,< DOLLAR PER ANNUM, INVARIABLY IN ADVANCE.
TOWANDA:
ban morninn, &ngnst 28, 18315.
political gang.
THE FOUR YEARS' RACE.
TINH—" ER Day*.''
The f"t>r )<*' ™ to be run.
In a few days, a few days,
Hv Slavery's hack it can't be won.
Oh! take " Buck" home.
Buck's" wind was hurt on the Federal traek.
In his young days, his young day*,
\i„l Slavery's load lies strained his back,
Oh! take him home!
Fr Freedom's colt is training.
For a few days, a few days,
He'll run without spur or reining,
Oh! take " Buck" home.
01.1 Buck" has fed at the public rack
So many days, so many days,
When he ought to trot he's sure to rack,
Oh ! take him home.
A luck that's fed on fed'rul oats
Will find to late, find too late,
It ain't fit lor winning votes,
Oh ! take liim home.
Fur Freedom's colt is training, Ac.
•f j, cmel to run so old a hack.
In a few days, in a few days ;
Hi, s hoes are loose, no spine in his hack,
Oh! take " Buck" home.
Our Five Mountain colt will win the field,
In a few days, a few days.
And Slavcrv - minions will have to yield,
Oh! Like them home.
1 r we've a colt in training, Ac.
,\>;t N'oveiiilwr when we get the news,
In a few days, a few days,
Take awav his grain, pull off his shoes,
And send him home.
Fuoml.l hark. we'll send him to grata
In a few days, few days.
On a Michigan prairie with old Cass,
Oh! take him home.
Fur we've a colt in training, Ac.
\ badudor President was ne'er seen yet
In our days, in our days,
And what is more, won't he I'll bet,
For he's going home.
Si; ha otuhorse team would look forlorn,
In our days, in our days.
We'll give him " Jessie'' as sure's he's horn—
Oh ! do take him home.
Fur we've a colt in training. Ac.
[For the Bradford Reporter.]
FREEDOM OF SPEECH ABROGATED IN TEXAS.
From the Galveston (Texas) Xews, takeu
'.his place, I learn the following fact :
Lorengo Sherwood represented the city of
iFv'Mon iu the Texas Legislature last wiii
r In the course of the session, a bill was
'minced to throw some additional protection
i defence around the institution of Slavery.
M: Sherwood, in the course of some remarks
>!i the hill, said in substance, that if the
Mfle of Texas could see the subject in its
We light and understood their own interests,
•ail of protecting and nursing an institu
'.Kta which he regarded as a curse to the State,
would be taking steps to rid themselves
>'il For this he was likely to called to ac
ini in the usual ruffian style. He therefore
notice through the papers, that at a cer
■iia time lie would address the citizens ofGal
'"II in explanation and defence of his course
ihe Legi.-lature upon the subject of slavery.
these remarks the following from the
iHstou Xors will be readily understood :
fe"" At a meeting of the citizens of Galves
" convened to take into consideration the
' i'nety of permitting Lorenzo Sherwood to
!'">•> the people in defence of his course in
Legislature, Col. .Samuel L. Williams
•'-s called to the chair, and Alfred F. James
■"ted .Secretary ; when, after explaining
y'lj.-.-t of the meeting, it. was.
That the following letter, prepar
- | read hv Mr. Ballinger, be addressed to
• 51' nv.ni | f as embracing the views and
"'■neiits of this meeting iu relation to his
* : ""i|>lu!etl address :
GALVESTON, July 7, 1856.
'■'RF\7.O SIIFIRWOOH, Esq :— Sir —Atapub-
v-""'i!,g of the citizens of Galveston, con
' • tliis evening, at the court house, in con
gee of a public notice that you would
_ address this evening, in defence of
'•onrse in the last Legislature, it was
flously resolved to notify you of the well
''™ l >°ntiiaonts and resolute determina-
T "' tnc people of Galveston as follows :
.. . l! |'°"r right in common with that of
. ot ' l, ' r citizen to free opinion, free discus
"■ a '"l the largest lilicrty of self-defence,
; r'- r " , 'Ogi)ized and w j|| be respected.
f |Pre is one subject connected with your
'• 'i t '"' —that of Slavery—
■ neither von, nor any one entertaining
v will he permitted to appear before
li:a "nity in a public manner. That your
% )!l 'hat subject arc unsound aul datiger-
F i 1 '' x °d belief of this community, caus
own s l H ' cc^es . writing and acts.
are a *are that either actually or scera
'tL' V " whol| y misapprehend the real views
. !* ople of Texas, and sup|>o.sc that bj
-siar 10,1 a " you can make your
jory theories and plans inoffensive and
ur t ' l ' s should l>e attributed
f , l iart to delusii n, and how far to dc
, nmterial. The slavery subject is
w 'deb is o]w>n to you before ns.
'' ro 'herefore, explicitly and pre-empto
",at . Vour speech you will not
'"'l to ton-ii in any manner on the
slavery, or your opiDious thereon,
THE BRADFORD REPORTER.
either directly or indirectly, or byway of ex
planation or otherwise. Under the pretext of
the personal right of self-defence, you will not
be tolerated in any attempt to defend your
course in the Legislature on this subject,which
was an aggression on the rights ami an out
rage on the feelings of the State of Texas, and
much more on the people of Galveston, whom
you misrepresented, than any other.
The eutire subject of slavery in all its con
nections is forbidden ground which you shall
not invade.
Your introduction of it in any manner will
be the prompt signal for consequences to which
we need not allude.
It has been asserted that you have some
supporters in this community on that subject.
We trust not. But if so, and if they have
sufficient presumption to undertake to sustain
you in any further discussion of this subject
before the people, they will make this evening
the occasion for the definite and final settle
ment of that issue both as to you and them.—
We trust, however, that you will confine your
self to matters of legitimate public interest and
1 discussion, and will not hereafter, either in
public or private, further abuse the patience
of a people with whom, on that question, you
have no congeniality, and whom you wholly
misunderstand.
This communication will be read before the
assembled public before you proceed with your
speech, and you will clearly understand, is not
to be the subject of any animadversion by you.
Sjieeches were made by about a dozen, and
a committee appointed to deliver a copy of the
address to Mr. Sherwood.
On motion of Hamilton Stewart, Esq., all
those op|>osed to the action taken by this meet
ing were requested to withdraw—wlieroii|>oii
Messrs. Josinh J. Hendley and Stephen Van
Sickle retired.
The meeting then adjourned to meet again
this evening, at the place appointed by Mr.
Sherwood to deliver his address.
SAMUEL WILLIAMS, Chairman.
A. F. JAMES, Secretary.
[Mr. Sherwood did not deliver his address.^
The ruffian Legislature of Kansas abrogated
the freedom of speech upon the subject of sla
very in that territory ; but it is asserted that
no attempt has been made to enforce those acts,
and that they find no favor or support from
the people of the South. They are not only
enforcing the doCtrine in Kansas, but in every
Southern State, and the above shows how it
is doue in Texas. Where slavery goes this
defence must go with it. The one cannot ex
ist without the other. Where slavery rules
Freedom must be dumb. Yet some people say
it is a divine institution, and is the natural and
legitimate condition of mankind. Then so are
all its necessary defences. But can that insti
tution be founded on the laws ot nature which
is so weak and feeble that a single blast on
the " ramshom " of Freedom makes it shake
like the walls of Jericho ? Is that a divine
institution and based upon the eternal princi
ples of right which requires for its defence the
abrogation of that most sacred of all rights—
the right of Free speech, and which is declared
to be no longer the subject of legitimate pub
lic interest and discussion ?
Mr. Sherwood's situation is but the situation
of the masses of the entire South. The gutta
pcrcha bludgeon is raised, and the man whe
ther North or South, who dare to disregard
the arbitrary command of Slavery, feels its
weight. Mr. Sumner fell—an example to all
who may have the presumption to exercise the
freedom of speech. Let it not be said that !
the gag-law of Kansas is a mere farec—the
temporary product of a few excited border
ruffians. It finds countenance aud support in
in the slaveholders of the entire South. Its
text is written in the statute book of every
Southern State. It is the legitimate offspring
of the institution of Slavery.
And this institution with all its ungodly de
fences, is to be spread over our fair anil freo
public domain. Shall it so spread ? Shall it
swallow up the fairest lands of the eoutiuent ?
Nay ! Let us rather say to the monster—ln
thine own den may'st thou dwell and lie down
in thine own slime ; but thou shalt not drag
thy dark poisonous folds over the unspotted
soil of the West.
Yours, &.C.,
SHESHEQCIN, August, LSJS. O. 11. P. K.
Tnv: GERMANS. —So long as the Germans
voted the democratic ticket they were marvel
lous projcr men ; but the moment they be
come true Republicans the loeofoco press is
out upon them full mouthed. The Cleveland
Vlaindwltr thus vents its spleen at them :
" These German Migrates are known as bu
sy-bodies and mischief-makers in every commu
nity where they reside. They were driven out
of Germany for their meddlesomeness and arc
a curse to any country or community. These
hair-lipped Germans, these lied Republicans,
kuow it."
The Germans were driven out of Germany
by tyrants for disclaiming the divine right of
kings, and asserting Republican authority.—
Maintaining the same views in Republican
America, is of course, a sin against the demo
cratic party. But they will do it.
THE ISSUE. —The Charleston Evening Xrws
says :
" The issue is slavery or no slavery ; it is use
less to disguise it."
The New York Day Hook declares it to be
the issue, and says :
" Woe to those of the democratic party who
flinch from the contest.'"
The Washington I ni" declares it to be the
issue of the day.
PUBLISHED EVERY THURSDAY AT TOWANDA, BRADFORD COUNTY, PA., BY E. O'MEARA GOODRICH.
" REGARDLESS OF DENUNCIATION FROM ANY QUARTER."
SPEECH OF HON. HENRY WILSON,
OF MASSACHUSETTS.
On the Resolution introduced by Mr. Bigler, of
Pennsylvania, calling upon the Treasury De
partment to Report the Papers covering the
Accounts of Col. John C. Fremont with the
Government- Delivered in the Senate, August
11, 1856.
Mr. President : The days of this session are
rapidly passing. Business of the highest
importance presses upon our consideration.—
Chairmen of leading committees charged with
measures of great public concern crowd for
ward to obtain the ear of the Senate. While
the Senate is thus engaged in the performance
of its high duties to the country, the senator
from Pennsylvania, (Mr. Bigler,) thrusts be
fore us, this petty, miserable proposition, a
proposition unworthy a moment's attentiou of
honorable men in or out of the Senate.
The senator from Pennsylvania, not content
with launching into the Senate this scheme,
which must have originated with some mous
ing politician engaged in the pursuit of petty
ends by petty means, but he presses its con
sideration now in spite of the earnest remon
strances of tlie Chairman of the Committee on
Finance (Mr. Hunter), who is charged with
the care of the Civil aud Diplomatic bill, and
the Chairman of the Committee on the Pacific
Railroad (Mr. Weller), who wishes to call the
Senate to the consideration of that great mea
sure to unite the Atlantic aud Pacific shores
of the republic.
But the Civil and Diplomatic bill, the Paci
fic Railroad bill, and other measures must be
thrust aside by the senator from Pennsylvania,
that the Senate may consider this proposition
by which certain political schemers hope to
elicite something out of which they can manu
facture slanders against a brave man, who has
served his country with eminent ability in peace
and ill war.
The senator from Pennsylvania cannot sup
pose Jliat this proposition will pass this body
without, at least, a passing notice. lie takes
the responsibility, he chooses to press it, and I
shall take at least a few moments of the time
of the Senate to characterize the proposition
as I think it deserves.
Dyes the senator from Pennsylvania expect
to win any laurels by thrusting this proposition
into the Senate ? Does lie suppose the gene
rous people of this country will applaud this
attempt to wound the sensibilities and defame
the character of one who has won a brilliant
name in the history of the republic—oue whose
explorations and scientific labors have confer
red upon our country honor and renown among
all civilized nations ? Does he expect to win
support for his favorite candidate for the Pres
idency by thrusting into the Senate this wretch
ed proposition ?
Sir, this is small game. If that senator
hojies to win popular confidence aud applause
—if he hopes to turn back tlie tide of popular
favor that is bearing John 0. Fremont to the
Executive chair by this resolution, which I
here pronounce—which honorable men in and
out of the Senate will pronounce, and which
the country will pronounce, small and mean—
he will find himself sadly mistaken. Wherev
er this proposition goes, high-minded men will
treat it with derision, scorn and contempt ;
and no little of that derision, scorn and con
tempt will be visited UJIOU tlie men who resort
to such devices to effect political results. I
would uot stoop to such a warfare as this.—
If it was aimed at James Buchanan I would
spurn it from inc.
This is not the first time, Mr. President,
that the shafts of political malignity have been
hurled at men who have served the republic,
and it is not the first time the Senate has been
called upon to grope among the archives of
the government to discover some account or
the records of some account between tlie go
vernment and men who have beeu entrusted
with public funds, out of which something
would be distorted for purtizan cuds.
In 1824 Andrew Jackson was assailed for
his military deeds. The people, unmindful of
these assaults, bore him proudly to the Presi
dential chair, over one of the purest, ablest
and most incorruptible patriots that ever grac
ed the councils of the republic. In 1840, Gen.
Harrison was assailed by the envenomed tongue
of slander, branded as a coward and denounc
ed as a corrupt man, and the people took him
iu their arms and bore him to the Executive
chair over his experienced and accomplished
competitor.
In 1848 Zaehery Taylor and the venerable
senator from Michigan (Geu. Cass) were Dot li
denounced in the same manner—their accounts
with the government through loug years of
public service overhauled and audited over
again by the political accountants and auditors.
In 1852 Gen. Scott, a soldier who has serv
ed the republic for more than forty years in
peace and war with unsurpassed ability, was
arraigned in the same manner and for a similar
object.
What was gained by these assaults upon
Jackson, Harrison, Taylor, Cass, Scott? I
venture to say here, to-dav, that all those as
saults upon these distinguished men concern
ing their monetary transactions with the go
vernment, never lost them the confidence or
support of any portion of the American peo
ple. Sir, the American people believed these
assaults to be unjust, mean, contemptible. Pass
this resolution, drag out of the departments
the bills, vouchers, letters and papers between
Col. Fremont and the government—garble
them, scatter them over the land, blurt their
contents into the unwilling ear of the country,
and the people, with that sense of justice, that
practical judgment which distinguishes them,
will prononce it all political persecution.
Yes, sir, this partisan scheme will bring uj>-
on its authors, upon the men engaged in its
execution, not public confidence and regard,
but public censure and contempt ; and it will
bring to Col. Fremont the sympathy which
honest men ever give to the persecuted.
Col. Fremont was entrusted by his govern
ment with high and responsible duties. Those
duties were far distant from the seat of go
vernment, beyond the borders of the States—
iu the territories beyond the father of waters
—in the Rocky Mouutaius—in California. —
Those high aud responsible duties were per
formed in a manner that won the commenda
tion of the government, the approval of honor
able senators upon this floor, and the applause
aud admiration of grateful people. His name
is forever associated with the pathways to the
golden shores of the Pacific, through the gor
ges of the Rocky Mountains—with the con
quest and acquisition of California.
Money was entrusted to his hands. Iu the
performance of the duties assigned him, men,
property, money were all for months —years —
entrusted to his keeping. The people will de
mand why John C. Fremont is arraigned now,
eight or ten years after his duties to the go
vernment were performed. If his accounts
were unsettled—if lie had failed to account for
money placed in his hands—if he was in any
sense a defaulter, " why," the people will de
mand, " was he not reported as the laws re
quire by tlie proper officers ? Why was his
name left out of the list of public officers whose
accounts were reported unsettled ?"
On the 1 titli of January, 1854, the Hon.
Flisha Whittlesey, Comptroller of the Treasu
ry, made a report to the JHou.sc of Represen
tatives, in which he says :
" In conformity with the provisions of the Act of Con
gress approved March 3d, ISO'.', entitled' An act further
to amend the several acts for the establishment and regu
lation of the Treasury, War and Navy Departments." and
of the act passed March 3d. ISI7, entitled ' An act to pro
vide for the prompt settlement of the public accounts.' I
transmit, herewith, statements of the accounts which re
mained due more than three years prior to the first day of
July, 1853, ou the hooks of the Register of the Treasury,
and on the books of the Second, Third aud Fourth Audi
tors of the Treasury, respectively."
This report, Mr. President, contains ninety
six pages of names reported in obedience to the
requirements of the law, by Mr. Bigger, Reg
ister of the Treasury, Mr. Clayton, Second Au
ditor, Mr. Burt, Third Auditor, and Mr. Day
ton, Fourth Auditor. These reports of the
auditors of the Triasury Department contain
the names of persons whose accounts have re
mained unsettled, or on which, balances a]>pear
to have been due more than three years [trior
to July Ist, 1853, "furnished in pursuance of
the second section of the act of Congress, ap
proved March 3, 1809, entitled ' An act fur
ther to amend the several acts for the estab
lishment and regulation of the Treasury, War
and Navy Departments,'" and "the names of
officers whose accounts for advances made, or
balances unaccounted for, one year prior to Ju
ly 1, 1853, and have not been settled within
they are ; prepared in pursuance of the 13th
section of the act of March 3d, 1817.".
In this long list of names i find the names
of some of the noblest sons of the republic.—
The names of General Gaines, Worth and Har
ney are in this list, but the name of John C.
Fremoiit is not among them. If his accounts
were unsettled, if balances were against him,
why was not his name reported ? His name
is not in the list of persons whose accounts
were unsettled during the year preceding the
Ist of July, 1853, or the three years preceding
that date.
Ou the Ist of July, 1853, no moneys were
in his hands unaccounted for. He owed the gov
ernment nothing. At that very time he had a
claim for supplies furnished the government as
early as J illy, 'sl That claim was examined and
reported upon by a committee of the House of
Representatives, at the head of which was Col.
Orr, one of the leaders of the Administration
in the House. That committee reported a
bill allowing Col. Fremont $183,825, and that
bill received the unanimous vote of the House
and Senate, and the approval of President
Pierce on the 29th of July, 1854.
If his accounts were unsettled—if money
was in his hands unaccounted for—if the go
vernment had any balance against him—why,
sir, why did not your administration compel
a settlement, and secure any claims of the go
vernment when it held $183,825 of John C.
Fremont's money iu the coffers? Will the
senator from Pennsylvania—-will any senator
—answer this question ?
Some mousing politicians in the departments,
or who have access to the departments ; some
little soulless creature, ever ready to blast the
reputation of honorable men, has doubtless
found papers bearing upon Col. Fremont's con
nections with tlie government oct of which he
thinks extracts can be quoted, if published, by
which venal politicians can blacken the reputa
tion of one they fear and hate, and the sena
tor from Pennsylvania comes into this cham
ber with this resolution to carry out this small
game of political malignity.
I shall vote, sir, for this inquiry, but I wash
my hands of its meanness, its abject littleness.
If it applied to anybody's candidate but the
one I support I would vote against it. I
would never consent to resort to such petty
warfare.
The senator from Pennsylvania assumes to
be Mr. Buchanan's fugleman here. I have
sometimes thought the senator, in his deep
anxiety, felt that lie carried Mr. Buchanan up
on his shoulders. I hold James Buchanan re
sponsible for this attempted blow at his rival,
struck by the hand of the senator from Penn
sylvania, who professes to be his particular
friend—who is ever watchful of his interests
and fame. So prompt is the senator from
Pennsylvania to rush to the defence of Mr.
Buchanan, that I have come to regard him as
that gentleman's " premonitory symptom" here.
Nothing but that senator's extreme desire to
better the wavering fortunes of his chief could
have induced hiin to engage in this political
device.
Mr. President, the people will regard this
as persecution. It will bring odiuui, uot upon
Col. Fremont—but upon the men who origi
nated it. It will rather redound, as all such
attacks against candidates for the Presidency
have done, to his advantage. The issues are
made up. They arc the gravest and most
transcendent issues ever presented to the peo
ple of the United States. All that the sena
tor from Pennsylvania and his candidate can
make out of his inquiry will not weigh a fea
ther in the coming contest, which is to decide
whether Freedom or Slavery shall sway the
policy of the republic.
lowa, young lowa, has uttered her voice
for John C. Fremont by a majority of thou
sands. Maine will respond to lowa for the
east iu a few weeks, in a voice not to be mis
taken. The senator cannot break the mighty
current that is bearing the friends of free Kan
sas oil to assured triumph, by this petty politi
cal manoeuvre, which gentlemen should not
stoop to engage in. Pennsylvania, on the 14th
of October, may teaeh her senator that she is
not to be won by any attempt to defame the
chieftain, around whose banner the liberal,
progressive democratic masses of tlie country
are rallying for the coming fight.
I have not spoken, Mr. President, of the
motives that have actuated the senator from
Pennsylvania in introducing this inquiry. I
have nothing to do with motives. I have spo
ken of it as I think it deserves. Perhaps the
senator feels that lie has the good name and
fame of Col. Fremont as well as Mr. Buchanan
in his keeping. Perhaps we onglit to feel
grateful to biin for his zeal for the reputation
of our candidate—but I can not but feel that
whatever the effects of this inquiry may be
upon Col. Fremont, the senator will win no
laurels by it that any one will desire to pluck
from his brow.
Is OUR PARTY SECTIONAL ?—No. Look at
the lauguage of our candidate for President,
in his letter of acceptance :
"Trusting that I have a heart capable of
comprehending onr whole country with its vari
ed interests, and confident that patriotism ex
ists in all parts of the Union, I accept the nom
ination of your Convention iu the hope that I
may be enabled to serve usefully its canse,
which I consider the cause of Constitutional
Freedom."
There is nothing sectional in this ; and the
same purpose is nuide manifest in another para
graph from Col. Fremont's letter :
"In the event of my election to the Presiden
cy, I shonld enter upon the execution of its du
ties with a single-hearted determination to pro
mote the good of the WHOLE COUNTRY, and todi
rect solely to this end all the power of the Gov
ernment, irrespective of party issues and regard
less of sextioruil strife."
These are the words of true patriotism and
nationality. It is those who oppose us who
are sectional. They are striving to subserve
the interests of a section—the South ; ice are
fighting for the best interests of the whole
country.
A GOOD HlT. —The Washington correspon
dent of the X. I*. Times furnishes the follow
ing anecdote :
" A good story is told at the expense of
those who protest that Fremont's election will
lead to disunion. A few evenings since a com
pany of gentlemen were assembled in this city
at a quiet game of whist. Among the party
was a distinguished New-York politician and
several Southern members of Congress. The
conversation turned on the Presidential elec
tion, and all the horrid train of evils to follow
on Fremont's election were set forth in glowing
terms. It was asserted that his must necessa
rily be a sectional administration, under which
no Southern men could or would take office—
the consequence of which calamity, it was vo
ted, must uproot the pillars of the Republic.
One of the Southern 31. C.'s after listeuingfor
some time to these grave arguments, instead of
assenting to their force, suggested that lie
wanted no larger fortune than he would under
take to collect in the way of toll acros/ the
Long Bridge over the Potomac, from the ap
plicants for office under Fremont's administra
tion from the State of Virginia alone !"
ONE HUNDRED DOLLARS REWARD.—A "ta
ken in" Democrat who believed in Popular Sov
ereignty, authorizes us to pay over the sum to
any Buchaneer who will discover in the Cin
cinnatti platform, and make manifest to the
naked eye, any plank or splinter of a plank,
conceding to the people of a Territory, through
the Legislature thereof, the right to exclude
Slavery from the Territory, or in other words,
recognizing the doctrine of " Squatter Sover
eignty, "as preached by Douglas iu Illinois,
before Judge Trumbull cornered him and spik
ed his gui. in the U. S. Senate.
Here is a chance for doughfaces to make
money and save their political bacon at the
same time. Dou't all speak at once, bnt do
not be bashful, gents. Show us the Squatter
Sovereignty plank you have been gabbling
about since the violation of the Missouri Com
promise.
AN IRISH RF.BEU.ION. —The Irish American
(Democrat and Romanist,) fiercely denounces
the trial of Herbert, the murderer of Keating,
as a " ridiculous farce." If an honest, hard
working Irishman is shot down, in cold blood,
bv one of those foul things vomited forth from
the ruffianism of rum holes, and the stuffing of
ballot boxes—-and if the foul thing is to be up
held by the Democratic party—the editor says
-—" though he has always been on that side,
he can go with them no longer ." We quote :
"Strongly, emphatically, earnestly and
most sincerely do we recommend Messrs. Bu
chanan and Breckinridge, and their friends
and supporters, to repudiate this scoundrel in
the most unmistakable form ; or we shall be
obliged, in exercise of a most solemn dntv, to
advise those who believe in us, either not to
vote at all in the approaching Presidential
election, or to cast their votes for the enemy."
" An open foe may Prove a curse ;
But a pretended fricud is worse."
Bkuf As a proof that the name of Fremont
was well known and appreciated by bis fellow
countrymen, we find, in the list of Postoffiees
published in 1851, eleven named Fremont, while
only two arc for Buchanan. And in Lippiri
cott's Gazetteer we find twenty towns named
Fremont, to which should be added the Peak
and the Lake, while but six arc called Buchan
an. This, to be sure, is no argument, but it
shows that long ago, while Buchanan had al
ready been ou the political stage many years,
when Fremont had not yet entered thereon,
the people were able to discern the man and
the public benefactor in him who now leads u>
OU to vietory.— Xewark Mercury.
VOT.. XV I I. —NO. 12.
The Dog Noble, and the Empty Hole.
BY KEY. HENRY WARII BEECHES.
'] lie first summer which we sjK.*nt in Ijciiox,
we had along a very intelligent dog named Xo
ble. He was learned in many things, and by
his dog-lore excited the undying admiration of
all the children, Hut there were some things
which Xoble could never learn. Having on oik;
occasion seen a red squirrel run into a hole in
a stone wall he could not be pursuaded that ho
was not there for evermore.
Several red squirrels lived close to the house
and had become familiar, but not tame. They
kept up a regular romp with Ruble. They
would come down from the maple trees with
provoking coolness ; they would run along the
fence almost within leach, they would cock
their tails and sail across tlie road to the barn;
and yet there was such a well-timed calculation
under ail this apparent rashness, that Xoble in
variably arrived at the critical spot just as the
squirrel left it.
On one one occnion Xoblr was so close np
-011 his red backed friend that, unable to get
up the maple tree, be dodged into a hole in
the wall, ran through the chinks, emerged at
a little distance, and sprung into the tree.—
The intense enthusiasm of the dog at that hole
can hardly he descriL J. lie filled it full of
barking, lie pawed and scratched as if nn
dermiuiug a bastion. Standing oil' at a little
distance be would pierce the hole with gaze as
intense and fixed as if he were trying magnet
ism on it. Then with tail extended, and every
hair thereon electrified, he would rush at the
empty hole with a prodigious onslaught.
This imaginary squirrel haunted Xollc night
and day. The very squirrel himself would run
up before his face into the tree, and crouched
in a crotch, would sit silently watching the
whole process of bombarding the empty hole,
with great sobriety and relish, liut Xobh
would allow of no doubts. His conviction that
that hole had a squirrel in continued unshaken
for six weeks. When all other occupations
failed this hole remained to him. Wheu there
were no more chickens to harry, no pigs to bite,
no cattle to chase, no children to romp with,
no expeditions to make with the grown folks,
and when he had slept all that his dog-skin
would hold, lie would walk out in the yard,
yawn and stretch himself, and then looking
wistfully at the hole, as if thinking to himself,
" Well, if there is nothing else to do I may as
well try that hole again."
We had almost forgotten this little trait,un
til the conduct of the .Vic- York E.ryrcss, in
respect to Col. Fremont's religion brought it
ludicrously to mind again. Col. Fremont is,
and alwas has been, as sound a Protestant as
John Knox ever was. He was bred in tin;
Protestant faith and has never changed. He
is unacquainted with the doctrines and ceremo
nies of the Catholic Church, and has never at
tended that Church with two or three excep
tions, when curiosity, or some extrinsic reason,
led him as a witness. We do not state this
upon vague belief. We know what we say.—
We say it upon our own personal honor and
proper knowledge. Col. Fremont never was,
and is not now, a Roman Catholic, lie has
never been wont to attend that Church. Nor
lias he in any way, directly or indirectly, giveu
occasion for this report.
It is a gratuitous falsehood, utter, barren,
absolute, and unqualified. Tbe story has been
got up for political effect. It is still circulated
for that reason, and like other political lies, it
is a sheer, unscrupulous falsehood, from top to
bottom, from the core to the skin, and from
the skin back to the core again. In all its
parts, in pulp, tegument, rind, cell and seed, it
is a thorough and total untruth, and they who
spread it bear false witness. And as to all the
stories of the Fulmer, etc, as to supposed con
versations with Fremont, in which lie defended
the mass, and what not, they are pure fictions.
They never happened. The authors of them
are slanderers, the men to believe them are
dupes ; the men who spread them become en
dorsers of wilful and corrupt libellers.
Rut the Express, like Xvble, has opened on
this hole iu the wall, and can never be done
barking at it. Pay after day it resorts to this
empty hole. When everything else fails, this
resource remains. There they are, indefatiga
bly—the Express and Xohle —a church with
out a Fremont, and a hole without a squirrel
in it !
In some respects, however, the dog had the
advantage. Sometimes we thought that he
really believed that there was a squirrel there.
But at other times he apparently had an ink
ling of the ridiculousness of his conduct, for
he would drop his tail, and walk towards us
with his tongue out and his eyes a little aslant,
seeming to say, " My dear sir, you don't un
derstand a dog's feelings. I should of course
much prefer a squirrel, but if I can't have that,
an empty hole is better than nothing. I im
agine how I would catch him if he iros there.
Besides, people who pass by don't know the
facts. They think that 1 have got something.
It is needful to keep up my reputation for sa
gacity. Besides, to tell the truth I have look
ed into that hole so long that I have half per
suaded myself that there is a squirrel there, or
will lie, if I keep on."
Well, every dog must have his day, and eve
ry dog must have bis way. No doubt if we
were to bring back Xoble now, after two sum
mer's absence, he would make straight for that
hole in the wall with just as much zeal as
ever.
We never read the Erprrsr, nowa days,
without thinking involuntarily, " (Joodness !
the dog is letting off at that hole again."
ANOTHER EDITOR UOXF.. —Mr. 8. If. Swain
editor of the Monmouth (III.) Review, has de
parted. lie sank to sank to sleep iu the arms
of \Tss Louisa Brewer, one of the prettiest
and .smartest girls in Kuoxville, 111., on the tttli
lie went off calmly and at peace with all the
world ami the " balance of mankind."
Scolding never did anv body any good.
It hurts the child ; it hurts the parent ; it i>
evil, everywhere and always.