(HE DOLUS PER AHN'JM, INVARIABLY IN ADVANCE.
TOAVANDA :
£|jare&nn fHormitn, Scpembcr 4, 183 U.
s P I: ECH
OF
HON. A. BUR LING AME,
OF MASSACHUSETTS.
Delivered at the Republican Mass Meeting, held
at Philadelphia, August 19, 1856.
fFri-m the Philadelphia Daily Times.]
<v> '> Mr- ItCKUNUAME w 'as announced a scene of the
....-nthnsiasm prevailed. The entire auditory rose
. - frrt. waving their hats, handkerchiefs and um
. ; ,0c their heads, and exhibiting every mark of
-it lin:'. Cheer after cheer was given with great
\nd several minutes eLip-ed before even com
[ .juiet could lie restored. This was soon broken
• v Three groans for Bully Brooks." This was
j v rr p, mled to. and another scene of enthusiasm
.it a spectacle it has seldom been our province
, : . IT. all attempts to convex- an idea of its num
... ,v..ri■■> would fall short of the scene on the occa
ii; r VingrestorHl, Mr. It. said:
(T iitc nidi, 1 thank you from tlie*bottom of
rate fill heart for this kind greeting. There
. . art in it. and right down honest gootl
v Ido not take it as a personal tribute,
as one gush more of enthusiasm for those
principles which shall survive when we
.the dust. Applause.) You will bear
: f. -citizens, this evening, while I
.. voii My voice is almost gone, and I
Midi exhausted : but while 1 am physi
v prostrated, my republican spirit is warmer
t. I! ever.
V. • - if. fellow-citizens, that in this in
• weai her. you gather together in such
ivd numbers ? It i< because the worst
v that ever trod on the necks of men,
mi j-i — i*ssioii of this great government,
iV'Ua the brains and was supported
le.uiierable arms of our fathers. If
; free in t hi< government to work
• cap to its high theory, we should
•Mo great parties. One would be
.- - c and one would be conservative,aud
>uig to these according to age
•I : ♦T.IfIHMIt
is a disturbing clement which
-.. :n interfere with the fair play of the
g : our institutions. What is that ele-
I n one word, it is storery —and upon
Vet i -hall he brief. What is this-la
.• !!'>vv dominates so like a master in
or whence came it I Not from the
:.is of Abraham—not from I.acicde
v it i- >.iid slavery was invented—
Rome, but from modern Rome.—
in- a ,-pider, from the brain of Pope
f Fifth, who, in 1430, issued a Papal
. cud. rity to the Kings of Portu
i ; i.i (fuiiicuni, n and other nesrroes,
1r Ey barter to bear them into
..stniit papal bull we find the first
y .a all the world for negro slavery.—
sot trace its history down a mighty
human tears to the present time. I
y say it came to thi- country in th
nnanitv. It was welcomed bv the
■- of the South : it was sternly rejected,
■ i, by tiie r*i•irriiiiai of the North.—
What is it ? In one word the
:>t, Wesley, denominated it the
vi.. sinies. ■ A voice, "So it is.''
It is that system which denies
t v' a man to himself—to his wife—to
v. h reduces a man born in the
• tied, with a soul as immortal as
i. burn above us this ti:_rht. bc
iiiion of the beast of the field :
I tr . - iiim l>ene.ith t lie condition
of 'li.- field,it holdshimuagainst
' :•••-; < sofa human being.
• - ii"thin.s in all the world which
ii> own save a master, wlio may
ru;e hiui. blister him. burn him, do
-r iiv will with him. This is slavery,
■ cr_ to say it is what is called Auieri-
tdo ? When our fathers met
u:n die Constitution of our conn
•" >-d d ivory an <-vii. They thought
' ; 'Aji.re. Could those lathers who
• la that Constitution have fore-:
a'-! i.ave Ih'ou the eff ct of tlie
virus into it, I believe those
"• have fallen i.a their places be- i
i have admitted it in the reino
tfie Constitution. Youremem-j
- M would not stain the Const i
vard slave, bat by the accident |
a jieeuniary power, flud
wuse in the Constitution giving
- "'T—it became a political ]>ower,
■ v —pecuniary and political, thro"
- Lis at length passed into a few ;
j '■ ! than three hundred thousand,
I • i
hid pox soon of this
ir, v from its beginning to the pre
' •)' hive wielded a!! the machine-!
• : foster slavery. Still so per
->-tem in itself, that while it has
■ • it has niatle the land where J
in-ii ed. Freedom and slavery ,
arted together on their race '
tineiit. Freedom taking the
' A iit fir-t placed its iron feet, !
g down btrbvism and •
"•••dug the symbols of its faith
I '? . every river, until it has jiass
r <>f waters, the great Atneri
•'l the -tony mountains, and
•• as the institutions of the jil
: the Puritan. stand by the '
'■' ie jM.'aceful Pacific. Such ha* \
■v'." march of freedom across the
H wo driver on nnj Southern
•*r a recreant, mean Yankee.—
| -'T It has furnished its re
n to supply Southern pulpits.
;! - l**iiar- f clocks, and its
r l'h" the latter far worse than
ii;i> furni>hed meaner men than j
" furnished Northern d< ugh
:::cu wliu dure to stav on
THE BRADFORD REPORTER.
tiie soil tliey desecrate ; nnd forgetting the
mothers that bore them there, dare to advo
cate principles born of the bottomless pit.—
(Cheers.) Yes, the North is furnishing the
brands to day, to carry on the Satanic
tions of the present Administration. While
Illinois furnishes Stephen Arnold Douglas, on
the one hand, on the other, she furnishes such
noble Senators as he whom you will hear here
to-night. (Applause.) While old Massachu
setts furnishes Caleb Cushing, on the one
hand, who is the brains of the present cabinet,
who does the miserable work of the slave pow
er ; ou the other hand she furnishes that no
ble champion of liberty, Charles Sumner.—
(Immense applause.) Slavery has also made
its way towards the setting sun. It has reach
ed the Rio Bravo on the South, and the groans
of its victims and the clank of its chains m y
be heard as it slowly ascends the western tri
butaries of the Miesissippi river. While free
dom has left the land, in its bright path, es
pangled with free schools, and has filled the
heavens with the shining towers of religion and
civilization, slavery has left the blighted soil—
it has left ignorance—it has left desolation and
death in its trail.
All the time these two systems have been
running their race together—slavery, like an
assassin, has been trying to stab freedom to
death. All this time freedom has been giving
its energy to foster slavery. It has poured a
rich stream of Northern blood into the shrink
ing veins of the South. It has furnished its
men, its money, its manhood—its meanness al
so in vast quantities. (Laughter, and three
cheers for Sumner.) And here let me turn
aside from the stream of remarks to say one
word of that man. Ido not like to be the
bearer of ill tidings, because such a one ever
lingers in your uiinds unfavorably ; but the
news is not of the best which comes from him
A fear has been long entertained—it is enter
tained even now—that that noble mind, whose
scintillations have tilled the world with light,
may go into darkness under the blow of a
bludgeon, (a voice—the blow of an assassin.)
I say, there is great fear that the brilliant
mind of that noble man may go into darkness,
because of the blow lie received on the floor
of the Senate of the United States. (Sensa
tion.)
And yet there arc men, who, in the face of
the obvious facts—men, do I say ? The lan
guage is not copious enough to furnish epithets
| or names for such creatures as go about mis
j representing that man. Charles Sumner is as
pure as the snow that falls on his uative hills—
a man whose heart breathes with kindness to
everything wearing the upright form of man.
The idea that Charles Sumner—who is as far
above party as the heavens are above the earth
—the idea that he should stoop to the degra
dation they attribute to him ; that lie, to use
their own vulvar language, is " playing pos
snni," and feigning a sickness which he never
iiad : I tell you, fellow-citizens, w hen they say
! that, they lie, and they know it. (Enthusias
tic cheers.) It is the only occasion I feel call
ed tiiou to apply that dinging epithet, tli.it in
tensified English. It is the only proper uurd
that lielongs to such men, and it should be
stamped on their brazen brows by every hon
est uiau.
Rut to return once more to what I was say
ing. I was speaking of the contributions made
by freedom to slavery. Rut with them all. the
North has grown richer and richer, and strong
er and stronger, and the South poorer aud
poorer, and weaker and weaker. Slavery
makes a people pecuniarily weak, intellectual
ly weak, and physically weak. I could dcuion
strat , if I had time, every one of these propo
siti v Take for one moment, the first. The
in -ter will not work— of'ronrse he trill not!—
• Laughter and applause.) The slave will not,
unless he is watched, and I do not blame him
f<r that. The land dying, for that always
dies wherever the black foot of slavery comes
down ; and I do not blame it for dying.—
(Laughter.)
Then, where is the result of labor, which is
the only wealth of any people ? It is, by con
sequence. small. I could illustrate this projw>
sition. Take any Southern State—take Vir
ginia. The fences are falling down. The " first
families" are as poor as starved rats. (Laugh
ter.) They have nothing, comparatively, to
rely on there, in the way of cities, railroads,
villages, or free schools. The planter antici
pates his single crop.
They have no diversified employment—di
versified labors, which are necessary to make
jnoplc happy and free. The North Carolinian
said of the " first families" there—and you ne
ver hear of any see nd families there—that they
lived one half tlie year on oysters and the oth
er half on past recollections. (Great laugh
ter.) It is true that the old Commonwealth
of Virginia —I am sorry for her—is blessed
with tiie best natural advantages of any State
a!iuo<t in the Union. Rut Ido not speak half
so hardily of her condition as did .Mr. Wise in
his recent canvass of that State for Governor;
but I will simply say that the wolf and raven
are returning to their old haunts there ; the
moss is gatht ring around their church door
steps, and owl hoots from its deserted tower
And it is slavery that does this, nothing else.
It makes a people intellectually weak, this will
appear to you at once. You cannot have free
schools where that is. One fact w ill serve as
an illustration. There are more books publish
ed in the district I have the honor to repre
sent, in Massachusetts, over which you cau fire
a cannon ball, thau iu all the slave States to
gether.
Where are their historians ? Where are
their ]>oets ? Slavery never had a jx)et —it
never will. Imagine some divine genius of
song singing the beauties of slavery ! (Laugh
ter.) The morning march of the poor slave
going to the cotton field, or the bavins >f the
blood hound as he is chasing women and chil
dren through the cane bruke ! What subjects
for poetry are these !
It makes a people physically weak. Now.
I do not mean to say that the jieople of one
section of this country are any braver thau the
jseople of another. I will not do that injustice,
i Every drop of American blood, whether it be
1 North or South, beat- with a pulse of fiery va-
PUBLISHED EVERY THURSDAY AT TOWANDA, BRADFORD COUNTY, PA., BY E. O'MEARA GOODRICH.
" RESARDLESS OF DENUNCIATION FROM ANY QUARTER."
lor ; but I say the system of slavery weakens
this nation—especially does it emasculate the
land where it exists. This is obvious. With
men chained to their door posts, hostile to
them in a conflict of arms, how dare they leave
their homes ? It makes them ignorant, and
that is a source of weakness. And yet it is
out of that laud so weakeued and blasted by
slavery—out of that desolate region, come all
the haughty boasts about what they will do
unless we obey them—knock our knees togeth
er—" turn pale as cream faced loons"—turn
flip flaps in the face of the nation, which would
make the fortune of any circus clown. (Laugh
ter.) They tell us what they would do ever
and anon, by secession and war—" horrible
war"--and are wc to be frightened eternally,
in our great commercial cities, out of our pro
prieties, by these threats Where can they
get their army ? How can they keep an ar
my in the field—these disuuiouists and seces
sionists against the North or against the Un
ion, rather ? Why, numey makes up the sin
ews of war in modern times. Where is their
property upon which to raise loan ? Is it that
shadowy, wandering, vagrant kiud of property,
that may take to its legs any day and run
away? (Laughter) Whatman in Amsterdam,
or London, or Boston, or Philadelphia, or
New-York, or any other place, if he had a
sane mind, would think of making loans on
such property as that—property which may
rise up iu conflict, and suiite its owner in the
face ?
I say it is a source of weakness, and it makes
them weak for purposes of war. Where are
their manufacturing establishments ? Where
| could they furnish their arsenals ? They can
! not make a sword with which to stab us.—
They cannot make a musket with which to
shoot us. (A voice—Nor a rille.) No, they
cannot make a rifle, ((ireut laughter and ap
plause.) I say, that the very fortificatiou but
tons that they wore down in South Carolina
in 1832, they bought down in Connecticut ;
and the very cannon that they planted in
South Carolina ready to belch forth tire and
death upon anybody alio sliull approach with
in a thousand miles of that warlike nation.—
(Laughter.) Where did they get those can
uon '! Tiie.v are some cast off pieces that they
bought at Woonsocket, Ilhode Island ; and
yet through the lips of their disunionists, thro'
the lips of their secessionists, they talk about
marching up to the line of 36deg. 30 min. with
their coffins on their backs—a very needful
precaution, I think. (Laughter.) Imagine
these " Coffin Regiments" going through their
exercise ; " shoulder coffins," " order coffins
" ground coffins" would probably be the last
manoeuvre they would be called upon to make.
(Renewed laughter.)
I tell yon, fellow-citizens, all this talk about
what they will do through secession and war,
is the merest moonshine that was ever imposed
on men. \\ hen I hear these vauntiugs so fre
quently I sometimes have a kind of tingling
desire that they will try to make their vaunt
iugs true. See what they say every day. See
what Mr. Toombs threatens to do—" To call
the roll of his slaves on Runker Hill." I tell
you that Hill would blaze again as it did in
the Revolution, lie dares to say that if "Mr.
Fremont shall be elected, then the Union ought
to be dissolved, and it will be." 1 tell you we
will elect Fremont, (tremendous applause).—
What does he mean, aud what does the Pre
sident mean, who ought to be the tribune of
the people ; who ought to be the President of
the whole people and not a party section, with
Mr. Toombs and a whole band of these sec
tionalists ? They go on and threaten what
will be done if the people vote this way or
that way. What does Mr. Toombs mean, and
his band of sectioualists and disunionists ? I>o
they mean to say that if the majority of the
American people, speaking at tiie ballot-box
their defiant will, shall elect Mr. Fremont, or
any body else that they, when voted down,
will not submit. If they mean to say that,
then the quicker the people of this country trv
the strength of this great government the bet
ter. (Applause.) I tell you, the people of
this country —when we have been voted down
by their contrivances we have submitted. We
have ever been loyal, and ever mean to be loy
al to the pivot doctrine of this great govern
ment, that the will of the majority, Constitu
tionally expressed, shall be the law until Con
stitutionally reversed, (cheers.) I tell the
President, I tell his immediate advisers, I tell
Mr Toombs, with all his boasts, that it is not
for them to say when tins great Union shall
die. It is not for them to place a limit to its
existence. I tell them that the Mississippi
planter might as well try to dam up the father
of waters with a bag of cotton, or a South
Carolina secessionist to smash down the Alle
ghanies with a hammer, as to try to eradicate
this Union from the hearts of the American
people, and we tell Mi. Toombs, or any body j
else, North or South, who projioscs treason 1
against the peoples will and the people's go- j
vernment that the moment they try to put their :
threats in action, if there is hemp enough iu
old Kentucky, they will have to hang for it.
(I mmense applause.)
But they do not think of any thing of the
kind. You might as well expect the paupers
of the poorest town iu Pennsylvania to revolt
against the legal authorities as that they will
revolt against this great government. They
are dependent for their very existence and their
safety upon the gleaming bayonets of the
North. They talk about what they w ill do
throngh secession and war. Where can they
get an army ? They have geueruls euough ;
for every slave-holder is a general or colonel.
Where will they get the rank and file? Among
the slaves ? Among the clay eaters aud the
sand hillers, men as stupid as blocks—made so
bv the blighting influences of slavery—their
noble minds and their immortal souls darken
ed by this blasting iustitution ? I pity them.
The wrong done by slavery to you does not
begin to compare to the wrong done to the
poor whites in the South. They feel its crush
ing weight more than any body else. It de
stroys freedom of speech, and of the press.—
You have heard what was done to a gentle
man of Virginia To-day the telegraph has
flashed us the news from Mobile iu Alabama,
that a bookseller there of the first standing,
because he had books which they deemed a lit
tle anti-slavery, had to fly from home to find,
if haplv he may, a land of freedom. I tell you
there is no freedom there. Mr. Toombs, of
Georgia, may come to Boston and make his
phillippic in favor of slavery and against Re
publicanism ; but can that noble man Charles
Sumner, go to Savannah, Georgia, and respond
to him ? Here is then the slave power. What
could {(these clay-eaters and sand-hillers of
South Carolina do, ignorant as they are,against
such hardy men as I behold before me ? I tell
you, you would scatter them like chaff before
the wind. Not that you desire to do it—no,
for they are your brothers, and we desire to
lift off the burthen, the heavy yoke which they
bear. We desire to let in the light of learn
ing upon their darkened souls—that is what
we wish. We wish to keep the land fair as
God made it for them and for us, where we
can go and toil side by side by the gushing ri
ver, and the smoke of our cabins curl together,
and our labor not be disgraced by this curse of
slavery.
I say they could do nothing in a conflict of
arms, for it is ascertained in modern times that
in such conflicts brains have more to do with
victory than mere brute force. I tell you, it
is the charge—the bayonets flashing—the cul
tivated eye that determines victory before the
bayonets crossed. (Applause.)
Tliey could do nothing in that direction.—
But I owe it to you, I owe it to truth, tostate
that they have a power iu the South ; it is a
political power. It comes from that clause in
the Constitution giving to every man who hap
pens to be the owner of five human beings, the
equivalent of 3 votes ou account of the slaves,
together w itb his own vote. I know he him
self does not cast these votes with his own
hands. Better far if he did ; then the vote
would sometimes be divided. It is a kind of
wandering, vagrant power in the Constitution,
wielded by few hands, by which tliey can find
the South to be a unit on the subject of sla
very because they can control the money power
of slavery, and the political power, dominating
over the poor man there—controls his very
bread—and whoever controls the bread of the
people can generally control its political actions.
I do not care whether the tyranny is a money
tyranny at the North, or slave tyranny at the
South—it is essentially the same. It is this
power that makes the South a unit ou the sub
ject of slavery, and by casting their force in
with one or the other of the great parties of
the North they easily coutrol the whole coun
try. They have had the sagacity always, in
time past, to make a united South and a divi
ded North, and it is that game they are play
ing now ; but. alas ! there is a sign that tlie
North intends to uuite, and then we shall have
a divided South. •
Speaking of this |>ower, it is the power of
fear. It is so right here in Philadelphia, be
cause it has dictated the policy of the Govern
ment—it has made peace, it has made war.—
It lias come down ever like a hammer on your
interests, because whatevej makes for the inter
ests of freedom is against of sla
very. Hence, do you want anything in Phila
delphia, they will find a constitutional objec
tion against it. Do you want to send your
thoughts through your own P. 0., paid for by
your own money, because every Northern State
yields a revenue yearly to the Post Office De
partment, while every Southern State is a tax
upon the public treasury. If you try to do it
they will not let your papers and thoughts go
through their Southern Post Office*. When
you call the attention of the Government to
the fact, the Government winks at the violation
of the law. In Massachusetts we wanted to
try a question of law in one of their courts.—
We sent a most venerable man there to try
that question. And what did the grent chiv
alric State of North Carolina do ? It went to
war with the grey hairs of that poor old man,
and he was only saved from death by the con
duct of a beautiful and heroie daughter, who
like all Northern girls, stood fast by her father,
in the hour of extremest peril.
But I will come to something more near to
us. I will d\y;l! on these outrages of the slave
power. 1 could stand here until the blaze of
to-morrow's sun enumerating them. Look at
w hat it is doing now in Kansas. What.a pic
ture it has spread out to you to-night. See
how the remote prairie flower in Kansas is be
ing stained with the rich blood of our brothers.
See how out of their blue lodges they send
their border ruffians to strike down the liber
ties, and take away the rights of our brothers
there. See how they have sacked their towns
—how they have hunted them like wild wolves,
over tiie prairies—how they have despoiled
them of their property —how they have made
death and starvation stare them in the face—
ban they have murdered them—these poor
brothers and sisters of ours who went out from
the hills of Pennsylvania and from good old
New England to build up the houses of free
dom, and to make that land beneath the hand
of labor blossom like the rose. They went out
there under the pledge of fair play, under the
delusion and snare of w hat they call squatter
sovereignty—that doctrine which they declar
ed to be that these brothers and sisters of ours
should be left perfectly free to mould the in
stitutions of Kansas. Is Collins free ? Is
Baxter free ? Are those noble men who sleep
in their bloody shronds in Kansas free in the
cold tranquility of the grave to mould the in
stitutions of the Territory ? (A voice—spir
its arc free.) Yes, their spirits arc, and thfv
w ill walk that beautiful land for ever and for
ever.
And what does the Government do when
civil war rages all over that fair Territory—
when brothers' hands are being stained with
brothers' blood. The Government stands idly
by, or, worse than that, it gives the strength
of its mighty arm against oor brothers, against
their rights, against their lives ; and what re
medy have they ? If they go to the President,
he is naturally a sympathetic man, and the
tears will run down his cheeks at the tale they
tell of border ruffianism, but the moment you
turn away from him the dark spirit of slavery
enters into him. and he issues those cruel or
ders which have blasted that land T tell vou
our remedy is in ourselves, in our owu man
hood, and that must be proclaimed in trumpet
voice next Nov., at the polls. (Great applause.)
We have nothing but a platform to fight,
for Mr. Buchanan had lost his identity and
passed into a platform, and the last stand of
that man is worse than the first. What was
Mr. Buchanan ? First, a Federalist, an old
bluelight Federalist, which, according to the
voters of the present, is the very antipodes of
Democracy. At one time a tariff man, then
anti-tariff, opposed to the repeal of the Missou
ri Compromise, then again in order to scheme
a chance for the Presidency, is willing to be
anything that the platform may choose to make
him. I have other objections to Mr. Buchan
an I have nothing to say of him personally,
but only politically. Ido not complain of in
consistency, but I would rather a man should
he right than consistent. Then again he has
been a partizan too long, and he is too old.—
At his time of life he should be casting his
eyes to that bourne from whence no traveller
returns. He is a bachelor ; he is a sectional
ism for he has never beeu for union.
How strange it would seem for an old gou
ty, grumbling, grizzily ghost of a bachelor, to
be roaming throuirh the lofty chambers of the
White House. Would you rather not see a
happy family there ? For that is Democratic
where you hear the prattle of loving infancy.
It is in keeping with our expansive institutions.
The ladies are all opposed to him as a matter
of course. They ask how is it that the favor
ite son, the statesman of seventy years stand
ing, has never been able to find a companion
to share in his thoughts, and to crown his ho
nors with his smiles ? Can it be that his heart
has been so cold and stony that the warm glance
of a lovely woman has uever yet been able to
kindle affection for the gentle sex ? If so,
they will have none of him—he won't suit ;
(laughter,) or can it be that he has yielded up
to the fascinating charms of one of Eve's fair
est daughters, and !>een rejected by his inamo
rata ? (Renewed laughter.) Oh! such a
man would not suit them. They are for un
ion, to a man. (Shouts of laughter and great
applause.) Single blessedness is no part of a
true woman's cieed, and so wherever we go,
whether abroad or at home—on the highways
or in tiieir dwellings—we find the wo uen of
Ame r iea repudiating this one-idea candidate
for the Presidency. (Great applause.) Their
eves naturally turn to Fremont, who had the
pluck to run away with " Old Tom Bcutou's
daughter," and to marry her. (Applause.)
And it reflected honor 011 his manhood that
she could take him with her fair white hand,
and lead him back to her father's mansion and
make Old Tom Benton love him as ne'er fa
ther loved a son before. (Tremendous cheer
ing.) Fremont's whole history is like some
dream of romance. Look at his life in the fens
of South Carolina, how the poor boy struggled
upward—how the wealthy planter made him
set afar from his table, and how he worked
upward ! His existence has been poetry in
action. What man has ever raised the stars
of his country so near the stars of heaven as
he ? See how the scholars of Europe praise
him, not only for his scientific attainments, but
because lie bestowed Freedom on California.
Our children study geography upon Fremont's
maps, lie surveyed Uncle Sam's farm, and
w 1,0 else ought to be put in charge of it but he
who surveyed it ? He described in vidid co
lors the meeting of the Geographical Society
of London, which bestowed the medal for the
greatest attainments in geography on Col. Fre
mont, at which the claims of candidates for
every country in Europe were presented and
urged. A few evenings after I went to Egyp
tian Hall, to see a Panorama of the overland
route t9 California. One scene was a lady on
horseback and the lecturer announced it as the
wife of Col. Fremont crossing the Isthmus of
Panama to meet her husband ou the Pacific,
the man who had lifted the banner of Ameri
can rule over California. A shout went up
from those cold " John Bull" hearts, uud above
all went up one Yankee cheer, and if those
sturdy Englishmen were so moved, how should
we, of his own native land, regard the glorious
exploits of Fremont ? He is a man of pluck
and principle. You can neither buy him nor
sell him.
The speaker eulogized Col. Fremont in the
most exalted terras, and then proceeded with
one of the most thrilling appeals we have ever
heard.
He calh d on all Whigs who revered the
memory of gallant Harry Clay (tremendous
applause) to rally to the support of Fremont.
You who followed the white plume of Harry
of the West through disaster or through vic
tory ; who exalted over the glory of the union
with " the old man eloquent," bv all your me
mories of the glorious past rally to the supjiort
of the great Pathfinder and strike one more
blow for Liberty ! (Loud applause.)
I call on all lion-hearted Democrats—you
w ho boasted in other days, that your right arm
was thicker than a Whig's waist : yon who
loved Silas Wright, and revered Jackson and
Jefferson—rally, and protect your rights!—
(Enthusiastic cheering.) By all you love, and
by all y<>u hold dearest, rally with your old
Whig brethren to the cause of Liberty !
I call on all those who carry the flag, and.
under all circumstance?, " keep step to the mu
sic of the Union," to protect the cause of free
dom—supj>ort it when the South spits in your
face, and spurns you and when eveu old Ken
tucky veers away from your side. And final
ly I appeal to our young brethren, (enthusias
tic cheering,) for in this contest we look to the
young men to bear the heaviest brunt of the
battle. I call on you to carry us on to vic
tory ! Old men are naturally cautious and
timid, but youth looks forward eagerly—full
of hope and confidence, and no dauger can
dauut it—therefore I call on you especially to
follow the load of the Pathfinder, for all the
ideas we hail in young America are embodied
in Fremont ! (A round of applause.)
The first great Northern victory was in the
contest for Sj>eaker. (Applause.) The tight
was between Massachusetts, which is said to
be extremely right, and South Carolina, which
i> said to be extremely wrong. Between the
■' jx>or bov 'of the North, and the haughty
VOL. XVII. —NO. VX.
Southern aristocrat. Anon Massachusetts wa-i
ahead, and then South Carolina, and again
and again during: the hard fought fight, came
the cheering cry froin every Northern hill, and
vailey and plain, which floated with a welcome
to our ears—" Stick to Banks !" " Stick to
Bauks !" " Stick to Bauks !" (Tremendous
applause.) We did stick to him, and when
the smoke of battle cleared awav, we saw that
the little iron man of Massachusetts was ahead,
and a shout went up, such as the national capi
tol had never heard or echoed to. (Applause.)
And then how glorious it was to see that little
iron man march up to the Speaker's chair
straight as an arrow, and fill it as it never had
been filled since the days of gallant Harry of
the West. (Tremeudous long continued cheer
ing.) In fact, he is the best Parliamentarian
in the world.
Tlie next victory was the Kansas Commis
sion Committee, admit tine Kansas on the floor
of the House with the Topeka Constitution.
This was a great triumph.
The last victory in the House was to refuse to
pass a bill to supply the Kansas army with im
plements to distress ®free and persecuted peo
ple. They may think to drive us from the po
sitions we have taken—they don't know the
men they have to deal with—they can never
do it. If we can gain such victories in an en
emy's country, cannot you do so me ting here ?
\ou never had such a chance ; all the old
issues have gone glimmering through the things
that were. It is but a single issue—whether
freemen shall he free or not. We do not wish
to trouble them or their slaves. We pause at
the State line. We have no wish to interfere
with their property ; but they must let our
freemen alone.
Slavery may be their peculiar institution, but
Freedom is ours. We have adopted a plat
h ."in that is as broad as it is long and this
pla lorin says that the Uniou must and shall
be preserved. James Buchanan says he is no
longer James Buchanan : he is a platform.—
The light of that ancient body, now some sev
enty year* old, passed out into this platform.
His second condition is worse than his first.
Once they were celebrating the 4th of July
in A irginia, and an old revolutionary soldier
turned up among tiie assembled crowd. Af
ter feasting him all day, he was asked what
battles he had fought in ? " Why.'' said he,
" I fought with the British at Vorktown."—
The same way with the Democrats—they find
to their horror they have nominated an enemy
to the war of ISl2—an eneuir to Democracy
itself.
There is not a stain npon the whiteness of
the soul of John C. Fremont. When the se
dition banner of South Carolina nullification
was raised, he was found among the first to
buckle ou his knapsack to answer to the call
of the determined Jackson, to support the Con
stitution of this Union. I want all to go for
the noble Fremont.
Mr. Burligame then spoke of his western
tour, and how the people were rallying there
to the standard of freedom. He then began
with Maine—that " down Ea-t State," w here
they break daylight with brickbats—and de
clared that she was unanimous for Fremont.
Vermont, which yet bore within her heart the
spirit of Ethan Allen, was good for 35,000
majority for Fremont. (Applause.) The
Granite State, too, will go en masse, for Fre
mont. And, Massachusetts, God bless her !
(three cheers were here given fur Massachu
setts), with her Revolutionary memoirs—with
her every foot of soil sacred to liberty, what
could you expect from them ? Why, nothing
more than that her majority for Freedom aud
Fremont would be as countless as the leaves
of the Western forests. (Renewed cheers.)
Then the Empire State ! lias she not " Ex
celsior'' on her banner ? She is good for Fre
mont by 75,000 majority ! (Applause.)—
Ohio, too, promises 100,000 majority—large
talk, but they say out West that their usual
weight is 150 pounds, but when they get mad
they weigh a ton ! (Laughter.) So now they
weigh a ton, and will give us 100,000. (Re
newed laughter.) The whole valley of the
Mississippi will " go aud do likew i>e, r 'aud now
we ecme to the young and gallant lowa !
(Applause.)
Mr. Burlingame spoke of the glorious Re
publican victory in lowa as auguring most
auspiciously for the prospects of Freniout, and
then turned to Pennsylvania. The western
part of the old Keystone he knew was in a
blaze : so with the North, and he appealed to
the great city of Penn not to lag behind in the
mighty race, but to be worthy of the Declara
tion which had issued from her precincts.
At the conclusion of Mr. Bnrliilgame's elo
quent address, three cheers were given for the
distinguished speaker, tin e more for Fremont,
and three more for the Republican cause.—
Amid the greatest enthusiasm and the best
possible feeling the meeting then adjourned.
We charcre. says The A" I". Express,
that Mr. Fremont is a Roman Catholic. Now
if lie is not a Catholic, why don't he come out
over his own signature and deny the fact ?—-
Whcreujiou The Syracuse Journal retorts as
follows :
" Wo charge that the editor of The Express
is a consummate ass. Now if he is tut ati'ass,
why don't he come ont over his own signature
and deny the fact :
T ! >c 11 iffuLo I urier tells a storv of a
Q ker .ij cahed upon M ' liurliuganie dur
ing iii> western tour. Broadbrim simjdy ob
served : " Thee has done well in invitingthv
" frieud to Caua.la. lam glad thee hasoonr
" age—it is a go<xi thing for one in thy situa
" tiou," and without waiting for an answer with
drew. A model caller !
jjwvf- The lhff tt Telegraph observe? that
the Buebaneers don't talk alout carrying the
battle by action but by reaction :
"If some old Hunker snae bobs its head up
in the stream, they shout : " Reaction !—be
hold the reaction !" Courage gentlemen ; -sir
down on the bank, and after the river has ai!
run by it will probably react and run up trtun