of j
years, so far us this may be consistent with our
own national honor. The conduct of our mi
nister on the occasion has received my entire
approbation.
In order to carry out the spirit of this
treuty, and to give it full effect, it became
necessary to conclude two supplemental con
ventions—the one for the adjustment and sat
| islttctioii of the claims of our citizens, and the
! other to fix the tariff on imports and exports,
and to regulate the transit duties and trade of
our merchants with China. This duty was
-atisfactorily performed by our late uiiuister.
These conventions bear date at Shanghae-on
the Bth November, 1858. Having been con
! sidered iu the light of binding agreements sub
sidiary to the principal treaty, and to be car
ried into execution without delay, they do not
provide for any formal ratification or exchange |
of ratifications by the contracting parties.—
This was nut deemed necessary by the' Chinese, j
who are already proceeding in good faith to
satisfy the claims of our citizens, and, it is
hoped, to carry out the other provisions of the
conventions. Still I thought it was proper to
submit them to the Senate, lij which they wa re
■ ratified on the 3d of March, 1859. The rati
fied copies, however, did not reach Shanghae
' until after the departure of our minister to
l'ekin, aud these conventions could not, there
fore, be exchanged at the same time with the
principal treaty. No doubt is entertained that
they will be ratified and exchanged by the
I Chinese Government, should this be thought
advisable; but under the circumstances pre
sented, I shall consic'er them binding engage
ments from their date on both parties, and
cause them to be published as such for the in
formstion and guidaneeof our merchants trad
ing with the Chinese Empire.
It affords me much satisfaction to inform
yoti tjial all our difficulties with the Republic
of Paraguay have been satisfactorily adjusted.
! It happily did not become necessary to employ
the force for this purpose which Congress had
placed at my command, under their joint reso
lution of 2d of June, 1858. On the contrary,
the President af that Republic, in a friendly
spirit, acceded promptly to the just and rea
| sonable demands of the Government of the
United States. Our Commissioner arrived at
Assumption, the capital of the Republic, on
the 25th of January, 1859, and left it on the
17th of February, having in three weeks ably
and successfully accomplished all the objects
of his mission. The treaties which he has con
cluded will be immediately submitted lo the
; Senate.
In the view that the employment of other
j than peaceful means might become nec< ssarv
j to obtain "just satisfaction'" from Paraguay, a
strong naval force was couceutrated in the wa
ters of the La Plata to await contingencies,
while our Commissioner ascended the river to
Assumption. The Navy Department is eoti
. tied to great credit for the promptness, effi
ciency, aud economy with which this expedi
tion was fitted out and conducted. It consis
ted of 19 armed vessels, great and small, car
rying 200 guns, and '2 500 armed.men, all B't
t der \he command of the veteran ar.d gailant
Shubriek. The entire expenses of the expedi*
; i lion have beeu defrayed oot of the ordinary
I appropriations for the naval service, except the
sum ot $239,000, applied to the-purchase of
seven of the steamers, constituting a part of
it, under the authority of the naval appropria-
tion act of the 3d ot March It is believ
ed that these steamers are worth mora than
their cost, and they a;e uow usefully aud ac
' tively employed iu the naval service.
The appearance of so large a force, fitted
j out in such a prompt mauner. iu the far-dis
tant waters of the La Plata, and the admira
k ble conduct of the officers and men employed
iu it, have hud a happy effect in favor of our
country throughout all that remote portiou of
| the world
Our relations with the great Empires of
France and Russia, as well as with all theoth
er Governments on the continent of Europe,
unless w uiay except that of Spain, happily
cutiiiuuc to be of the most friendly character.
|. In my last annual message I presented a
statement of the unsatisfactory condition of our
relations with Spaiu ; aud J regret to say this
j has not materially improved. Without special
reference to other claim*, even the "Cuban
claims" the payment of which has beeu ably
urged by our Ministers, ami in whicli more
than u hundred of our citizens are directly iu
i terested, remain unsatisfied, notwithstanding
both their justice and their amount ($123,635
54; had been recognized and ascertained by
i the Spanish Government itself.
" 1 again recommend that an appropriation
be made to be paid to the Spanish Govern
ment for the purpose of distribution among
the claimants in the Amistsd case " iu com
| IUOII with two of my predecessors^l entertain
i no doubt that this is required by our treaty
with Spain of the 271h October, 1795. Tlie
failure to discharge this obligation has be; u
employed by the Cabinet of Madrid us a rea
son against the settlement of our claims.
J Heed not repeat the argument which I
urged iu my last annual message iu favor of
the acquisition of Cuba by fair purchase. My
opinions ou that measure remain unchanged
I therefore again invite the serious attention
of Congress to this important subject With
out a recognition of this policy on their part,
it will be almost impossible to institute ne
gotiations with any reasonable prospect of suc
cess.
Until a recent period there was good reason
' to believe that 1 should be able to announce
to you on the present occasion that our diffi
culties with Great Britain, arising out of the
CI ivton aud Bulwer treaty, had been finally
adjusted in u mauner alike honorable aud sat
isfactory to both parties. From causes, how
{ ever, which the British Government had not
anticipated, they have not vet completed trea
ty arrangements with the Republics of Hon
duras and Nicaragua, iu pursuance of the un
derstunding between the two Governments.
It is, nevertheless, confidently expected that
tiiis good work will ere long be accomplished.
While indulging the hope that no other sub
ject remained which could disturbe the good
; understanding between the two countries, the
question arisen out of the adverse claims of the
parties to the Island of San Juan, under the
Oregon treaty ot the 15th o.' June, 1846,
suddenly assumed a threatening promiuence.
In order to prevent unfortunate collisions on
that remote frontier, the lute Secretary of
State, on the 17th July, 1855, addressed a
note to Mr. Cramptou, then British Minister
at Washington, communicating to him a copy
of the in.-tructions which he (Mr. Marcy) had
given, on the 14th July, to Gov. Stevens of
Washington Territory, having a special refer
ence to uii " apprehended conflict between our
citizens ftiid the British subjects ou the Island
of Sun Juau." To prevent this, the Governor
was iustructe 1 "that the officers of the Ter
ritory should abstain from all acts on the dis
puted grounds which are calculated to provoke
any conflicts, so far as it can be done without
' implying the coneesi>ou to the authorities of
Great Britiau ot an exclusive right over the
premises. The title ought to be settled be
fore either party should attempt to exclude
the other by force, or exercise complete and
exclusive severeigu rigtits within the fairly
: disputed limits."
In acknowledging the receipt on the next
day of Mr Marcy s note, the British Minister
expressed Lis eutire concurrence "in the pro
priety of the course recommended to the Gov
ernor of Washington Territory by your .Mr.
MarcyNl instructions to that officer," and
stating that he had " lost no timr iu transm t
ting a copy of that document to the Governor-
General of Br t sh North America," and hid
" earnestly recommended to his Exeelien y to
take such measures as to him may appear best
calculated to secure, on the part of the British
local authorities atii the inhabitants of the
, neighborhood of the line in question, the ex
: ercise of the same spirit of forbearance which
is inculcated by you Mr Marcy] on the
authorities and citizens ot the United riiat.-s."
Thus matters remained upon the faith of
this arrangement until the 9:h of July hist,
when Gen. Harney paid a visit to the island
lie found upon it twenty-five American resi
dents with their families, and also tin e.stab
lisluneut of the Hudson's Bay Company for
the purjiosc of raising sheep. A short time
before his arrival, one of these residents had
shot an animal belonging to the Company,
while trespassing upou his premises, for which
however, lie offered to pay twice its value ;
but that was refused. Soon after the chief
factor of the Company at Victoria, Mr. Dalits,
son in-law of Gov Douglas, came to the is
lan-l in the British sioopof-war Saiellite, and
threatened to take this American (Ms. Cutler)
by force to Victoria, to answer for the trespass
he had committed. The American seized his
rifle, and told Mr. Dalles that if any such at
tempt was made he would kill him ou the
, spot. The affair then ended. Under tljese
ciicumstauces.the American settlers presented
a petition to the General, "though the U. S.
Inspector of Customs, Mr. Uab'os, to place a
- j force upon the island to protect them from the
Indians as well as oppressive interference
- of the authorities of the Hudsou's Buy Com
i 1 pan? at Victoria with their rights as Atner
• ican citizens." The General immediately re
r j sponded to this petitioo, and ordered Capt.
j) George E. Pickett, 9tu iufantry, "to establish
f bis company on Bellevus, or San Juan island,
f j or some suitable position - near the harbor at
- 1 the louth eastern extremity This crder wa
VOL. XX. —KO. 81.
1 promptly obeyed, and a military post waa as
labliahed at the place designated. Tbe force
was afterwards increased, so that by the I sat
return tbe wb )!e number of troops whan on the
island amounted in tbe aggregate to C9l man.
Wbile I do uol deem it proper on ilia pres
ent occasiou to (TO further into tba subject,
and discuss tbe weight which ought to be at
i lached to tbe sUteaiutits of the British Colo
' nial authorities, contesting tbe accurate/ of
j tbe information ou which the gallant General
' j acted, it was due to him that 1 abould tbua
present his own reasons for issuing the order
to Capt. Pickett. From these it is quite clear
his object aus to prevent the British author*
ities ou Vancouver's island from exercising
jurisdiction over American residents ou the
Island of San Juan, as well us to pioteutlheta
against the incursions of the Indians.
Much excitement prevailed for some time
; throughout that region, and serious danger of
collision between the per; lea was apprehen
ded. The British had a Urge uavai force in
the vicinity ; au>l it is but an act of simple
justice to the Admiral ou that station to state
tLal he wisely and discreetly forbore to com
mit any hostile act. but determined to refer
the whole uifair to his Government and await
their instructions.
This uspect of the matter, in my opinion, de
manded serious attention. It would have been
a great calamity for both natioua had they
been precipitated into acts of hostility not ou
the i|ue*tiou of title to the island, but merely
concerning what should be iiscouditiou during
the intervening period while the two Govern
ments might be employed iu settling the ques
tion to which of them it bvlougs. For this rea
son Lieutenant General Scott was dispatched
on the lTlh of September last to Washington
Territory to take immediate command of the
United i> ! ules forces on the Pacific coast
should he deem this necessary. The main ob
ject o! his mission was to carry out the spirit
of the precautionary urraugemt-uts between
the late Secretary of State and the British
Minister, and thus to preserve the peace and
prevent collisiou between the British and
American authorities pending the negotiations
between the two Governments. Entertaining
no doubt of the validity of our title, I need
scarcely add that, iu any event, American cit
izens were to be placed on a footing at least
as favorable as that of British subjects, it
being understood that Captaiu Pickett's coin
duny should remain ou the island. It is prop
|er to observe that, considering the distauce
from the scene of action, and in iguorauce of
w hut might have trauspired on the spot before
the General's arrival, it was necessary to leave
much to his discretion, and 1 am happy to
state tiic event lias proven that this discretion
could uot have been intrusted to more compe
tent bauds. General Scott bus receutly re
turned from his mission, having successfully
accomplished its object, and there is r.o longer
any good reason to apprehend a collision be
tween the forces of the two countries during
tie pendency of the existing negotiations.
I regret to inform you that there has been
no improvement iu the affairs of Mexico since
my last annual message, and I am again
obliged to ask the earnest attention of Con
gress to .he unhappy couditioa of that repub
lic.
The Constituent Congress of Mexico, which
adjourned on the 17th of February, 1857,
adopted a constitution and provided for a
popular election. This took place in the fol
lowing July (1857), and General Coinonfort
was chosen President, almost without opposi
tion. At the same election u new Congress
was chosen, whose first session commenced on
I the I6ili of September (1857). Bv the Con
stitution of 1857 the presidential term was to
begin on the Ist of December (1557), aud
continue for four years. On that day General
Couioufort appeared before the assembled Con
gress in the City of Mexico, tock the oath to
support the new Constitution, and was duly
inaugurated as President. Within a month
afterward he had been driven from the capital
and a military rebellion had assigned the su
preme power ot the Republic to Gen Zul
oaga. The Constitution provided that in the
absence of the Presidcut his office should de
volve upon the Chief Justice of the Supreme
Court, and, Genero! Coinonfort having 1- ft
the country, this functionary, Genera! Juan-I,
proceeded to form, at Guanajuato, a con
stilutio.ial Government. Before this was of
ficially known, however, at the capital, the
Government of Znloaga had been recognized
by the entire diplomatic corps, including*the
Minister of the United States, as the de fuclo
Government of Mexico. The constitutional
President, nevertheless, maintained his posi
tion with firmness, and was soon established
' with his Cabinet .at Vera Cruz Meanwhile,
the Government of Zdonga was earnestly re
sisted iu many ports of the Republic, and even
in the capital, a portion of the army having
pronounced against it, its functions were de
clared terminated, and nn assembly of citizens
was invited for the choice of a new President
This Assembly elect'd Gen. Mirnm n, lut that
1 officer repudiated the plan under which he was
chosen, and Zuloaga was thus restored to bis
previous position He assumed it, however,
' only to withdraw from it, and Mirumon, hav
ing become, by his appointment, " President
Substitute,'' continues, with that title, at tba
i head of the insurgent party.
In m> last annual message, I eommun cated
i to Congress the circumstances under which the
> late Minister of the United States suspended
- i his official relations with the Central Gevern
; ment, and withdrew from the country. It was
; impossible to maintain friendly intercourse
1 with a Government, like that at the Caplal,
under whose usurp<d authority wrongs were
i constantly commuted, but never redressed
e | Had this been an established Government,
e with its power extending, by the consent of
- the people, over the whole of Mexica, a resort
- tw hostilities against it would have been quit®
- 1 justifiable, and indeed necessary. Bnt tha
;. J country was a prey to civil war ; and it was
h ' hoped that the success of the constitutional
1, President might lead to a condition of things
t i less injurious to the United State*. This enc
i' est re ram rxs.