IBrabforb £Up.ortr.r. E. O. GOODRICH, EDITOR. TOW ANDA: Clinrsbat) fllorniitn, Aligns! 28, 183 U. FOR PRESIDENT, JOHN O. FREMONT. FOR VRCH PRESIDENT, WM. X,. DAYTON. Union State Ticket. FOR CANAL COMMISSIONBK, THOMAS E. COCHRAN, OK YORK CO. • FOR A EDITOR GENERAL, DARWIN E. PHELPS, OF ARMSTRONG CO. FOH SL'KVKVOU GFVKUAI., BARTIIOL. LA PORTE, OF BRADFORD CO. Tt'UHS —Of Dollar per annum, invariuhly in adrancr. Four weeks previous to the crpirat 'um of a subscription, notice will he given bp a printed iorapjitr, and if not re newed, the paper trill in all cases be stopped. CI.I R.HING— The Reporter will be sen! to Clubs at the fol lowing extremely loir rules .- •! copies for 56 0" |1" cop,its for. . . St'.! 00 111 copies for SOO j '2O coj ies f0r. ... 16 00 ADVKRTISKIIENT?— For a square of ten tines or less, I hie Dollar fir three or less insertions, and twenty-fire cents for etch subsequent Insertion. Joii-WoKK— Executed icith ace tt mru trail iter patch. and a re turnable prices tcith every facility for tloing Rooks, Flunks. Hand bills. Roll tickets, iff. MONKV may he sent by mail, at our risk—enclosed in an envelope. and properly directed, tee trill he responsible for its safe delivery. FOR THE CAMPAIGN. We will send the Reporter for three months, at txccnty-fire cents, commencing any time dur ing the campaign, in clubs, or otherwise. THE EXTRA SESSION. Congress rc-assenibled 011 Thursday, pursu- | ant to the proclamation of the President, call- j in *an extra session. The President addressed 0 a message to Congress, which is a:i expansion of his proclamation. IK places the necessity for the passage of the army appropriation bill, in reference to hostilities existing with Indian I tribes in the remote portions of the United States, and other respects in which the public peace is seriously threatened. The House, after hearing the President's message, by a vote of yeas 93 to nays 85, re- j adopted the army bill with the Kansas restric- \ tion attached. Nothing of importance was ! done in the Senate. 011 Friday, immediately after meeting, the ' Senate rejected the proviso without debate.— ! Upon the bill being returned to the House, the latter refused to concur by a vote of nine- 1 tv-six to ninety-four, and then laid the motion to reconsider on the table by ninety-seven to ninety-five. In this condition the bill went back to the Senate, and a motion to insist was carried by the usual party majority, Mr. Hun ter advising that no committee of conference should be appointed on their part. The bill again came before the llon.se, and a proposition to insist and name a Committee of Conference, was negatived by 94 yeas to 97 nays. Mr. Cobb then tried a motion tore cede, which failed by 94 to 96, and finally the House determined to adhere by 97 to 93, the best vote of the day. The usual motion to lay the reconsideration on the table, succeeded by one majority—ayes 97, nays 96. In the Senate on Saturday, some debate took place on the Army Appropriation bill, after which the motion to adhere to the Sen ate amendment was agreed to. Mr. Clayton Introduced a resolution providing for the ap pointment of a committee of seven members of the Senate and eleven of the House, to con sider aud report on the disagreement. Mr. Seward objected, however, and so the resolu tion was laid over. House. —Mr. Campbell attempted to offer a resolution for the appointment by the Speaker of a Select Committee of thirteen, to confer with a similar Committee of the Senate on the affairs of Kansas, hut objection was made, and Mr. Campbell gave notice that lie would inovg to suspend the rules for the purpose of intro ducing the. resolution. Mr. Matteson offered a preamble and joint resolution, declaring that the prohibition of slavery north of the Missou ri Compromise line, was not legally repealed by the Kansas Nebraska act, because it exists by virtue of the joint resolution for the annex ation of Texas, which is irrepealablc. Laid on the tabic, yeas 101, nays 83. The House concurred in the resolution of the Senate sus pending the 21st rule. The House then re fused. by three majority, to recede from the Kansas proviso, and agreed by one majority to adhere to it. £*s?* A Republican Mass Meeting was held in Philadelphia on Tuesday evening of last week. The original place of meetiug, Inde pendence Square, was abandoned, on account of the rain, and the meeting convened at Na tional Hall. Over 40<<) persons were pres ent. \Y. D. Lewis presided, and speeches were made by Messrs. COLLAMKR, TRUMBULL and IIURI.INGAME. Immense enthusiasm pre vailed. Bejjr hi Susquehanna County the Republi cans have nominated S. B. CHA.SK, for the Le gislature ; Tioga County, L. P. WILUSTO.v.— ]>oth counties have also instructed their confe rees to re uomiuate Hon. G. A. GROW, which will inukc hit re uouiiuatiou unanimous. POPULAR SOVEREIGNTY. The dovtrine of " popular sovereignty" is the foundutfon of our republican institutions—the right of the people to govern themselves, one of the great principles for the maintenance of our forefathers cast off their allegiance to the mother country, and engaged in the long and arduous struggle of the Revolution. Upon it rests the corner stone of our Nationality— abridged, and our liberies woutd be but a mockery. It was under the pretence of carrying out this great principle of popular liberty, that the authors ol the Repeal of the Missouri Compro mise advocated the passage of the Kansas-Ne braska bill, ft was to leave the people of the territory perfectly free to form their own do mestie institutions, that the time-honored com pact was ruthlessly violated ; and it was de declared that it was not the intention to legis late Slavery in or out of the Territory. The pretended conferring of this power upon the settlers of the Territory was denominated " squatter sovereignty," by which name it is generally known. The specious and plausible plea that the people of the Territories were delegated the power to exclude Slavery if they saw proper, lias been industriously circulated to reconcile the people of the North to the removal of the restriction imposed in the Missouri Compro mise. Northern dough-faces, who would not dare openly to favor the extension of Slavery, say " 1 would not do anything to extend slave ry—yet I am willing the people of the Terri tories should settle the matter for themselves." This is au ingenious and plausible position. It is the common declaration of the adjuncts of the slave-power North, and is used to mislead and deceive tlie people, as we shall show. The Southern doctrine is, that as Congress possesses no power to legislate upon the sub ject of slavery in the Territories, it cannot de legate such power to a Territorial legislature but the Legislature of a Territory while it can neither exclude nor introduce the institution of Slavery, may legislate for the protection of the property (slaves) of Southern men. This is the doctrine now held by Southern politi cians, and (as we will try to prove to every candid reader) by the Democratic party. The platform adopted at Cincinnati ignores this question of " squatter sovereignty" as it is termed—or the right of the people of a ter ritory to exclude slavery. The only resolution touching the matter is the following : Result id. Tii.it we recognize the right of the people of all the Territories, including Kansas and Nebraska, acting through the legal and fairly expressed will of the majori ty ot actual residents, and whenever the number of their inhabitants justifies it, to form a constitution, with or without domestic slavery, and he admitted into the Union upon terms of perfect equality with the other States. This resolution is so plain that it needs no elucidation. It asserts the right almost uni versally conceded, of a State when presenting her constitution, to shape her own institutions as she sees fit, and to admit or exclude slaverv. But there is not in the platform a single line that can be construed into a leaning towards the doctrine of popular sovereignty, as it is preached by Northern Buchancers. The reason for this omission to endorse the once popular doctrine, may be inferred from the following extract from the Richmond En quirer—published just before the assembling of the Convention at Cincinnati "We niu-t. iu the Cincinnati platform, repudiate squat ter sovereignty, and expressly assert Stale equality. We must declare that it is the duty of the General Govern ment <0 see that 110 invidious or injurious distinctions are made between the people or the property of different sec tions in the Territories. We do not mean to dictate, it may be that the assertion in the platform of the abstract proposition of State equality may suffice to carry along with it tlie consequences which we desire. Fhit it is of ten charged that the Kansas-N'cbraska bill contains the doctrine of squatter sovereignty, and that squatter sover eignty is the most efficient agent of Kree-soilism. Some Morthern Democrats have maintained this ground. Now, THIS urs Mrs T r.F seiKt.n. It must appear from our plat form that we maintain practiced State equalitv. and repu diate that const rue tiou of the Kaunas-Nebraska act which would defeat it." r lhe dictation of the Enquirer was listened to, and the Convention having repudiated the doctrine of squatter sovereignty, the Enquirer thus expresses its congratulations : " With the utmost possible precision and em]> basis of language, these resolutions affirm the great vita! prim i pies, first, of the constitutional guarantees of slavery: and secondly, of the equality of the States, in respect "of their sovereign dignity and political rights. In equally clear and conclusive terms the doctrine of squatter sover eignty is repudiated by the platform of the Democratic party. - ' The Washington Sen/inel was ouc of the most zealous advocates of Mr. JJI CHANAN'S no mination, and since one of his warmest sup. porters. It says in discussing the platform : " W'e contended that the principles of the platform on this subject were unequivocal and indisputable. That In ns very language the platform repudiated the doctrine of squatter sovereignty. That Mr. Ihiebanan fully endorsed that platform—that his own well known views "previously oxpres-ed sustained this opinion, ami his owu language elsewhere threw a flood of light upon the true meaning of his letter, and that we were, therefore, justified in the belief that Mr. Buchanan maid rained the Southern con servative view of this question." Upon this platform Mr. BUCHANAN hastened to place himself, declaring : •' I have t*e |laced upon a platform of which / most heartily apprr.re, and that ran tpeak far me. Being the representative of the great Democratic party, and not simply James Buchanan, I must -(juare inv conduct accord ing to the platform of that party,and insert no new plank nor take one from it." This doctrine of squatter sovereignty, which is still used in some places for the purpose of deceiving and misleading the people, is already repudiated, not only by Mr. BUCHANAN'S South ern supports, m maxse, but also by many in the North. Senator TRUMBULL, of Illinois, desirous of arriving at a knowledge of the " great prin ciples" involved in the Kansas bill, which ren dered the repeal of the Missouri Compromise necessary, has been pressing his colleague, Senator DOUGLAS, for the information whether it was intended to confer upon the people of Kansas the right to exclude slavery from the Territory. This question DOUGLAS evades, by saying it is a judicial question. If the Kan sas-Nebraska bill intended to confer upon the people of the territory " squatter sovereignty," as its supporters affirm, there is no reason why Senator DOUGLAS should evade or equivocate, or retreat behind the " dodge" that it is a judicial question. All acts arc subject to tho review of the judiciary, and are consequently judicial questions, and the people should under stand whether it was intended in the Kansas bill to confer npon them certain powers, or to deceive them by pretended delegation of pow er/which was at variance with the Constitution, and which would be arrested by the Courts, whenever an attempt might be made to exer cise ft. If the settlers in Kansas under the territo rial bill have not a right to exclude slavery while in a territorial state, then a gross fraud has been practiced, and is still uttempted by the supporters of Mr. BUCHANAN". Mr. Docc r..\s refuses to answer ; —let us see what some of Mr BUCHANAN'S friends say. Firstly we will call to the stand Mr. J. GI.AXCY JONES, of this state. If Mr. BIGI.KK is Mr. BUCHANAN'S " premonitory symptom " in the Senate, Mr. JONES occupies that distinguished position in the House, lie is supposed to ppeak Mr. BU CHANAN'S sentiments, and is charged with his defence. Prior to the organization of the House, in answer to questions propounded by Mr. Cox, of Kentucky, as to the legality of the territo rial laws of Kansas, Mr. JONES said : " la my opinion, the Constitution limit* the power of Congress to the extent of prohibiting them either from establishing or abolishing Shivery in the Territories. Ad mitting that view to lie correct. I suppose it follows, as a matter ol course, that the Constitution of tin- United States confers upon the people of the Territory no right to dis possess any man of his right to property, whether it be si. AVE or any other property. And, therefore, the Legis lative Council of a 'territory, though they may pass laws regulating the disposal and protection of property, have no right to so administer those laws as to establish or abolish the right to hold that property.*' This is the exact Southern doctrine, that the legislature of a territory may not exclude slaves, but may pass laws for their security. This is the popular sovereignty illustrated by the Legislature of Kansas in its horrible pen alties for interfering with slave property. In the same debate, cx-govcrnor SMITH, of Virginia, said : " If 1 had supposed there was any one opinion more universal than any other in the South, it was the opinion that a Territorial Government. while it remained in a state of infancy, has no power either to admit or to pro hibit Slavery within its limits. I bay that this Congress, this Government, having' no right or power whatever to admit Slavery or proliii.it it in the Territories, lias no right or power to delegate that power to the Territories tliein selvea." Senator BROWN, of Mississippi, thus repudi ates the doctrine :—• " It will lie seen at once that the line of argument which I have marked out for myself will lead me to consider, to some extent, the doctrine of " squatter sovereignty.'' This doctrine, however well designed by its authors, lias, in my judgment, been the fruitful source of half onr troubles. Before the people of the two sections of the (Jaion, hav ing—as they supposed, though 1 think erroneously—hos tile interests, and already inflamed by angry passion*, were invited into the country, we. who gave them laws, should have defined clearly aud distiuc.ty wliat were to lie their rights after they g<t tln-re. Nothing should have lieen left to construction. 1 believed, when the Kansas bill was passed, that it conferred on the inhabitants of the Territories, during their Territorial existence, no right to exclude,or in anywise to interfere with, Slavery." The Hon. A. 11. STEPHENS addressed the House on the Kansas contested election case, July 31st. In his remarks as reported in the Congressional Globe, we find the following in terrogatory and answer : " Mr. STANTON. Does the gentleman hold that the "Territorial Legislatures have power to exclude Slavery ? " Mr. STEPHENS. I say. that if Congress has the "power, HI has the Legislature. The gentleman, I bc " lieve, holds that Congress has the power, I do not; and " const)ue illy /do not holtl thai the Territorial l.rgista " ture ran rightfully exclmle Slavery." This is the s&mc Stf.pukxs wlrose speeches are being sent into this district to convince the farmers of .Bradford that Slavery is a divine and moral institution. Lately a disunion Whig, he is now a supporter of Mr. Bcciiaxan — a leader in the so-called Democratic party, ami an especial favorite with our Pennsylvania de mocrats, who had him at the late Convention at Chambcrsburg to enlighten the freemen of Pennsylvania upon the beauties of Slavery, and the doctrine of squatter sovereignty. These extracts we have taken at random, because they came first to hand. The debates in Congress are full of similar declarations.— The doctrine of squatter sovereignty has no defender amongst the democracy, except Sena tor Cass, who being the putative father of the bantling, seems to consider himself bound not to disown it. It is repudiated and kicked on every side, and only put forth when it is neces sary to mislead the people. " Squatter sovereignty " in its operation might in some cases,* keep Slavery from the Territory, but the Southern doctrine of Mr. Buchanan and his followers would secure to Slavery every foot of territory their cupidity might envy. If, in the settlement of the Ter ritories, we deny the right to the settlers to exclude slavery, but say they may pass laws for the protection of that class of property, can there be any doubt that in every territory where slavery is not positively prevented by climate, it will gain such a foothold as to shape the institutions of the States which may be formed from it ? We see how three hundred and fifty thousand slaveholders are able to ex ercise a more than autocratic domination over the non-slaveholders of the South. It will not need many slaveholders in a territory to exer cise such an influence as to fix the curse of hu man bondage forever ujion the soil. If there arc those supporting Mr. Brrn.\x an because they favor the doctrine of squatter or popular sovereignty, they are allowing them selves to be deceived. It is scouted by his supporters, and by the platform upon which he has placed himself. The people of the Terri tory of Kansas are not free under their organ ic act, to legislate upon the subject of Slavery, until they apply for admission as a State ; they cannot shape their domestic institutions until that time, and should they attempt to do so, would be iu the opinion of the leaders of the democracy contravening the Constitution, and not be sustained by the Courts. Senator Douglas does not say what his opinion of the "judicial question" is—but he will not say that the rights are conferred by the act, which persons in this section claim. The " great principle '' contained in the Kansas act, is sim ply this the people of a territory are at lib erty to shape their domestic institutions (sla very i to suit them elves subject only to the Constitution—which the South claims gives tiieui the right to take ami hold slaves there, and which construction the Courts would pro bably approve. Popular sovereignty in its true and lawful signification applies to the formation of a State Constitution, and the government of a State The people of a State are sovereign. They elect their own rulers, enact their own laws, and are independent of the general government except as regards certain rights surrendered to form the Union. The people of a territory are in a far different position. Congress pro vides for its organization and for its support. The sovereignty is not in the "people of the Ter ritory for they can do nothing without the aid or sanction of the general government. The President appoints its officers. Congress may repeal its laws. The people of the territory 1 arc not the sovereigns—but may become so by | forming a State Constitution and bv admission i into the Union. Until that time they are sub ject to the control of Congress. Congress possesses the power to legislate upon the subject of Slavery in the Territories, and may exclude it. Such is the position of the Republican party and such lias been the action of Congress from the foundation of the government. It lias repeatedly excluded Sla very from territory, provided for the extinction of the foreign slave tr.ule, and regulated the domestic traffic. If it docs not. possess the power then it cannot delegate authority it lias not itself, to the people of a territory. The Southern doctrine in regard to this is correct. 17 I Northern men must take one position or the i other, for " squatter sovereignty " will before , long be as nndemocratie in the canons of the )ur j ty as is now the Wilmot proviso. COUNTY CONVENTION. We would again take occasion to direct the attention of our Republican friends to the del | ggte elections on Saturday next, and to nrge upon them the great importance of attending. There should be .-rich a turn out to these tueet ' ings as will express the feelings and wishes of j the electors. Not for the purpose of forward ing the interests of any aspirant, but that the | town may be suitably represented. We have no desire nor intention to dictate ' or interfere in the least, in these primary uiaS ters, for we have no choice amongst all the names we have heard proposed, but in our judgment, the safest plan is to select the very best, men in the district, who will be guided in their actions by a sincere desire to advance , the great, principles of freedom, and permit tliem to be utitrammeled, except so far as they may be instructed in the feelings and wishes of the voters. We tru*t that the Republican party being founded solely upon principle, will ; sternly frown upon the employment of the trick so common in polities, and will regard the fil ling of offices rather as an unavoidable neces ■ sity, than as a desideratum. We hold, as we have before stated, that no man has a peculiar claim upon any office. The nomination should be the free offering of the Convention—and not attained by personal ap peals and efforts. It should also be recollected, that the Coun ty Convention will convene on MotuUiyeceuing. We anticipate that it will be composed of able and zealous members, inspired only by a desire to advance the cause of Freedom. TROUBLE IN KANSAS. The accounts which we publish in another column, show that the difficulties in Kansas are far from being ended, and that the Free- State party are in very great danger of being driven from the Territory by a foray of armed Southerners and and border ruffians. Antici pating the passage of Toombs' bill, or some other measure which should give up Kansas to Slavery, armed bands of ruffians have en camped within the territory in obedience to the call of Strinofeli.ow, waiting for the moment for action to arrive. These armed and organized ruffians have no purpose except to drive out the Free-State settlers and deliver the Territory over to the slave-owners. They have gone into the terri tory without any idea of peaceably settling it, without farmers' utensils, and unaccompanied by wives and children. Hovering about the borders, or encamped in strong pro-slavery neighborhoods, they have been committing constant depredations upon the property of the Free State men. In this manner have they subsisted, waiting in expectation of a general border ruffian movement to " crush out" the free-state settlers. This purpose lias become so plain that the free-state party have appealed to their friends east for aid, and have sent a messenger to President PIERCE u.-king for assistance to pro tect their persons and property from the anti cipated foray. Jt, seems that the |uiox of the few past weeks, has been but the stillness that portends the impending stortn. The indigni ties and the depredations committed upon the free-state settlers led to remonstrance. The mcssensrer sent to the pro-slavery camp, though unarmed and on a peaceful mission, was seized and shot. This horrid outrage, of which sav age nations would not be guilty, has raised the blood of the Northern men, and they have di termined to submit to these wrongs no longer. Gen. SMITH has told thein they must protect themselves, and they are acting in defeucc of their families and property. These occurrences have created intense ex citement along the Missouri border. The ruf fians who have already on more than one oc casion invaded the Territory, to control the elections, are preparing to throw themselves upon the free-state men for their annihilation. We have no doubt that the latter, fighting in as holy a cause as animated their forefathers, Mill prove worthy descendant.; of the patriots who met the British ;tt Lexington and Bu ke: Hill and Saratoga. But they are few in num bers, poorly supplied with the wit, and idmnst inaccessible tothe succor of friends. We fear that before the incursion of armed forces from Missouri, tliey must be overpowered and murdered. THE KANSAS RESTRICTION. Let every Freeman " salute the House with the homage of profound respect." Up to the adjournment, on Saturday night, that body luid stood firm in its determination that the public treasure should not be paidlo enforce the abom inable code of Kansas laws. For this, it is en titled to the gratitnde and consideration of ev ery patriot. And though our next information shall be, that the true men in that body have been borne down by the preponderance of Southern power combined with Northern re creancy, we shall be none the less thankful that such a glorious stand has been made. The provision of the Army bill to which the House adheres, is as follows : - Providiil. however, and it in hereby declared, that no part ot the military t'nree of the l otted states for the sup port of which appropriation- are made I>y this act, .-hall be cmpl'-ycil in aid of the enforcement of any enactment Of the body claiming to he the Territorial legislature- of Kamuis, luitii ma il enactment* -hall have been affirmed and approved l.y Congress , but this proviso shall not he s<> construed as to prevent the President from employing an adequate military force ; but it shall Le his duty to employ such force to prevent the invasion of said territo ry by armed hands of non-resident*, or any other body of non-resident*, acting >-r claiming to m t a* posse rumiUi tu* of any officer in -aid territory, in the enforcement of any such enactment, and to protect the persons and pro perty therein, and upon the national highways leading to said territory, from all unlawful searches and seizure- ; and it -hall lie Ids further duty to bike efficient measures to compel the return of mid withhold all arm* of the Unit ed States distributed in or to said territory, in pursuance of any law of the United States authorizing the distribu tion of arms to the states and territories." In engrafting this provision in the Army bill the House has in no wise exceeded its le gitimate and constitutional functions. It has the exclusive origin of nil appropriation bill- It may provide such wholesome restraints and checks as may be deemed necessary in the dis bursement of the moneys appropriated. Jt mnydirect in what manner they shall be dis bursed, and if it deems certain expenditures unwise and unjust, may forbid them. The Se nate attempts to defeat the exercise of this wholesome and constitutional power on the |ia: t of the House, and thus makes an issue before the country. The restrictive clause enacts " that no part " of the military force of the United States for " the support of which appropriations are made " by this act, shall be employed in aid of the ; " enforcement of anv enactment of the body " claiming to be the Territorial Legislature of | " Kansas, until such enactment shall have been : " affirmed and approved by Congress," Ac.— The barbarous nature of the enactments of the pretended Kansas Legislature is, we trust, nl -1 ready well understood by our readers. We will briefly recapitulate a few of these laws, to aid in the execution of which the Senate is determined the troops of the United States shall be employed ; One of these laws disqualifies any citizen from acting as a juror who is conscicntionslv opposed to the holding of slaves, or who does not admit the right to hold them in the Terri tory, in any case whore that right comes up for adjudication, either if ati injury is done to or committed by a slave, or there is any violation of any law for the protection of slave property, or any crime committed against it. Another requires the taking of oaths bvter ritorial officers to support the provisions of the Kansas-Nebraska act, being no more nor less than test oaths based 011 political opinions. Another abolishes the freedom of speech and of the press, by making it a felony, punishable with live years' imprisonment, to speak or write against the right of persons to hold slaves in the Territory, or to publish any book, pam phlet, magazine or circular, or circulate or in troduce any denial of any such right, or anv opinion, sentiment, doctrine, advice or inuendo calculated to produce any disorder, danger or rebellious disaffection among the slaves, or in duce them to desert their masters. And this offence is also declared a felony, and punisha ble with five years' imprisonment and hard la bor. More than this : the writ of habeas corpus has been effectually abolished in the case of all negroes, mnlattoes and fugitive slaves ; and barbarous punishments have been enacted, to be put in force against any person sentenced under these laws, or any law of the Territory, to imprisonment and hard labor, declaring them convicts and compelling them to wear an iron ball and chain, the former of four or six inches in diameter, the latter six feet in length 1 And where there are two or more such unhappy convicts they are to be fastened together with strong locks and keys. Still worse : the very enticement of a slave to escape, or the abduction of any from the Territory, is to be visited with the iufliction of the death penalty ! If any slave, male or female, commits a petit larceny, they are to be punished, by stripes in the former case, or in the latter by imprison ment or twenty-one la-dies, at the discretion of the Justice. It is, then, that the President and Marshal DONALDSON in Kansas, may employ the U. S. troops to aid in the enforcement of this wick< d code of laws, that the Senate now insists, at the risk of withholding appropriations for the payment of the army. The same Senate but recently pronounced these laws unconstitution al, a disgrace to the ago, and an outrage upon civilization, and yet refuses to pass an appro priation bill, unless the money may be employ ed to enforce those laws ! The people of the country will at once see how hypocritical and hollow-hearted are the professions of those who disclaim all sympathy with border-ruffianism in Kansas, and yet uphold and applaud the factious obstinacy and disorganing course of the Semite. POLITICAL MENDACITY. The virulence _jth which the Huchanim conduct the present contest is uuexumpka the political history.' Rendered desperate ! " the defeat which stares them in the f UC e th * are resorting to all the low and grovel I i " tricks worthy of doughfaces, to personal d f* ination of Co! Fkf.mo.vt, and to the most ' *" hi ashing and untenable assertions Finding nothing in the, platform of p r i„,i pies of rite Republican party, which can l*, t tacked, they have stooped to the dirty tr b k of blackening the high renown of Col FrkimJ and in a base attempt to tear from his brow the laurels with which a proud country nnZ admiring world has placed there. Hi, r ,. !: r ion is misrepresented—his private aflVirs' dragged before the pnblic—hia public act,!![' tortoi, with all ll,a 2C al a,„l inp ,„ uil . * by desperation. I If ft " is is unparalleled, it | s not entirely without precedent. Jkkfkhso.v in his Jiv was assaiied with the nlino-t inulignitv ][,! | was proclaimed an infidel, and guilty o faii t J crimes in the decalogue. Jack son- Was t! • I tai get for the most poisoned arrows, f r , M[l , which not even his beloved wife was'secim> and sank down to her grave be for; th* crul [ calumnies. lie was availed uiueli the same as Fremont. In every case of this kind, when, j unscrupulous politicians seek to hunt down a I candidate by personal slanders, the people have | been universally found on the side of the , seen ted. It is so now, and Novem her will fi, r . | nish an endorsement which will put his shame l less detractors to the blush, j Previous to his nomination for the Pre-i --| denev, Col. Fhkmont was an object of pride in | every section of the country. Ilk l)ame Was j recorded amongst the proudest of the land, and was a household word. His energv his ; deeds of daring, his perseverance amid-t tin most appalling dangers, and more than ail, his , wisdom, discretion and sound judgment, mnl.- r the most trying circumstances, had made 1 i, renown worldwide. We could publish testimonial after testiin ' nial, rendered before party plots had chanced ! the interests of his eulogists, to show what was thought of him by the very men who are now the most base amongst his detractors, but it is useless. We cannot forbear, however. ; from giving to our readers, the following trib ute to his character. It is taken from the re port of (it'll. Win. 11. Irwin, Adjutant (i-in ral of Pennsylvania, made in IM'.i. Read it, ' and compare it with some of the statements now being made " At an age when other young men wen but entering on the duties of active life. ('■!. Fremont has achieved an imperishable naiin : he encountered and eoni|itcred dangers, at the I mere recital of which, the boldest heart may ; tremble. Col. Fremont was practically educited as , a man destined for action should lie, ami im'.r l glorious a commentary has his ]jf e n p, ; , the advantages of such training. Ihit it > vain to point the youth of IVmr-vlvania to j such lirilliaut examples, unless w-quulifv thfi. : '>y proper training, to a successful emulation.' Tin; Xext Coxorkss will contain mauy <: ; the members of the present one, if the lbjiu'- licau party should carry the same districts at the last contest. In Ohio, already, a nuni i bcr of the llejHibliean members have rei.-ci. - ; tinted, as also in Indiana. In IVllllsylv.li a j we have noticed the rciiouiinatiou of .Me--:.-, j C'ovode and Knight. It is good policy to re- J tain old members, when their course lias been satisfactory to their constituents, as new o:. - always labor under greufc disadvantage- at Washington, and a session must pass away V fore they become habituated to the tactics ami rules of the House. Virginia generally re elects nearly her whole d .-legation, ami t.ie changes are so few as always ?n insure lier a large share of attention at Washington on ac j count of the experience of her representative Jfcaj"* A large and enthusiastic meeting was i lu-ld on Saturday evening last, at Long k.Vlcr- I ry's hall, in Burlington borough, a-luressol } | A. S. I)iven, Esq., of Elmira, and 1 Mrr. The number preseut was estiuiati-d at liveu-i --died, and the very best feeling prevailed. ffigy- We are informed that llom'sb ■ of Xew York, will deliver the Annual Addr before the Bradford County Agriculture - eiety, at its Fair in October next. TOKNADO IN Lorwi YNA. —Tim Xmv • . l _ ' papers of the 12th and 13th, contain ' accounts of the dreadful storm whim * that region, of which the telegraph such melancholy tales. In the city ' l . Orleans, the streets were almost iui|K la for where a footing could at all he hiy • sidewalks were so slippery with lun l.a> ■' der walking very dangerous. K very• • j _ street* were strewn with shingles, hric tar, glass, carpenter work, signs, etc. - ings hung in wrecks, galleries weir "'-r V j balconies broken, windows and door* " - ■ one hinge, shade trees and boxes " ,r 1 trated, bridges uncovered, houses chimneys demolished, ami the like. - 1 • ( the wharves were injured, and the i < one of the third district carried the river, steamers were dismantled. upturned, and goods Hon ted about a J im ■ In the neighborhood of the city n^ iin v fences were thrown down. Lake 1 out' a. rose so as to submerge the Jackson ami stop the passage of the trains. - plantation the Hood made a in tlie track, carrying away even r[U along the road were finely c, . , ' t,V! ! u ' vC j where the land had not been tor 11,11 •• j submerged. There the Hood did " limc ' H mage, destroying whole fields of ''"r"" 1 " j tables, and carrying awav cattle, - Mnndevillc, one of the watering I''"" t teen bath houses and an ice cream i ' 1 " , joining the Planters' Hotel, were •> ow . ( ees, or swept away. The river ro-i mendous height. At IewisbuP_' wa> carried oft.
Significant historical Pennsylvania newspapers