OF DOLLAR PER ANNUM, INVARIABLY IN ADVANCE. TOWANDA : flu Jiitnsas Question. SPEECH OF liOX. G. A. GROW, In the House of Representatives, June 30, 1856, riming the debate on the Hill reported from the Crrm ;'/i Territories for the admission of Kansas into lh ( Union us a State. }[r GROW said : The fitst vote on the bill under consideration will be on the motion to ~ mmit it to the Committee of the Whole on the .-tate of the Union : after having disposed ~f the pending instructions—one proposed bv ■RCABI UI'TII from Georgia. Mr. STEPHEN'S,] the nature of a substitute; the other, an , mini • t thereto, restoring the Missouri • Vn-.Toim.-o. offered by the gentleman from I:: mi.:i. Mr. Jh'N.vj Before speaking on the i:. fit ; this bill, I propose to say a word . to the effect of this motion, should it prc livery person who has served in this ]!;..! i- awaiv. that at this stage of the session, .! i 'iid t - biii I: referred to the Committee .! W "ii the state of the Union,it could . in ail pro!lability, be reached. If it is ' !• 'jfseil t" si :ei it there for the purpose of! ''ii!. that object would not be secured; I in order t• i reach it, it would be neccssarv :. lay a-id every bill on the Calendar preced-1 : It. one by one, by a majority of the Com- ' • ttee. And the same majority which could! a.idc the lolls so as to reach this, could,' ivhfii reached tinder the ruling in the Nebras ka -f. strike out lite enacting clause, and re • ;t t!:c I'.ll t<> the House without a single . t. or any opportunity for one. If, ■ iy object in in referring is to have gentlemen will see that that ob w< .Id not he accomplished b}' the re \s '.'i the instructions proposed bv the vn :u Georgia. .Mr StErnKxs,] I have ■i ito iv. Hi - amendment, which is ir to a hunihcr of amendments that have n intra on "d lately in the other wing of the . j :* ■:t <-•-to form a State Constitution*. I .re > faith in any measure of redress for the •> ef Kansas, which is to be placed in the anls of this .Administration to execute. A • realizing the Territories of Nebraska and -as mis passed by Congress, and it was Pro- 'ient s bonnden duty to see it carried • in good faith to the citizens who relied on - protection. He signed that bill, was there it part of it, and it was his duty to see that • i' ttcr and spirit were in no way violated,but : 7in- rights secured to citizens under it were protected. He entirely failed to do -o.— aving thus failed Mr, McMUhLIN, (interrupting.) Will i* ;etitlcrnan yield me the floor for two mi- Mr. U, now . For what purpose ? Mr. VM I.LLV To explain the course the BrcMdent. Mr. \\ . Not now. If J have time to -1 tic remarks which I propose to make, fori* the expiration of my hour, I will yield ll'Hir with great pleasure to the gentleman A ,r_; a::. If he projxisps to ask me a l* ! tiiiciit la the subject 1 amsjieakiug i,l will hear ami answer it ; otherwise I am "•'< inr' > vield at tin's time. !:. President having failed to jiroleet the " i"i Kansas in the rights secured to them y ti.e organic act, I ask whether we should I'i • in "is hands any measure of jiropos ->r"ii-! or protection for that people ? When pt i'.ic ofhrer betrays liis trust iu one case, v "; .u: nint the same charge to his keejiing -' it,, you expect any relief to the peo- Kaii-us from this Administration, or ' ■ humous uhom it has sent to that •••'Tv; lo expect it would lie as great , v " to hope I o protect your lamb from a . atta.-k of the wolf by putting two bells :• ''• iasti ad of one. For myself, I ant •' •i: ■ \ measure of relief which is to be '• 11 as c.v-i utiou to men who have •' ' try right secured to the citizens 'IUOU of the country, and who J ike most sacred rights of A mcri " r:v a- who have given to the (lames > I aceabJe citizens, and driven 1 hom a-s.s into the wilderness. ' ■ i : 'posed that five men be appoin . "< Atration which has permitted ( 0 | a ; ie a t . ensu3 of the popu v - and that they may employ . i. as they please to assist in taking v person is 'o vote at the election for • "'o Una a constitution unless his name ■' census list. They might employ, :i; s r, Stringfellow, Jones and Don '• ;, U-o out and take the census of the ■ : {.tig ,-H, a list as would suit their • "'q aii'l .-'.•cure tiie success of the bor •-'ius in their cm-ade in behalf of sla even if the ii-t w as a fair one, wliatsc •; ,w . vo " 'hat afresh invasion would not ' • ' - that armed men would not go , q seize upon the ballot-boxes by p >ii drive away the legal voters of the " 7hy violence, as has been done in i heretofore held in the Territory? ,l '. v fixed in this substitute for illegal ot prevent it, for it is simply a \ f ro,i certain sum of money. , woi ry propagandist be brought be- U'couipte charged with illegal vo , 'relieves that, when tiie jienalty is '" 'XiTefl five hundred dollars, it will ex rt.'nts.' Who believes that the pen "i' ! "'cr be fairly enforced under such •ion of law as exists in Kansas ? •" '•'•no orders the destruction of public '■•. dug prc>s<-.s, and jirivatc dwcll- THE BRADFORD REPORTER. the mere finding of a grand jury, is not to be trusted with the rights of American free men. But, sir, there is some encouragement for the friends of freedom in Kansas in the proposi tions which have been submitted within a few days in this Hall and in the Senate. It is, that the ground taken in the early part of the session with respect to Kansas is abandoned by the men who resisted the appointment of any committee to investigate the transactions iu that Territory, alleging that no frauds or violence had been committed, and even if there had this House had no power to control or re dress them. Now, propositions for settling the troubles in Kansas, and professedly to prevent the repeti tion of the wrongs and injustice perpetrated upon her people, conic from those who strenu ously opposed the appointment of that com mittee, iiuel justified or apologized for the wrongs which their report exposes ; ar.d the ground taken in the opening of the session,that Kansas must have a population of ninety-three thousand four hundred and twenty before she could be authorized to form a State constitu tion, is professedly abandoned on all sides. That was really the only plausible objection that could bo made to her immediate admission, and that yielded, what objection can there be save that her constitution prohibits slavery?' The proposition is now to admit her as a; State into the Union, without regard to the! number of inhabitants, after taking a census. \\ hv delay her admission, then, for the taking ' of a census, when it is proposed to admit her ' whatever her population may be ? I appeal j to every gentleman here who proposes to ad nit the State of Kansas, after the taking of a census, without regard to the number of her i inhabitants, why not admit her at once, and put an end to all these troubles ? Some gentlemen say, we ought to take no action upon the subject until the investigating j commit tec which was scut into Territory have ! made their report. Now, that report, "so far ! as the question of the admission of Kansas in ! to the V nion is concerned, it seems to me is wholly immaterial, except as furnishing an ad ditional reason for Iter admission, in order to relieve the people from great wrongs. But if it is considered necessary, that commission lias returned, and any member who is not satisfied as to the condition of things in Kansas can satisfy himself by an appeal to the members of the commission. i The question now before us is, whether the . people of Kansas are to be relieved from their oppressions and wrongs by its immediate ad mission as a State into this Union ? So far as that question is concerned, it makes uo dif ference whether the Kansas legislation was valid or invalid. Even if valid, and elected without fraud or violence, the pretended laws , they enacted, and which were transmitted to thi* House by the President of the United States, are a disgrace to any civilized jieople. j The only question is, whether yon will relieve ! these people from that despotism and wrong 1 by admitting them now as a State into the I'nion 'I There is no other way in which you ! can effect naily relieve them, and prevent con | >taut invasion of their rights by non-residents. But it is said that if the laws enacted by this Legislature are wrong, they can be re pealed—that the ballot-box is the proper place to change unjust laws. As a general proposi tion, that is true. But this legislation was forced upon the people of Kansas, through fraud and violence, by an invasion of non-resi dents. Of the six thousand three hundred and thirty-one votes polled at that election, but fourteen hundred and ten were legal votes, as ascertained by the investigations of the com mittee sent by this House to Kansas. After j enacting laws which even Southern Senators, ; rising above the prejudice of their section,have i declared on the lioor of the Senate to b e cruel, j oppress ire, and pa!pa Hp unjust to one serJitm of j Ihr I nion, and an insult to honorable, men , they j provided against their repeal by disfranchising i at the polls—by unauthorized test oaths—all I who were opposed to them. They provided for their execution in the spirit in which they j were enacted, by taking from the people any voice iu the election of their officers. There is not an officer in the Territory of Kansas to-day, civil, military, or judicial, save the thirteen members of the Council of the spurious Legislature, (who hold over another year,) in the selection of which the people have had any voice. The executive and judicial of ticcrs were sent by the Federal Government, and tic L wislature appointed, or provided for the appointment, by their own appointees, of the election boards, sheriffs, constables, justi ces of the peace, and all other officers in the Territory. And then, to guard against the change of any of their " cruel and unjust laws," they require, as a qualification to vote and to hold office in said Territory, in addition tooth er obnoxious qualifications, an oath to support the fugitive slave law ; and they postponed the next meeting of the Legislature till the Ist of January, 1857. But as the Council hold over another year, no change can be made in these laws by the people themselves, even if thoy were not disfranchised at the polls, till af ter the Ist of January, 1858 ; so that, from the time of passing the territorial law by Con gress, which provided for annual sessions of | the Legislature, it will be almost four years before a change can be effected in the Legis lature, so as to repeal these laws. The gentleman from Georgia [Mr. STEPHENS] the other day referred to legislation iu his own State which he believed to be unconstitutional and oppressive ; but the courts decided that : it was constitutional, and he submitted to the decision, as was the duty of a good citizen.— But if a provision had been appended to that law prohibiting any man from voting for its repeal until he had sworn to support it, would he have felt himself bound to abide by it ? Sir, the people of Kansas are in a different position from that of any people in any State in this Union, in respect to any laws of which complaint was ever made. For the first time in the history of the Government is an oath required of a voter to support particular laws j as a qualification to vote at HIIV election. Well I m'glit Me' Senator from Delaware ,f Mr Ci *y- PUBLISHED EVERY THURSDAY AT TOWANDA, BRADFORD COUNTY, PA., BY E. O'HEAR A GOODRICH. TON,] declare it an " injustice unexampled." A Legislature, tbat denies the right of private judgment, that has stripped th people of all voice in the selection of their own rulers, that strikes down freedom of speech and of the press, under the penalties of not less than two years' imprisonment at hard labor, and that tramples upon every right dear to a freeman, has been imposed upon the people of Kansas by fraud and violence—their houses have been burned, and their property destroyed under the sanction of this Administration and its ap pointees. There being no peaceable mode for the people of the Territory to chauge these "cruel and oppressive" laws for more than two years, they resorted to the only peaceable mode of redress under the circumstances. And that was to form a State government, and ask ad mission into the Union. To relieve themselves of these grievances the citizens of Kansas proceeded, peaceably, as they had a right to do, under the Constitu tion of their country, to fonn a State govern ment, and ask of Congress to admit them into the L T nion as a State. Their memorial is be fore you, and is to be answered by your action on this bill. All the proceedings preliminary to the formation of tins constitution have been as regular and orderly as the disturbed condi tion of the Territory would allow ; and instead of being confined to any class or party, it was of a general character, and extended an invita tion to all citizens to participate. The first public meeting for that purjio.se was held at Lawrence, Sejitember loth, 1555 ; at which time the following resolution was passed : Result ed, That we, the people of Kansas Territory, in mass meeting assembled, irrespective of party distinctions, influenced by common necessity, ami greatly desirous of promoting the common good, do herel.v call upon and re quest all In ma fide citizens of Kansas Territory, of what ever political views or predilections, to consuft together in their respective election districts, and in mass conven tion or otherwise elect three delegates for each represen tative to which said election district is entitled in the House,of Representatives of the legislative Assembly, by proclamation of Governor Ilecder, of dat" ldth of March, 18.75 : said delegates to assemble in convention at the town of Topeka, on the lath day of September, 1*55, then and there to consider and determine upon all subjects of public interest, and particularly upon that having refer ence to the speedy formation of a State constitution, with an intention of an immediate application to be admitted as a State into the Union of the United States of America. In accordance with this recommendation, delegates were elected in the different election districts, who met at Topeka, on the 19th of September, A. I). 1855, to take into consider ation the expediency of calling a convention to form a State constitution. The address is sued by this convention was to the legal voters of Kansas, and closed in these words : " And whereas the debasing character of the slavery which now involves us impels to action, and leaves us, u's the only legal and peaceful alternative, the immediate es tablishment of a State government : • id whereas the or ganic act fails in pointing out the course to he adopted in an emergency like ours : Therefore, you are requested to meet at your several precincts in said Territory hereinaf ter mentioned, on the second Tuesday of October next, it being the Uth day of said month, and then and there cast your ballots for members of a convention, to meet at To peka on the 4th Tuesday in October next, to form a con stitution. adopt i. bill oi rights for the people of Kansas, and take all needful measures for organizing a State go vernmeut preparatory to the admission of Kansas into the Union as a State. After this address, which fixed the time and places of election, provided for the appoint ment of judges, and the qualification of voters, electious were held in every district in the Ter ritory, and delegates elected to meet at Tope ka the 23d October, 1855, to form a State constitution. They met at that time and place, formed a constitution, and submitted it to a vote of the people for ratification on the 15th of December following. The 15th of January, 1856, a Governor, Legislature, and State offi cers were elected ; and the Legislature met on the 4th of March, 1856, and after receiving the Governor's message, appointing committees, and electing United States Senators, adjourn ed to the 4th of Julv. All these proceedings were necessary before their application to Congress for admission ; for the power given to Congress by the Con stitution is to admit States, not Territories.— The new State must, therefore, have all the " agents indispensable to its action as a State ' before its application ; and such was the de cision of the Attorney General, transmitted by General Jackson to the Governor of Arkansas, September 21, 1835. Referring to the third section of the fourth article of the Constitution, lie says : " This provision i*m>lies that the new State shall have lieen constituted l>y tne settlement of a constitution or frame of government, and by the appointment of those of ficial agcuts which are indispensable to its action as a State, and especially t<> its action as a inemlier the Union, prior to its admission into the Union, in arronUnce with this implication, every State received into the Union since the adoption of the federal Constitution has been actually organized prior to such admission." Instead of the proceedings of the free-State movement in Kansas being against law, it is clearly in accordance with law and constitu tional right. The free State men in this move ment have done nothing but what they had a right to do. The people of any Territory have a right, under the Constitution, to call a con vention at at any time, with or without an act of Congress, or of the Territorial Legislature, and to form a State government, and apply to Congress for admission into the Union. The right of a people "to alter or abolish " their form of government is an inherent one, and is classed in the Declaration of Independence as indispensable to the inalienable rights of man. Tne "mode and manner of accomplishing it in organized States properly belongs to the forms of law, to be prescribed by the State Govern ment ; but in the Territories, Congress is the only power that can prescribe the forms ; for a Territorial Government emanating from Con gress can be changed, modified, or abrogated, only by its consent. That consent, however, can be expressed as well after as before the action of the pe< pie. If Congress, then, has prescribed no form, whatever action the jieo ple think proper to adopt, in order to secure a cliauge of Government, provided it be con ducted in a peacable manner, is lawful and constitutional —lawful, because it violates no valid law—constitutional, because article first of the amendments to the Constitution secures to the people everywhere, under its jurisdic tion, the right, paramount to all law, pracablp to assemble, and to petition the Government for a redress of grievances. Genorni Jackson, in replying to the Gover nor of Arkansas in 1 8&>, who *olicitcd of him " REGARDLESS OF DENUNCIATION FROM ANY QUARTER." instructions for his guidance in case the peo ple of that Territory, without a law of the Legislature, proceded to elect delegates to a convention, and to organize and put in opera tion a State Government, without the author ity of Congress, says through his Attorney General, iu the opinion just cited, that:— " It is not in the power of the General Assembly of Ar kaasas to pass any law for the purpose of electing mein hers to a convention to form a Constitution and State Government, nor to do any other act, directly or indirect ly, to create such new Government. Every such law, ev en though it were approved by the Governor of the Ter ritory, would be null and void." The Governor of Arkansas, in this same communication to the President, expressed the opinion that, under the Constitution and laws of the United States, no measures can lawful ly be taken by the citizens of Arkansas, to form a Constitution and State Government, until Congress shall first have granted them authority so to do ; and that he will there fore feel himself bound to CONSIDER AND TREAT AI.L SUCH PROCEEDINGS AS UNLAWFUL. That is precisely what the Administration and its abettors, under similar circumstances, are now doing in reference to Kansas. And it is to be regretted that the President did not send to his Governor in Kansas the opinion sent by General Jackson to his Governor in Arkan sas iu days when Democracy meant something besides propagating and nationalizing the in stitutions of human bondage. In instructing his Governor as to the rights of the people, he says : " They undoubtedly possess the ordinary privileges and immunities of citizens of the United States. Among these is the right of the people " peacably to assemble, and to petition the Government for the redress of grie vances. ' Iti the exercise of this right, the inhabitants of Arkansas may peacably meet together in primary assem bly, or in conventions chosen by such assemblies, for the purpose of petitioning Congress to abrogate the Territo rial Government, and to admit them ,nto the Union as an independent State. The particular form which they may give to their petition cannot be material, so long as they contine themselves to the mere right of petitioning, and conduct all their proceedings in a peacahle manner. And as the power of Congress over the whole subject is ple nary and unlimited, they may accept any Constitution, however framed, which in their judgment meets the sense of the people to be affected by it. If, therefore, the citi zens of Arkansas think proper to accompany their peti tion by a written Constitution, framed and agreed on by their primary assemblies, or by a convention of delegates chosen by such assemblies, I perceive no legal objection to their power to do so ; nor to any measures that may lie taken to collect the sense of the people in respect to it." Docs the Constitution meet the sense of the people to be affected by it ? The existence of Slavery was the only question upon which the people were divided, und the vote for dele gates to the Convention settled that by a ma jority of legal voters. All the proceedings preliminary to the for mation of a Constitution in Kansas have been conducted in a" poacable manner. The Leg islature that convened on the 4th of March passed a resolution that no act of theirs was to have the force of law, and no officer elected under that Constitution was authorized to act, until confirmed by some subsequent act of the Legislature, and thus they await the action of Congress. Governor Robinson, in his mes sage to the Legislature, speaking as the agent of the State thus organized, shows its peaca ble character and subordination to the action of Congress, in the following extract : " It is nnilersood that the deputy marshal has private instruction* to arrest the merul)era of the Legislature, and the State officers, for treason, as soon as this address ie received by you. In such an event, of course.no resis tance will be offered to the officer. Men who are ready to defend their own and their country's honor with their lives can uever object to a legal investigation into their action, nor to suffer any punishment their conduct may merit. We should i>e unworthy the constituency we rep resent, did we shrink from martyrdom on the scaffold, or at the stake, should duty require it. Should the blood of Collins and Dow, of Barber and Brown, be insufficient to quench the thirst of the President and his accomplices in the hollow mockery of " squatter sovereignty " they are practicing upon the people of Kansas, then more victims must lie furnished. l.et what will come, not a finger should be raised against the Federal authority un til there shall be uo hope of relief but in revolution." The people of Kansas, relying on their con stitutional rights and the official decisions of the Government, and following the precedent of Tennessee, Arkansas, Michigan, Florida, and lowa, all of which formed State Constitu tions without any act of Congress authorizing the some, present themselves, through the me morial of their Legislature, and ask admission into the Union. Why should not their pray er tie granted ? Since the objection to the immediate ad mission of Kansas, on account of insufficient population, is abandoned, there can be no oth er, unless a sectional one, except the allega tion of informality in her proceeding, in not having a previous act of Congress authorizing them. I have shown that such an act is not necessary on any principle of constitutional right. Five States have been admitted with out any snch act. And, so far as the forms of law were concerned, Michigan came into the Union against them, having entirely sup planted the Territorial Legislature before the action of Congress. Miclii gan applied for admission with a Con stitution formed by her people without any pre vious act of Congress. Under it she had elec ted a Governor, Legislature, United States Senators, and member of Congress. Her ap plication was met with the same objection as is now urged against Kansas—that her pro ceedings were not only without law, but against law and good order ; and that class of objec tors were opposed to receiving her memorial, on the same grounds urged by a class of Sena tors against the memorial of Kansas, for it would be recognizing the Stale of Michigan when there was no such State ; and to recog nize her as such would be sanctioning treason. Congress, however, admitted her, on condition that her people should assent to a change of boundary. The legally constituted authorities called a convention, fixed the time and place of holding the election for delegates, and pre scribed the qualifications of voters. This con vention, so constituted, rejected the terms of admission, lint the people, by a spontaneous movement, without any legislative act what ever, called another convention, and accepted the condition of admission fixed by Congress. Under these circumstances, Michigan was ad mitted into the Union. Kansas, witn far greater reasons than ever existed heretofore for a departure from the usual form of proceeding, asks at your hands the same boon. In the case of Michigan, the times wye mure fortunate than those of Kansas. ' Andrew Jackson was then President; Benton, Niles, W. R. King, and a host of other equal ly illustrious leaders of the Democracy, were then in the Senate Chamber, aud espoused her cause. No threats or efforts were then made to subdue liberty. Kansas, having violated no law, lays her petition for a redress of grievances at your feet. For doing this, some of her citizens are exiled from their homes, and others pine in chains, charged by the Government of their country with treason— treason in peacably forming a State Constitution under the right guarantied by the paramount law of the land in order to ask of Congress admission into the Union—treason for doing precisely what the peeple of Arkansas aud Michigan did almost a quarter of ft century ago, and which was en dorsed by Congress anil the then President of the Republic. But times have changed, and men with them. The Democracy in the days of Jackson stood upon the jirincijtlcs of the fathers of the Re public in reference to the Territories, and jus tified the right of the people peaieably to as semble at all times, and petition for a redress of grievances. j The gentleman from Georgia, [Mr. STE PHENS,] in his remarks on Saturday, appealed to the higher law to sustain Slavery. With out stopping to discuss Scripture authority on that point, for it belongs to the theologian ; as one of his controverted questions, I wish | here only to say, that if Slavery and its exis tence rest on the Old Testament for their sup port, then the same authority will support white Slavery as well as black, and the amal gamation of master and slave. In the Sla very of the patriarchs there was intermarriage between the master and slave—the sons and daughters of the oue with the sons and daugh ters of the other. Jt is not questioned that the slaves of that day were white. If that was the case, then the gentleman's argument proves too much, and there is a rule of the lo gicians, that an argument is as faulty that | proves too much, as one that proves too little. If the Bible argument be good, whites ran be | seized and carried into bondage, and masters and slaves may amalgamate. But 1 will pass by for the present the defence of Slavery, as authorized by the practice of the patriarchs ; for how far their example should be followed, or can be, consistently with the new dispensa tion that declares " that whatsoever ye would that men should do to you, do ye even so to them," will come up properly on a bill now pending in reference to another patriarchal in stitution existing in one of the Territories. The gentleman seemed to think that the spirit of Jefferson would feel indignant that he should be quoted as authority by Republicans. Sir, if the spirits the departed hover over the scenes of earth, and watch with solicitude its affairs, with what anguish must that spirit contemplate the wrongs in Kansas, who ex claimed, when on earth— " With what execration should the statesman he load ed, who. permitting one half the citizens thus to trample the rights of the other, transforms those into despots, and these into enemies, destroys the morals of the one part, and the amor patriot of the other!" If tlie spirits of the sainted dead hover over their country, watching its destiny with any thing of their earthly solicitude for its welfare what anguish must wring the heart of his no ble co-patriot, who, in the Senate Chamber, in 15S1 y, declared that— " Nothing can more gladden the heart, than the con templation of a portion of territory consecrated to Free dom. whose soil should never be moistened by the tear of the slave, or degraded by the step vf the oppressor or the oppressed.'' Can the spirits of snch men be wounded by the appeal of the livivg to their authority to vindicate the rights of the freemen of their na tive land, and save from degradation the very territory that once so gladdened the patriotic heart ! Tyranny and wrong rule with brute force one of the Territories of the Union, and vio lence reigns In the capitol of the Republic,— In the one, mob law silences with the revolver the voice of justice, pleading for the inaliena ble rights of man ; in the other, the sacred guaranteess of the Constitution are violated, and reason anil free speech are supplanted by the bludgeon ; and, in the Council Chamber of the nation, men stand up to vindicate and justify both ! Well may the patriot tremble for the future of his country, when he looks upon this picture, and then upon that ! Can the spirits of the departed, unless they partake more of earth than when surrounded by their clay tenements, look down upon these scenes without anguish and bitter sorrow? Mr. Speaker, why should the application of Kansas for admission be delayed, w hen it seems to lie couccded on all sides that it is proper to admit her without requiring the ratio of popu lation necessary for a Representative in a State ? That idea seems to have been entire ly abandoned. Then why delay this applica tion, when every man must be satisfied, in his own judgment, that it would restore peace to Kansas to give her a Government of her own formation, with officers and courts of her own selection? Immediate action is necessary, in order to put an end to the strife in the Terri tory, which, the President informs lis, threat ens the peace not only of Kansas, but of the Union. The representatives of Freedom and of Slavery, struggling for supi emaey, rally to the plains of Kansas with the implements of war aud violence. Is the bitterness engen geudercd in these conflicts to be allayed, and the dangers of bloodshed to be averted, by Congress authorizing the people of the Terri tory, at some future day, to do what they al ready have the right to do, without any snch authority ? An act, of Congress authorizing them to form a State Constitution, confers no right that they do not already possess, and is 110 redress of present grievances,or relief against unjnst and oppressive laws. How can gentle men who claim to be the special advocates of the right of men to govern themselves in the Territories object ? It is an inherent right of a people, the world over, to govern themselves ; and that right cannot be interfered with without injustice, un less this condit ion and circumstances underwhieh they maybe placed necessarily impose restraints VOL. XVII.—NO. 7. Such is the case with the Territories. The | population, in the first instance, being too j small to support a Government, Congress es tablishes one, and pays its expenses. Conse quently, it must have a supervision over its acts, for the same reason that a principal must have control over the acts of his agent ; oth erwise, he might be involved in any amount of expenditure for purposes which he entirely dis approves. If the people could go into the Territories, in the first place, in sufficient num bers to support a State Government, Congress should have nothing to with them any more than with a State. But being for a time too weak and feeble in number to support a State government, from the necessity of the case Congress must form a government for them, and they must submit, during this infancy of ther existence, and during this inability to support a government, to such conditions as may be imposed by Congress. But those conditions should be removed at the ear liest practicable period. When the people are of sufficient numbers to support a government of their own, and ask it at your hands, why with hold it? AN liy not free your Treasury from the burden of supporting their government, and al low them that right which belongs to them— the inherent right of the people to govern them - themseves, to protect their own ballot boxes, their own lives, and their own property? The objection made to the admission of Kansas, under present circumstances, by most of the op ponents of her adinissisn, is that law aud order must be maintained in this Territory ; and that was a poiut urged by the gentleman from Georgia, [MlStephens.] Sir, law and order have not been violated in that Territory save by the officials of your Government. Such is the testimony of Governor Shannon as to the peaceable character of the citizens of Law rence, who, by his own letter to the President, of November 28, 1855, shows that the influence of the executive office of the Territory was to be wielded in behalf of slavery, whose interests he regards as synonymous with law and order. In writing the President in reference to the arming of the free-State men he says : " This military organization is looked upon as hostile to all souther n men, or rathn to the law and order party of the Territory, many of whom have lelutives and flienUa, and all have sympathisers, in .Missouri The first invasion of Lawrence was made be fore any legal process of any kind qr descrip tion was ever issued against any citizen of that place. In the letter of Governor Shannon to the President, December 11,1855, which gives an account of the invasion of Lawrence, he bears testimony to the law-abiding character of the people of that place. He says : " It was at once agreed that the laws of the Territorv should have the regular course, and that those who dispu ted their validity should, if they desired to do so, test that question in the judicial tribunals of the country ; that in the mean time no resistance should lie made to their due execution, and the citizens ot Lawrence and vicinity were, when properly called on, to aid in the arrest of anv one charged with their violation, ami to aid aud assist i'n the preservation of the peace and go.wl order of so. iety." * * * * "It is proper / should say that they claimed that a large majority of them had always held and inculcated the same view.'' The people of Lawrence reiterated this de claration in the following communication adop ted in a public meeting of her citizens : LAWRENCE, May 14,185 C. DEAR SIR : We have seen a proclamation issued by yourself, dated 11th May, and also have reliable informa tion this morning, that large bodies of armed men, in pursuance your proclamation, have assembled in the vi cinity of Lawrence. That there may be no misunderstand ing, we beg leave to ask respectfully, (that we may bo reliably informed,) what arc the demands against us ? . We desire testate most truthfully, and earnestly, that ic> opposition whatever will now, or at any future' time, be offered to the execution ot any legal process by yourself or any person acting for you. We also pledge" ourselves to assist you. if called upon, in the execution of any legal process. We declare ourselves to bo order-loving and law-abiding citizens, and only await an opportunity to testify our fidelity to the laws of the country, the Consti tution, and the Union, We are informed, also, that those men collecting about Lawrence openly declare that their intention istodestrov the town, and drive off the citizens. Of course, we dl> not believe that you give any countenance to such threats ; but in view of the exciting state of the public mind, we ask protection of the constituted authorities of the Govern ment, declaring ourselves in readiness to co-operate with them for the maintenance of the peace, order, and quiet of the community in which we live. J. B. DONALDSON, I'nited Stales Marshal for Kansas Territory. Anrl at a still later day, the committee of safety of Lawrence sent to Marshal Donald son the following We, the committee of public safety for the citizens of Lawrence, make this statement and declaration to you :LS marshal of Kansas Territory That we represent citizens of the United States, and of Kansas, who acknowledge the constituted authorities of the Government: that we make no resistance to the exe cution of the laws, national