(H£ 03LLAR PER AN* INVARIABLY IN ADVANCE.
TOAVANDA:
flloviiinn, 3iln 31. ISotf.
FREEDOM IN '76, AND FREEDOM IN '56.
<) K A TM O IST,
i,;,; ;t\v nt
:;Y THOM AS J. INAIIIAM.
TKKKYTOWX. July 4tli, ls'>6.
ri„ ■:!'.!< r-i/'ivil having li-ti'i'.cii with pleasure to your
in,-- ;t .lie-iiTjo. i oi' Freedom in *7S and Freedom iu
•oj , ; .1 copy for publication.
Yours respectfully,
, p <T \ 1 FORD I', b. ST A A TS.
jiVui I I liRY. HIRAM STOXB.
, poI o,K. KR'S X. tIOMKT.
■ ,|V| \l.| OT!I>. K. FIM TCIIBY.
> 1 II.FUKI). J.C. KKELELL.
J V •; R > AMI GEXTI KMKN : I have been ne
cn.Mined to consider the Fourth of July as a
,i.,v not nici'ely for rejoicing, but also for re
..U is the anniversary of a most iin
• : i•!;tii-.tl event—one of those epochs in
<torv of mankind by which dates are es
• -i J, and long impulses given to suceced
-cHcratious. On this day it always becomes
■ --OIII'MIC. and while we recall the great
' - which gave the day a name and a
:v, it is well to apply these principles to
; ,',r events. And more than ever it bc
- on the Fourth day of July, 1 Ss(>, to
counsel together ; for assuredly no pcr
iv present has ever met to celebrate the
\ •jiver-ary of our National Independence at
when our liberties were in greater dan-
The events of the past year have been
-aeli startling importance, that they have
■ ; si..- mind of every thoughtful person with
v Of these tilings I shall speak before
I I.e My theme to-day is the contest be-
Fr<nloiii and Tyranny. 1 shall first nl
r.'tiv to the contest ill the past ; second
m tin contest as it now exists. I shall not
:• pc ine myself very closely to tlicsub
'...l!! indulge in such rambling remarks
occasion may suggest.
T two principles of Freedom and Tyran-
I'trii long at war; the contest be
: .a tie lias been carried 011 in all civilized
- It would be interesting, if time per
to trace this contest through past ages.
'V 11 ' i that more than two thousand
v ir- urn these principles were already con
•. PI i_ ; we should find that even then, free
,allied some decisive victories. We
. . : i Rome a Republic—with a goveru
r ,t so wisely constituted that it was esteem
in many features a worthy model for our own
Mutation ; —with laws so just and reasona
that they are sometimes quoted asauthori
i veil unto this day. We could trace the
ii 1 of Freedom in that land ; we could
rire its prosperity under its libera! govcru
; (:■: .and just laws ; we could then mark the
• ••pe- of Tyranny—victories gained by the
i. .R" luxury and jiolitieul corruptions. We
...■! find them baying offices with gold, au l
r tiring justice and the principles Liberty
'< ,;ain power. A little later we should find
:ir freedom of the people "crushed out," and
;he nation itself overwhelmed by barbarism.—
A could trace a similar progress and decline
Greece and many other nations of the ati
-1 :.t wnrM. We could also find a vast field
t-r examination in the history of modern Kn
rn|ie England, France, Poland, Hungary,
ami oilier nations have each iu their turn been
the battle-ground for Freedom. To do justice
; : Y;> branch of the subject would require
h tin • : and 1 have only alluded to it now
' r iv purpose of calling your attention to the
<'!■■: ti.at this nation is not the first nation that
'•■.'(•r acquired Freedom. It is true, perhaps,
'1 in ..u-ge nation ever enjoyed so great pri
or so high a degree of freedom as our
'•vii: but this must not blind ns to the fact
eiat mighty nations have existed, scarce iufe
i" freedom and iu civilization, whose names
' no longer to be found 011 the map of the
< ; and it should teach us that our libcr
may he forfeited, and our own nation de
■T'IVISI by similar disregard of the eternal j
ni!c:|i!e- of justice and human equality. All
" -tory jipn, that free institutions will not
1 ■ niniic through ages, like tlie pyramids of
--..•jit. hut constantly require the support of
"•'V, intelligent ntid self-sacrificing men.—
' ">e who would seen re freedom must go to
"utest uiili that stern determination which
1,1:1 - Patrick Henry, when lie exclaimed,
l.berty or give me death !" Those
' 1 liberty must practice " eter
keeping their sentinels iijion
ii i-iiVers, and liolding themselves al
mri .uiini to go forth to the conflict.
. mu-t not. however, expect the armies of
"■}' '•> ue under their true colors ; like
1:; h s of the high seas tlic enemies of
"in sail under all kinds of colors, and 011-
' ' up the black Hag when victory is secure.
" 1 "sies have nothing to fear from foreign
1 - w i:ilf they remain true to themselves,
with an annv of millions, and the
: half a world at his command, was
''due the little Republic of Greece
t' purity ; but in its corrupt days
• the prey of every petty prince. A
v, 'ho are united iu the determination to
'on never be subdued, but tyranny is
■sit -JietJ t<, gaill its victories by quiet cor
by -!uthfulness, by ignorance, and by
" A What could never be accomplish
, .■ "!*'ll assaults, is constantly gained by
■"1 the camp. The greatest victories of
!V gained in time of pence ; for then
"• -tippo:ters are resting beneath the
' ' partaking of the fruit of the great
'fieri v. they are quietly girdling the
• -ueking the life-blood of 1 lie tree it
"i hi the meanwhile, they shout liosan
• r-t ilom, and carry on their work of
!,J ii in tlie name of all that is liberal
Filch are the enemies with which
' -always had to contend, and such
- ■ - which now surround it.
.. :"'"k ig of the contest of freedom in
1 ! it int. i;d to enter into a full his
1' "i the leading event- 1 shall
hi-.,' • to.int which serve to
THE 'BRADFORD REPORTER.
show the manner of reasoning adopted by the
supporters of freedom and the supporters of
tyranny.
The dispute between England and the col
onics arose on a question of taxation. England
claimed the right to tax the colonies to any
extent, and without any other limit than the
discretion of Parliament : they also asserted
the supremacy of Parliament over the colonies
in all cases whatsoever. In pursuance of these
assumptions, various laws were passed, among
which were the stamp act and the tax 011 tea.
The patriots denied the right of taxation with
out representation. "If," said they, "our
property can be taken from us without our con
sent, we are merely serfs, and entirely at the
mercy of our masters." They boldly declared
that they would not submit to these unjust
laws ; and when England attempted to en
force them they openly resisted with force and
arms. While they were thus braving the
power of <reat Britain, they were also oblig
ed to carry on an arduou*contest with neigh
bors and fellow-citizens around them who took
a different view of the same subject. The men
of '7*s were not all patriots. The most dan
gerous enemies of freedom wore born in the
colonies, and should have been among its de
fenders. These men were called tories, and
belong to the great conservative family of
mankind who believe in preserving things as
they are, and think the best way to do that is
for them to do nothing. They imagine that
institutions are like the rooks and hills, and
will always remain the same if you let them
alone. They do not perceive that the march
of time is onward—that the inevitable law is
change—that steps must be taken forward, or
the tendency is backward—that vigorous act
ing and vigorous thinking are as necessary to
preserve good institutions as they are to se
cure them. These men could not perceive that
the action of England was changing their en
tire political system ; and when the patriots
called upon them to assist in preserving the
rights of the colonies, they promptly argued
that the colonies were in no danger. It is dif
ficult now for us to appreciate the force of the
arguments they used. They were so plausible
that inanv were carried away with them.
They argued iu favor of law and order, and
denounced mob violence. They desired, they
said, to preserve the prosperity of the colonies
to secure their property, and protect their
families from the anarchy which must ensue, if
the " traitors" persisted in following their mad
course. England, they said, was not disposed
to be tyrannical ; the King was no despot. It
was the most free and liberal uatiou upon the
face of the earth. The taxes levied were not
burdensome, and it was just that they should
be paid. England had incurred great expen
ses iu defending them iu the late war, and
common honesty, they said, demanded them to
assist in paying those expenses. They ridiculed
the idea of lighting about a few shillings tax ;
ridiculed the id-a of fighting England at all.
They counted the number of British ships, and
enlarged upon the magnitude of the British ar
my. They implored the patriots to desist from
opposition, and enjoy the blessings of peace and
prosperity.
The patriots answered, " We have counted
the cost, and find nothing so dreadful as volun
tary slavery. We cannot endure the infamy
ami guilt of resigning succeeding generations
to that wretchedness which inevitably awaits
them, if we basely entail hereditary bondage
upou them." The contest, of which these
points gives but a faint idea, was carried on in
various forms during a period of twelve years.
Arguments were held in shops, on street cor
ners, and iu public halls, and kindled animosi
ty between neighbors and friends. The party
of freedom, however, gained steadily in strength,
and jairsued a firm and fearless couise. A
continental congress was called, and a union
between the several colonies agreed upon.—
Eighty years ago this Congress was in session.
Hangers were threatening around them. En
gland manifested an unmistakable determina
tion to subdue tliern ; her strength was great,
—her resources vast ; the colonies weak and
embarrassed in many ways ; but their spirits
rose with the occasion. Their leading men re
solved to advance—not to retire. They bold
ly advocated a declaration of Independence.
This proposition occasioned much discussion
even among the patriots themselves. No full
report of these debates exist ; but Jefferson
has left us an abstract of tfle arguments used
by the contending orators. One party was in
favor of compromises and delay ; the other in
favor of immediate, bold und energetic action.
The latter party triumphed. On the first test
vote, only two colonies voted against the Decla
ration—Pennsylvania and (South Carolina. On
the final vote all of the colonies voted aye. In
dependence being declared, the contest assum
ed a new shape and acquired greater vitality.
The conservatives of course took sides with
Great Britain, and became the most bitter ene
mies of freedom in the field.
Seven years of fierce, bloody, destructive
war followed ; but it ended in the glorious
triumph of the principles of freedom declared
on the Fourth of July, 177*5.
Let us examine what these principles were.
A nation declared its indejieiidenee, and made
known t lie reasons iij>on which that declaration
was founded. You have heard them read.—
"We hold these truths to be self-evident,"
said they, " that all men arc created equal :
that they are endowed by their Creator with
certain inalienable rights ; that among these
are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness ;
that to secure these rights, governments were
instituted among men deriving their just pow
ers from the consent of the governed." This
was the ideal of freedom in '7*s. For the sup
port of this principle, they pledged their lives
and their fortunes, and went forth to battle
and to victory.
Before I jiass 011 to speak of the contest in
'5(5, 1 desire to call your attention to the fact
that this Declaration was fought inch by inch
Iy the conservatives in the colonies. Every
mail of that class now assumes that it he had
lived in those days, he would have ficcn a pa
triot. Tliev sav "If we had been in the days
of our fathers we would not have been jiarta
kcr with theui iu the blood "f the patriot"
PUBLISHED EVERY THURSDAY AT TO WANDA, BRADFORD COUNTY, PA., BY E. O'MEARA GOODRICH.
" ITRWARDI.ESS OF DENUNCIATION FROM ANY QUARTER."
I trust i may he permitted to say to the con
servatives ot this day who are now ou'the side
of tyranny, " Ye lie witnesses unto yourselves
that ye arc the children of them which killed
the prophets. Fill ye up then the measure of
your fathers."
Since '7(5, tyranny has changed its tactics.
Then, it sought to place the jieople of this na
tion umler the government of the King and
Parliament of England ; Now, it seeks to place
the government in the hands of an oligarchy,
who are, from their youth up, trained as ty
rants, and are taught to consider labor as dis
graceful, and the laborer as unlit to exercise
any share in political government. This is an
attack upon the doctrine which our fathers de
clared to be self-evident truth ; and is the
more dangerous because it has come upon us
gradually and in a disguised form, it com
menced first by destroying the freedom of a
helpless and despised race ; and its continual
tendency has been since that time to make the
laborer of whatever race he may be, helpless
and despised also. The white laborer in the
Slave States does not take the same rank in
society as the same kind of laborers do in the
North In several of the States they are not
permitted to vote ; and are really but little
better off than the slaves. The master does
not look upon color as the badge of slavery—
it they did, the holding of white slaves would
cease. \\ e should not see in almost every
southern paper advertisements speaking of
slaves with light complexion and blue eyes—
with the additional information, that it is dif
ficult to tell them from white persons. The
truth is the master wants labor done without
paying for it ; be does not care who does it,
or of what race they come, or whether they are
white or black, i The whole south now assumes
the ground that all men are not created equal;
that they are not all entitled to liberty and the
pursuit of happiness ; —and this false doctrine
so hostile to our republican institutions, is de
moralizing the whole nation.
A crime mighty in its magnitude and terri
ble in its consequences is daily committed and
justified in one end of the Republic, while it
is daily apologized for or forgotten in the oth
or. Three and a half millions of bodies are
kept in bondage ; —three and a half millions of
souls kept in heathenish darkness by the laws
of States claiming to be christian and republi
can ; and this is permitted under the constitu
tion and beneath the flag of this " glorious
Union."
1 have mentioned this, not intending to dwell
upon the question of Slavery as it exists in the
States. 1 have mentioned it as the great Pan
dora's box from which unnumbered evils are
poured out upon the land ; as the great strong
hold and remitting station of the demon Ty
ranny. I shall dwell chiefly upon its violations
of the Constitution, and its trespasses upou
northern rights.
Firstly. It violates the Constitution of the
United States by restraining the personal liber
ty of certain citizens of the northern states
whose business takes them south.
Secondly. It prohibits freedom of speech and
freedom of the press on the subject of slavery.
Thirdly. It trespasses on northern rights by
an unjust, unnecessary and tyrannical Fugitive
Slave Law.
Fourthly. It is attempting to legalize slave
ry in the free states by corrupt judicial de
cisions.
Fifthly. It is waging a cruel and vindictive
war against citizens of the North in Kansas,
for the purpose of making that territory a
slave state.
To accomplish these purposes tho great oli
garchy has used, and is still using the whole
power of the National Government, and the
well tried machinery of a great party.
I shall touch briefly upon each of the points
alluded to. The second section of the fourth
article of the Constitution declares, "The citi
zens of each state shall be entitled to all privi
leges and immunities of citizen in the several
States." This provision of the Constitution is
openly violated by the laws of many, if not all,
of the Southern States.
In Massachusetts, and in several other North
ern States, colored men are citizens, and as
such entitled to all the privileges and immuni
ties of other citizens. Yet, these men are com
pletely proscribed in the South. If by chance
one is found there, he is at once seized and put
in jail. In South Carolina they even seize
them on board of vessels in their harbors.—
They are placed in jail and there they remain
until the vessel gets ready to sail, when by
paying the expense of this unconstitutional im
prisonment, tlicy can be released ; but if they
are not able to pay their jail fees, they are
sold as slaves. This is an old offence ; and
the Legislature of Massachusetts onee sought
to try the legality of it iu the Courts of South
Carolina. An able and learned lawyer was
sent there to commence a suit ; but bo was
driven from the State with threats of jiersonal
violence. So the law now stands. Be it re
membered, that 011 this fourth day of July,
185(5, almost every Southern State has laws
iijion its statute books which are openly and
plainly in violation of the Constitution ; and
under these laws citizens of the north may be,
and often are, made slaves. The same provis
ion of the Constitution is also violated in their
treatment of white citizens of the North. Any
citizen of the North who dares to express his
opinions against slavery in a slave state is in
danger of his life. A New York Tribune
found in one man's trunk entitled him to a
coat of tar and feathers ; an avowal of free
soil sentiments cost another man a ride upon
a rail ; and a suspicion of abolitionism brings
the bowie-knife or the halter. The destruction
of printing presses and mob violence of every
kind have become so common that they do not
excite such indignation as they jnstlv merit.—
Personal freedom, the freedom of speech, the
freedom of conscience, and the freedom of the
press are the chief points gained by freedom
in the contests <f a thousand years ; they are
rights guarantied in the constitution, and de
manded by the common law ; but the South
no longer regards them. Their soil is stained
with the blood of martyrs, their annals are
black with unpunished crimes Nor i> their
i violence confined to the soilof Southern State
The city of Washington, the National Capital,
is under the control of these regents of anarchy.
The city is full of that spirit which deems free
dom of speech a crime to be punished with
jiersonal chastisement. Private citizens, edi
tors and congressmen have been assaulted with
in the past winter by Southern Representa
tives ; and within a few weeks a Senator of
the United States, in the Senate Chamber of
the United States, has been struck down, with
repeated blows, bleeding and senseless to the
floor. And it is an astounding fact that this
outrage is justified, applauded, glorified, by the
entire South. All aged Senator rises in his
seat and justifies the deed, and receives no re
buke from the dignified body which be addres
ses. Other Senators make apologies for the
ruffian who committed the assault, and coarse
ly assail the injured Senator.
Floods of abuse of every kind is poured up
on him. Why is this ? The Senator made a
speech, exposing in courteous language but
with well merited severity, the iniquities of the j
Southern Oligarchy. His argument, founded
on a stern array of facts, supported by close,
vigorous logic, and enlivened by glowing wit
and biting sarcasm, was unanswerable. Their
only answer was the bloody reasoning of a
club. Their manner of treating the subject
may be seen in the following extract from the
Richmond Um/uircr, of June "Jth :
It is i.lic t" talk of union, or peace, or truce with Sum
ner or Sumner's friends, ('atuliiie was parity it-elf com
pared with the M.is.-a. iniM tt-Senator, and Ills friends arc
no hotter that he. They are all (we mean the leading and
eonspicuiious ones) avowed and active traitors. The -en
ding the Congressional Committee to Kansas was done
with the treasonable purpo.-e of aiding the rebellion in
that Territory. The lllack Republicans in Congress are
at open war with the Government, and, like their allies,
the (Sarrisouian Abolitionists, equally at war with religion,
female virtue, private property and distinction of race.
They all deserve the halter, and it is vain and idle to in
dulge the expectation that there can lie union or peace
with such men. Sumner and Sumner's friends must lie
punished and silenced. Government, which cannot sup
press such crimes as theirs, has failed of its purpose. Ei
ther such wretches must i>e hung or put in the penitentiary,
or the south should prepare at once to quit the Union.
The Southern papers are so filled with simi
lar sentiments that it is difficult to select any
thing less atrocious than the above. They
say "Sumner, and Sumner's friends must be
punished and silenced." This is the policy they
have attempted, to dictate Northern Congress
men shall say and what they shall not say in
the National Capitol. This would le servi
tude indeed. The North must rebuke these
assumptions at the bullot box, or they will
soon be called upon to resist them with the
sword. " Peace is not so sweet, and life is not
so dear as to be purchased at the price of chains
and Slavery."
In return for these kind courtesies of the
South, the Northern people are required to do
the South a slight favor, namely : to catch
their runaway chattels. These contented and
happy creatures, sometimes make their way
through dismal swamps, over rugged moun
tains, across deep rivers, ever following the
North Star, until they breathe the pure air of
our Northern hills. Then famished with hun
ger, weak from exposure, and worn out with
hardship, they venture to our doors to beg for
the crust of bread, or the hone we should give
to our dogs. Never dare give it to them !
You boast of being a free man, a citizen of a
free Country, but you dare not obey the com
mand of God to feed that hungry man ; to
clothe that naked man ; to visit that sick and
afflicted man. The laws of your country for
bid it. Seize the poor trembling wretch who
seeks for liberty ; send him back rumbling
over the railroads, to perish at the stake as
an example for his fellow bondsmen ; or to
wear away a short life in repinings for freedom
among the swamps of Georgia. Send them
back! the laws of your country command it.
A thousand dollars fine for giving a crust of
bread—a thousand dollars more if the fugi
tive escapes. These are the punishments if
you fail to do your duty. Never falter at the
groans and tears of the jtoor slave mother;
never shudder if she in her desjuiir sheds the
blood of her innocent babe to save it from a
life of Slavery. Your duty to the "Union"
demands this service, as you will be told ; the
South will destroy the " Union" if you refuse.
(Mi, what a glorious Union ! The South breaks
every fundamental article in the Constitution,
and all is well ; but if the North only talk
about modifying an act of Congress which is
not required in the Constitution and abhorent
to justice, the South declare they will destroy
the Union. If they do so, they will be the
traitors ; theirs the guilt ; and upon their
heads will fall the burden of the calamity.
Akin to the law which makes us slave catch
ers, is the bold attempt to force Slavery into
the Northern States. They do not attempt
this by legislative enactment, oh no ! They
even assort that the Legislature of Pennsyl
vania has not the power to prevent slaves
from being carried through the State. Sla
very claims a kind of Divine right to go where
it pleases, and treats with contempt all human
laws that come in its way.
To come directly to the point, the claim is
now made that slaveholders have tho right to
travel through the North, taking with them
as many slaves as they jilca.se ; and further
have the right to carry on the commerce in
slaves between Virginia and the far south by
way of Philadelphia and New York.' Judge
Kane first became the instrument of promulgat
ing this doctrine. He said he was not aware
that any law existed preventing the transit of
slaves, and he doubted the Constitutionality of
such a law if it was made. The Judiciary
Committee of tho State Legislature, following
up this opinion, openly assert that no such law
exists ; and add that " they have come to the
conclusion that tho right of transit through
Pennsylvania with their slaves, is already se
cured to the citizens of the slaveholding States
by the Federal Constitution, and that no law
of this State can disturb that right." So the
matter now stands—decided as far as the ques
tion has gone in favor of the South ; and Mr.
Toombs may pass through Pennsylvania, with
all of his slaves, if he chooses, 011 his road
North, to fulfill his boast of calling the roll of
his slaves on Bunker Hill.
This doctrine was never heard of a year .ago
-it is the growth of a single year. In the
middle of Julv . lso.y <"1 Wheeler brought
a slave woman with two children to Philadel
phia. This woman tohl a colored waiter at
the hotel that she wanted to be free. Tin
waiter told I'assmore Williamson. He went
to the woman—told her she was free by the
laws of Pennsylvania to go where she pleased.
She went off iu company with several colored
persons, and Williamsou saw no more of her.
Shortly after, a writ of Habeas Carpus was
served upon him, commanding to produce the
said woman and children before His Honor,
Judge Kane. To this writ he replied that he
had not now und never had the body of said
women and children in his custody. His an
swer was called contempt, and Williamson was
committed to jail. And thus a free citizen of
Pennsylvania was deprived of his liberty more
than three months, for no offence whatever ;
but 011 the contrary, doing just what the laws
of Pennsylvania gave him a right to do, and
what his duty to God required. The black
arm of slavery was mighty enough to reach
him in our own free State, and within the sha
dow of Independence Hall. These events in
dicate what we may expect from the Slave
power when it has extended its limits and se
cured a majority in both branches of the Unit
ed States Congress.
To accomplish this object the Oligarchy is
exerting all its power. It covets every foot of
free territory on the American Continent.—
Guilty of mighty crimes, it feels the uneasi
ness of guilt, and labors day and night to ex
tend its limits and strengthen its power.
Our fathers at the time they framed the Con
stitution, wisely passed an ordinance prohibit
ing slavery iu all the territory then owned by
the General Government. When a new ter
ritory was acquired, the Oligarchy demanded
half of it for slavery, and the State of Missou
ri in the bargain. This was not desired by
the majority of the North, but the bargain was
made by all the South, and a portion of the j
North, and called the Compromise of Ix2o. j
Hy that act, slavery was prohibited in the |
territory now called Kansas and Nebraska. — j
Iu 1854, the South aided by a few North
ern men, repealed the act of 1820, and open
ed this territory to slavery. It was assert
ed in the North at that time, as you will re
member, that slavery would never go to Kan- \
sas. They declared the prohibition of 1820 j
was repealed for the purpose of allowing the ,
territory to " fix their own institutions and j
govern themselves in their own way." In
1855, the first election for Members of As
sembly was held. Five thousand citizens of
Missouri invaded the territory—took posses
sion of the bullot boxes—and carried the elec
tions, by electing members who were, in
many instances, citizens of Missouri. The
first act of this fraudulently elected Legisla
ture was to expel all the free State represen
tatives except one, who voluntarily retired,
knowing that he would be of no service to the
cause of freedom by remaining. Their next
act was to remove the seat of Government
from Pawnee where it was legally fixed to the
Shawnee Mission. This bill Gov. Keedcr ve
toed ; bnt the Legislature adjourned to Shaw
nee nevertheless. After this Gov. Recder re
fused to acknowledge any of their acts and
treated their proceedings as a nullity. Recd
er was appointed as a popular sovereignty
man, and he determined that the doctrine of
popular sovereignty should be carried out ;
but President Pierce had 110 such intentions.
When he found Reeder iu the way of Slavery
he removed him in the most shameful maimer ;
on a charge utterly false, and that too after
Reeder had asked for time, iu the most res
pectful manner, to prove himself innocent.—
Reeder's place was filled with a weak and stip
ple tool of Slavery.
Having now a Governor, the bogus Legis
lature proceeded to frame a law to smother
freedom. This law will be remembered in his
tory as one of the vilest laws ever put upou a
statute book.
I hold in my hand a copy of this act. When
it is remembered that Slavery had no legal ex
istence there, and never had, it will be seen
that every section is an outrage. No section
establishes Slavery, but the first eight sections
forbid the aiding of slaves, and in six cases
out of eight, the punishment of death is pre
scribed. The next two sections command the
assistance of all officers in catching slaves ;
the 12th and 13th sections, I will read—
Sue. 12. If any free person, hy speaking or l>y writing
assert or maintain that persons have not the riirlit to hold
slaves in this Territory, or shall introduce into this Terri
tory, print, publish, write, circulate, or cause to he in
troduced into this Territory, written, printed, published,
or circulated in this Territory, any book, pa]>er, inajra
r.ine, pamphlet or circular containing any denial of the
of the right of persons to hold slaves in this Territory,
such person shall he deemed guilty of felony, and puni-h
--ed by imprisonment at hard labor for a term ol not less
than two years.
Skc. 111. Xo person who is conscientiously opposed t"
holding slaves, or who does not admit the right to hold
slaves in this Territory .shall sit as a juror 011 the trial of any
prosecution for any violation of any of the sections of this
act.
This act to take effect and IT in force from and after the
fifteenth day ot September, A. I'• 1555.
No one doubts that these laws arc in utter
violation of the most sacred principles of the
Constitution ; but the Constitution is a dead
letter when it interferes with the desires or de
signs of Slavery. The oligarchy said " those
laws must be enforced." The President re
|mated " those laws must be enforced." Wl
son Shannon rc-echoed " those laws must bo
enforced."
The friends of freedom were in the midst of
danger—if they submitted, it was to become
slaves ; if they resisted, they must resist Unit
ed States troops. They resolved to proceed with
caution. They declared they would submit to
United States authority but would resist the
execution of the un< onstitutional laws, made
by Missourians. A scene of Anarchy ensued.
Bloody murders were committed by pro slavery
men, and the officers of the territory refused
to bring tholn to justice. Gov. Shannon him
self boarded with a murderer a long time ; and
made no effort to procure his punishment.
On the other side, free state men were con
demned for offenses never committed—con
demned unheard, and oftentimes before they
were arrested. 1 cannot enlarge upon the
reign of terror, which has existed for months
Base treachery, bloodthirsty violence, deep
1 buruimr wrongs have been inflicted upon the
VOL. X V I i. — NO. K.
free state rneti in Kansas ; their industry has
iieen paralysed, their property destroyed, the!;
towns burned ; many have been munlered,
! many more driven from the territory, homelc.--.
ami penniless. This hour the eon
test is carried on ; recruits are mustering from
both sections of the Union; and unless the power
of the United States is placed in the hands of
a President who is determined to suppress these
wrongs, and to preserve peaee, we are in imme
diate danger of wide spread civil war. One
more opportunity is given us to settle these
difficulties by our votes ; if this opportunity
is neglected, if a majority of our people are
determined to sit idly upon the " stool of do
nothing," while a host of greedy politicians
are using their votes to secure the high and
profitable offices, regardless of the coust
cjuences, then he assured that sooner or later,
the liberties of this country will he destroyed
" Hirelings and luammonites " are in every of
tiee of the National Government from the Pres
ident to the door keeper. Tl'iey are the sei
vants of a mighty despotism who respect nei
ther the Constitution, or the laws of Immunity,
or the laws of God. The National Capitol is
a great den of corruption. Oppression walks
boldly forth in their high places at noonday,
and returns safely at night to rest in the mar
hie halls of national power. Such iniquities
cannot long continue. If there are no men to
overthrow them, there is a living God whowi!'.
" No," says lie to the oppressing city !
" She obeyed not the voice, she received not
correction. Iter princes within her are roar
ing lions ; her judges are evening wolves ; her
prophets ale light and treacherous persons ;
her priests have polluted the sai e'uary, they
have done violence to the law. The just Lord
is in the midst thereof ; he will not do iniqui
ty, every morning doth he bring his judgment
to light. He faileth not. Therefore wait ye
upon me, saith the Lord, until the day that I
rise up to the prey, for my determination is to
gather the nations, that I may assemble the
kingdoms to pour upon them mine indignation
even all uiy fierce anger ; for all the earth
shall be devoured with the fire of my jealousy."
Thus said the Lord to the nations of old :
and even skeptics may learn amid the ruins oi
Ninevuh and Rabylon and the desolations of
the Jewish nation the terrible significance of
these denunciations. Doubt not that the just
God is in the midst of this nation also ; every
morning he briugeth his judgments to light.—
Doubt not that our rulers are as roaring lions
and our judges as evening wolves. The events
of every day prove it. Our rulers have lost
the wisdom of those who declared all men
equally entitled to life and liberty—they have
forgotten the God who inspired and sustained
that declaration. It is in the power of the
sovereigu people to cast off these rulers, and
bring the nation back to its early purity ; but
the desire for office, the shackles of party, aiul
the bonds of ignorance are clinging around so
many that the result seems doubtful. We
must implore the God of the Revolution to
kindle new faith in the hearts of this money
getting generation. The Most High lends his
strength to those who go forth to battle in
His name. When faithless Charles the First
of England, attempted to subvert the rights
of the English Commons, au earnest appeal
went up to God ; the stern puritans gathered
around the King like avenging spirits ; they
came ujion the battle field with prayers ; they
advanced to the conflict with psalms, they
came forth from the battle with triumph und
thanksgiving.
And in the revolution, when the colonies
were borne down by the armies of despotism,
and divided liv factions—when human power
seemed impotent to avert destruction, then
they called upon the Supreme Ruler of the
world for assistance. They appealed to Him
" for the rectitude of their intentions." They
declared their " firm reliance upou his protec
tion." They relied not in vain. The mighty
armies of which Europe stood in awe proved
impotent to destroy them. Army after army
was sent against them during seven years, but
accomplished nothing. The Colonies emerged
from the conflict in safety, and this nation re
mains a monument to the faith and bravery
of the people, and a significant example of the
inspiration and protection of Divine Providence.
Let us profit by their example—goi'g forth
to the contest in the name of the Most High
—with a "firm reliance upon his protection,"
and an abiding faith that He will bring justice
and freedom out of wrong and oppression.
Gen. Jackson on Mr. Buchanan.
We find in the Washington correspondence
of ihe New York Kvening Post, an anecdote,
which proves that Gen. Jackson, who was n
pretty good judge of human nut ire, fully under
stood and appreciated Mr. Buchanan's charac
ter as a political trimmer. The writer savsthe
truth of the following can pc proved by unques
tionable evidence :
"On the night before leaving Nashv'lie to
occupy the White House, Mr. Polk, in compa
ny with Gen. Robert Armstong, called at the
Hermitage to secure some advice frOm the old
hero as to the selection of his Cabinet. Jackson
strongly urged the President elect to give no
place in it to Buchanan, us he could not be re
lied upon. It so happened that Polk had al
ready determined to make that very appoint
ment, having probably offered the situation to
the Statesman of Pennsylvania. This fact in
duced General Armstrong subsequently to tell
Jackson that he had given Polka rather hard
rub, as Buchanan had already been selected
for Secretary of State. " I can't help it," said
the old man ; " I felt it my duty to warn
him against Mr. Buchanan, whether it was
agreeable or not. Mr. Polk will find Buchan
an an unreliable man. I know him well, and
Mr. Polk wiil vet admit the correctness of my
prediction."
"It was the last visit ever made by Mr. P..lk
to the old. hero when this unavailing remon
strance was delivered, but the new President,
long before the end of his Administration, had
reason to acknowledge its propriety and jus
tier ; and in the diary kept l>v him during
that period, may still be read a mou emphatic
declaration of his distrust •>( Mr Buchanan"