a t 03WM PER ANNUM, INVARIABLY IN ADVANCE,
XOWANDA:
datardan fttorninn, C&pril 2D. 1851*.
Stltthb |ktrn.
SUMMER RAIN.
BY W. H. C. lIOSMER.
What sound so sweet,
After a d.ty of fiery heat,
\nd sun-strokes in the dusty street,
A* the pleasant voice of the singing rain
Uashiug against the wiudow-pane ?
The queenly rose
\ud va-al tlotvers their eves unclose,
While God his benison bestows ;
Arid the sick man dreams of health again,
Cheered by the dance of the dropping rain.
The bubbles break.
While showers descend on the breezy lake,
And the water-nymphs from slumber wake ;
Homeward driving his harvest wain,
The farmer curses the cooling rain.
The Plagne-Fiend stops
I-i hi- dread career to hear the drops ;
Then, farmer! why mourn o'er your crops ?
True faith sublime De'er leaned in vain
0u the Power that sends us the healing rain.
It bringeth cure
T the blistered feet of the starving poor,
And their hearts are strengthened to endure ;
While Wo, in love with life again,
His hot brow bares to the welcome rain.
Of murmuring shells,
And the silvery chime of fairy bells,
Were never bom such music spells,
To cheer the visionary brain
Of listening bard as the summer rain.
Eartii looks more fair
When drops that banish the sun's hot glare
Fall from the cistern of upper-air;
A;.d her breast is cleansed of many a stain
By the gentle bath of the sumuirr rain.
It caught its chime,
Nt in this fading realm of time,
Hut above, above, in a holier clime ;
Ami 1 ever hear an angel's strain
lueird with the dash of the summer rain.
political.
Republican Presidential Convention.
CIRCULAR
OF THE
NATIONAL COMMITTEE
qi £dbri(iiry, 1806.
We solicit your attention to the call which
has |*tvcii,-u tliis paper. It is not only to re
• UK-ntl to the people the immediate selection
. delegates from the several States, equal in
• mber to three times the representation iu
'tigress t© which each State is eutitled, to
m-t on the 17th June, at Philadelphia, to pre- !
such individuals as they may think best i
si ted to uphold the cause to which they are
ted as candidates for the Presidency and
Presidency ; but also to invite the mem
of all parties who feci it to be the donii
-iit issue which should control the election,to j
at the same time and place, to confer with
''•invention as to the best course to crown i
- r common wishes with success. One of the j
- s which will be represented at Philadel- j
i -.a has taken the name of Republican, be- :
>• it was given to that founded by Mr. Jef-!
• a. to embrace all who love the Republic, j
T.-re is no Democrat who does not love the
■ ' There is no Whig who does not
the Republic. There is no American who
not love the Republic. And we fondly
u' tiere is no naturalized citizen who does
*'■ iovf the Republic.
I'.' it is not so important that the great
influent which we desire to see successfully
Unrated shall be designated by any par
!r name, as that it shall be strong, united
effective. Why may not all those classes
are hostile to the introduction of Slavery
' r, e territory, unite at this crisis of im
•f: danger, to vote for a common ticket,
""ill he nominated to assert the grand
i'leof repressing the extension of slave
monopoly, and to vindicate the rights
"p'ople in all sections of the Union who
# ilh their own hands ? A ticket which
| agitate wth a view to detract from the
•' "f the States to dispose of the subject
1 'i 'ir limits, according to their sovereign
jet its influence to destroy the freedom
> laborers is a fit subject of investiga
*ith a view to repress the aggressive
in every constitutional way.
• rgiits 0 f fj ie laboring class involved in
V"'tion have been betrayed by the reprc
from the North and South in the io
tof the slaveholders, who have voted to
the lands to slave labor which were
~ irt to make freeholders and enrich the
- igtnen of both sections who own no
j' ' *'ho should emigrate to them, cultivate
-prove them with their own toil. Here
treat principles blended in this cause—
the vindication ®f the rights
; !." ,r T ' ie °Her the chastisement of those
• representatives who have violated
pledged between the two sections of
,0 *aeh other in their compact, and
t ;.', * ! ,' "dtli as representatives in raisrepre
. * w '" °f their constituents in the re
f and disobeying their instructions
jk'e to them,
h,, ' r ' ar '-' difficulty in uniting the
.. / " Parties, who concur iu the great de-
I'V'ring the masses from the oppres
v .t-' e slaveholders in the new Territo
hrtf f e Bur, free, healthy regions of the
o Blot of slavery and the
' '.p at tends its footsteps wherever it
M' ..1 trt ' art * 347,000 slaveowners in
•Og ' States ; they hold nearly four mil
' f v' U | S ' l l ,ere are B ' x millions of free
I t '° n in tße Southern States whe
*ti a "d there are twenty millions of
• , k[ in the North (allowing
Jr>Bfe s ''jce the last census). Are
THE BRADFORD REPORTER.
the interests of these twenty-six millions of
people in the vast regions of the West to be
blasted, to administer to the pride, to the am
bition, to the false views of interest in which
the 347,000 slaveowners would indulge them
selves ? In their arrogance they stigmatize as
Black Republicans those who would make a
constellation of free, bright republics, constitu
ted of the white race alone ; untarnished by a
slave of any color ; their history and their laws
unblemished by that word. Are they called
black because they would redeem their white
brethren of the South, by reserving to them a
refuge from the thraldom imposed on them by
the negro slavery there, and which makes the
master the oppressor of all beneath him, of
whatever complexion ? Are they called black
because they would resist the slaveowner with
his sword in his attempt to expel from their
homes the sons of the Free States who have
already cast their lots in the new lauds to
which their fathers taught to look forward as
their inheritance, under a compromise of more
than thirty years' standing?
This derogatory epithet is inappropriately
applied to those who labor to build up Free
States composed of white men, to transfer the
odium of the black institution from those who
cling to it as a part of their republican system.
It is not proposed to touch the subject ©f
Slavery iu the States where it exists, but to
shut the door upon it, and exclude it from
Territories to which its approach has been for
bidden.
The attempt will be made to persuade those
who would identify themselves with this cause,
that there is no necessity to make a sacrifice of
minor differences to make Kansas a Free State,
—that the proclamation of the President has
put down all danger of invasions—that Gen.
Atchison and his banditti and armed allies from
the South have giveu up all idea of forcible in
terference—that they mean to acquiesce in the
peaceable settlement of the question iu favor
of that section which has shown that it can
furnish the greatest number of emigrants, and
this pacific attitude is to be held until after the
Presidental election. If the Nullifiers of the
South shall then triumph in the election of a
President nominated by them at Cincinnati,
the usurpation established by Atchison will be
found in full activity—its laws introducing
Slavery into the Territory and protecting it
from reversal at the ballot-box, by the disfran
chisement of the settlers by test-oaths, will be
enforced, and a Constitution, framed by defeat
ing the suffrages of the Free-State settlers by
disabilities, will be adopted, and the whole pro
ceeding will be sustained by the military force
of the United States, upou the principles and
under the authority of the President's procla
mation.
Here we might close our Circular ; but may
we not trespass upon the patieuce of tliose we
address by exposing the workings ©f the insti
tution which those who arrogate to themselves
the character of Democrats are laboring to im
pose upon our virgin Territories, and upon the
principle asserted by them, that it is a Nation
al Institution? The movement to open the
Free Territories to Slavery, by repealing the
compacts upou the subject, began with the nul
lifiers of South Carolina. We w ill begin with
that State, to make an exhibition of the sort
of government it will enforce iu the West from
its results in the South.
Popular sovereignty in South Carolina thus j
exhibits itself : Six districts in that State, in j
the rice and long staple cotton region, where '
the slave population is most dense, containing 1
a population of 49,503 whites, elect a majority i
of the Senate, leaving in a minority those re
presenting 209,084 whites iu the rest of the
State. In 11 districts, 77,939 whites elect 28 (
Senators and 64 Representatives, while 18dis- j
tricts, having 181,145 whites, are represented j
by 17 senators and 60 representatives. Thus ,
less than one-third of the Free population in
the negro-quarter region have the supreme con
trol of the State. The Legislature elected by
this third appoints the Judiciary—from the
Supreme bench to common justices of the
peace ; elects Senators in Congress and the
electors of President and Vice President of the
•United States ; for the people are not allowed
to vote at all for the electors of the President
and Vice-President of the United States, this
being done by the rotten borough Legislature,
iu defiance of the spirit of the Constitution and
the interpretation of every other State.
The Governor of the Stat' 1 is also elected by
this body, which represents a minority of the
State—and negroes aud land exclusively—for
no man is eligible to it unless he has real es
tate to the value of $7,000, clear of all debt,
or five hundred acres of land and ten negroes.
Nor can this state of things lie changed unless
two thirds of thi land and negro qualified body
consent to the alteration of the Constitution —
a thing never to be expected.
Iu Virginia and Maryland the system of mi
nority government, to give the control to the
slave section over the greater white population
in other j>ortions of the State, prevails, but in
less degree ; but iu all the Slaves states, Whe
ther contrived by constitutional provision or
not, the result is that the slaveholding class is
sovereign throughout the South.
It results from the concert produced among
the masters by their common interest in an in
stitution which can only stand by force of ar
tificial means. The slaves themselves and the
non-slaveholders are, as individuals, naturally
against it ; this makes it necessary that the
slaveholders should become a phalanx—an edu
cated, disciplined army, to sustain by political
intrigue and united force all attacks upon it.
There is BO one all absorbing influence among
its euemies to combine adversaries in opposi
tion. The consequence is that the 347,000
masters, forever auimated by the same instinct,
can always vanquish partial and desultory op
position. as standing armies in absolute Gov
ernments keep millions of people in subjuga
tion. The monopoly which nearly 4,000,000
of black men give to the united authority which
commands them, makes it im]>ossible that any
single-handed competitor in the field of labor
can, in cultivating the products of the soil, en
ter the market with the staples of the South on
eqnal footing with men who wield the force of
ten, twenty and thirty, and hundreds of slates
PUBLISHED EVERY SATURDAY AT TOWANDA, BRADFORD COUNTY, PA., BY E. O'MEARA GOODRICH.
" REGARDLESS OF DENUNCIATION FROM ANT QUARTER. ,r
in companies. The owners of slaves command
the markets ; they put down individual com
petitors ; they buy out the little plantations
which in the earlier settlements surround them,
and, in the end, the rich lands all become the
domains of rich planters. Hence we see in the
older Southern States the poorer classes are
either tenants at will, or, banished to the poor
lands of the hills, take to the life of idlers, hun
ters or fishermen ; or, at best, the more indus
trious among them become day-laborers, living
from hand to mouth ; in a word, they arc
stripped by the oligarchy of slaveowners, who
command their wages, their tenements, and, of
course, everything. The class who hold a mo
nopoly of the soil can command everything.—
" lie takes my life who takes the means where
by I live." Hence in the South, the monopo
lists of the land and black labor of the country,
although numbering but 347,000 out of a pop
ulation of 6,000,000, in virtue of their power
over near 4,000,000 of slaves, are absolute iu
all the State Governments. They are the Go
vernors, the Legislators, the Judges, Justices,
Sheriffs; they are all in all.
The power which combined action gives to
the slavcholdiug class over the whole South is
wielded with equal effect to obtain control over
the North. The machine it moves there is on
a large scale, and the instrumentality of its ac
tion visible to the least discerning eye. Eve
ry northern aspirant for the Presidency may be
looked upon as a power iu the hands of the
South, to move the machine of the Federal Go
vernment according to its will. We instance
the experiment before our eyes. Mr. Pierce is
a caudidate for re-election to the Presidency ;
Mr. Douglas, Mr. Cass, Mr. Buchanan, are
hopeful rivals ; each have their partisans in
the different sections of the North ; some forty
or fifty thousand office-holders and dependents
on executive favor rely upon one or the other
of these to make them secure in their posts.—
It is known to all these people that not one of
the rivals can command a majority of the Nor
thern vote against the other ; nor, indeed,
against an opponent of any other party. For
either of them, the votes of the South decides
the question of nomination ; and then the pos
sibility of election depends absolutely upon a
united Southern support. The Southern slave
holders, therefore, have the fate of all these
seekers for the office of President, of the so
called Democratic party, entirely in their
hands.
And here we find in what consists that which
is now vaunted to be the Democratic party par
excellence. It is composed of the office-holders
under the present Administration, headed by
those chiefs who are looked to to coutinue
them in office, through the united vote of the
South, and the chance vote of some Northern
State, obtaiued by plurality—the result of the
division of their opponents, growingoutof per
sonal preferences or party dissensions. The De
mocratic party, which the Administration calls
its own, has uo basis but the oligarchy of the
South—we might call it the BLACK OLIGARCHY,
returning to it the appellation which it so will
ingly gives to others, because it most appro
priately belongs to itself. The leaders of this
party iu the North have proved themselves en
tirely worthy of its confidence by abandoning
every principle of democracy once their boast.
They have abandoned the principles of the fa
thers of the Republic, who considered it as the
first attribute of the new order of things estab
lished by the Revolution, that it would arrest
the spread of slu very throughout the continent.
It did lead to its immediate extinction in many
of the States, and the first act under the Con
stitution was to exclude it from the whole ter
ritory of the Union. The Democratic leaders
of the new order, at the bidding of the South
ern nullifiers, have broken all the compacts and
compromises designed to establish Free Repub
lics in the territories from which slavery was
excluded. In doing this they have put under
foot the representative principle ; denied the
will of their immedirte constituents ; on re
ceiving instructions to repeal their acts have
refused to ©bey ; and in this have given the
most strikiug example of an utter abandonment
of the cardinal doctrine of democracy. The
spread of liberty, not slavery, is its distinctive
principle.
They have shown that the will of 347,000
slaveowners iu the South is more to them
tliau that of twenty millions of freemen iu
the North. The leaders of this spurious De
mocracy arc but the satraps of Southern mas
ters.
The fate which awaits a people afflicted with
a Democracy which grows up under the govern
ment of slaveowners, may be seen in the testi- j
mony which we give in the words of the most
distinguished meu of that party, which we fiud
collated in a pamphlet by Mr. Weston.
Mr. Sarvcr, of Mo., in a paper on " Domes
tic Manufactures iu the South aud West," pub
lished in 1847, says :
" The free population of the South may be
divided into two classes—the slaveholder and
the non-slaveholder. I ara not aware that the
relative numbers of these two clases have ever
beu ascertained in any of the States, but I am
satisfied that the uou-slaveholders far outnum
ber the slaveholders—perhaps by three to one.
In the more southern portion of this region the
non-slaveholders possess, generally, but very
small means, and the land which they possess
is almost universally poor, aud so sterile that
a scaiity subsistence is all that can be derived
from its cultivation ; and the more fertile soil,
being in the possession of the slaveholder must
ever remain out of the power of those who have
none.
" This state of things is a great drawback,
and bears heavily upon and depresses the moral
energies of the poorer classes. * * * The
acquisition of a respectable position in the
scale of wealth appears so difficult, that they
decline the hopeless pursuit, and many of them
settle down into habits of idleness, and become
the almost passive subjects of all its conseqaen
ces. And I lament to say that I have ob
served of late years that an evident deteriora
tion is taking place in this part of the popu
lation, the youugcr portion of it being less
educated, less industrious, and in every point
of view less respectable tban their Jances
tors."
In the January number, 1850, of De Bow's
It/view, in an article on " Manufactures in
South Carolina," we have an exhibition of the
fears entertained of briuging together masses
of non-slaveholding Southern white population
even for manufacturing purposes :
" So long as these poor but industrious peo
ple could see uo mode of living except by a
degradiug operation of work with the negro
upon the plantation, they were content to eu
dure life iu its most discouraging forms, satis
fied that they were above the slave, though far
ing often worse than he. But the progress of
the world is ' onward,' and though in some sec
tions it is slow, still it is " onward ," and the
great mass of our poor white population begin
to understand that they have rights, aud that
they, too, are entitled to some of the sympa
thy which falls upon the suffering. They are
fast learuing that there is almost an infinite
world of industry opening before them, by which
they can elevate themselves and their families
from wretchedness and ignorance, to compe
tence and intelligence. It is this great upheav
ing of our masses that ice ha ve to fear, so far as
our institutions are concerned."
Wm. Gregg, esq., in an address before the
South Carolina Institute iu 1851, upou manu
factures, remarks :
" From the best estimates that I have been
able to make, I put down the white people who
ought to work, and who do not, or who are so
employed as to be wholly unproductive to the
State, at one hundred and twenty-five thou
sand. * * * By this it appears that but
one-fifth of the present poor whites of our
State would be necessary to operate one mil
lion spindles. * * * The appropriation
annually made by our Legislature for our
School Fund, every oue must be aware, so far
as the country is concerned, has been little bet
ter than a waste of money. * * * While
we are aware that the Northern and Eastern
states fiud no difficulty in educating the poor,
we are ready to despair of success in the mat
ter, for even penal laws against the negleet of
education would fail to bring many of our
country people to send their children to
school. * * * *
" I have long been under the impression,
and every day's experience has strengthened
my convictions, that the evils exist in the
wholly neglected condition of this class of per
sons. Any man who is an observer of things
could hardly pass through our country wifli
ou t being struck with the fact that all the capi
tal, enterprise and intelligence is employed in
directing slave labor ; and the consequence is,
that a large portion of our poor white people
are wholly neglected, and are suffered to while
away an existence in a state but one step iu
advance ef the Indian of the forest. It is an
evil of vast magnitude, and nothing but a
change in public sentiment will effect its cure.
These people must be brought into daily con
tact with the rich and intelligent—they must
be stimulated to mental action, and taught to
appreciate education aud the comforts of civi
lized life ; and this, we believe, may be effect-
Ed only by the introduction of manufactures.
* * * My experience at Graniteville has
satisfied uic that, unless our poor people can
be brought together in villages, and some
means of employment afforded them, it will be
an utterly hopeless effort to undertake to edu
cate them." * * *
Here is the testimony ©f Governor Ham
mond of South Carolina, the great leader of
the nullifying party now assuming the title of
Democracy. We extract it from an address
before the South Carolina Institute iu 1850.
He is speaking of that class of people, esti
mated by Win. Gregg, esq., of South Caroli
na, in his address before the South Carolina
Institute, 1851, to be 125,000 —oue half of the
white population of the State :
" They obtain a precarious subsistence by
occasional jobs, by huntiug, by fishing, by
plundering fields or folds, and too often by
what is in its effects far worse—trading with
slaves, and seducing them to plunder for their
benefit."
Hon. J. H. Lumpkiu of Georgia, speaking
in 1852 upon the Industrial Regeneration of
the South, says :
"It is objected that these manufacturing
establishments will become the hotbeds of
crime. * * * lint j ara py n0 means
ready to concede that our poor, degraded,
half-fed, half-clothed and ignorant population
—without Sabbath Schools or any other kind
of instruction, mental or moral, or without
any just appreciation of character—will be in
jured by giving them employment, which will
bring them under the oversight of employers
who will inspire them with self-respect by tak
ing an interest in their welfare."
We close our quotations by an extract from
an address delivered a few weeks since by the
H on. C. C. Clay, jr., of Alabama.
" I can show yon, with sorrow, in the older
portions of Alabama, and in my native County
of Madison, the sad memorials of the artless
and exhausting culture of cotton. Our small
planters, after taking the cream off their lands,
unable to restore them by fest, manures, or
otherwise, are going further west and south
in search of other virgin lands, which they
may and will despoil and impoverish in like
manner. Our wealthier planters, with great
er means and no more skill, are buying out
their poorer neighbors, extending their plan
tations, aud adding to their slave foree. The
wealthy few, who are able to live ©n smaller
profits, and to give their blasted fields some
rest, are thus pushing off the many who are
merely independent. Of the $20,000,000 an
nually realized from the sales of the cotton
crop of Alabama, nearly all not #X{>ended in
supporting the producers is reinvested in land
and negroes.
" Thus the white population has decreased,
and the slave increased almost pari passu in
several counties of our State. In 1825, Mad
ison County cast about 3,000 votes ; now she
cannot cast exceeding 2,300. In traversing
that county, one will discover numerous farm
houses, once the abode of industrious and in
telligent freemen, now occnpied by slaves or
tenantless, deserted and dilapidated ; he will
observe fields, once fertile, now unt'cnccd, aban
doued, and covered with those evil harbingers,
fox-tail, and broomsedge ; he will see the moss
growing oil the mouldering walls of once thrif
ty villages, aud will find ' one only master
grasps the whole domain,' that once furnished
happy homes for a dozen white families. In
deed, a country in its iufaucy, where fifty
years ago scarce a forest-tree had been felled
by the ax of the pioneer, is already exhibit
ing the painful signs of seuility and decay, ap
parent iu Virginia and the Carolinas."
This gentleman is distinguished as a zealot
for the extension o' the blessings of Slavery
to the Free Territories. The above extract
from his eloquent speech is a picture drawu
from the life, and exhibiting to the eye the
charms of Slavery, which the small free-hol
ders of the North and West, who cultivate
their farms with their own hands, well know
how to appreciate from contrast.
We would not have adverted to the dis
franchisement of the mass of the white popu
lation in South Carolina aud other Southern
States, by property qualification for office aud
the defeat of the right of suffrage by the rot
ten borough system, had we not seeu with what
contempt of every principle of free govern
ment the attempt is now made to carry Kan
sas for Slavery. A usurpation, put up with
force anil arms by Gen. Atchison, has already
established Slavery in that Territory, has guar
ded it with test oaths and deuounced the death
peualty against all who oppose it. The Presi
dent of the United States is pledged by bis
proclamation to maintain the usurpation, and
if he is re-elected, or any other nominated by
the South to succeed him, the army of the
United States will be employed to rivet Sla
very ou Kansas uuder the laws passed by Gen.
Atchison's followers from Missouri. The
North must uuite to defeat this attempt by
the election of a President who will maintain j
the rimiits of the people of the North in the
Territory, or a cordon of black republics will
stretch from Missouri west to the Pacific.—
The consequence will be that no free white re
public will be permitted to arise south of the
tier of Slave States. The free settlers from
the North on their way to Kansas are new
obliged to turn away from Missouri to reach
their destination with their property and meaus
of defending it.
What will result from the creation of a cor
don of Slave Stutes across the contiuent ?
It surrenders all south of it to Slavery. And
what will be the condition of the slaveless
white population which must spring up iu this
vast region ? We see in the fate of the poor
free population of Mexico to " what complex
ion it must come at last," whenever slave mo
nopoly has once given its owners the mastery
over the soil. Slavery nominally is abolished
throughout the Republic of Mexico, but ex
ists, in fact, under the name of peonage. The
owners of the soil feed and clothe those who
work for theui ; they charge their laborers
more for their supplies than thev agree to pay
them for wages, aud the result is that the la
borer is constantly falling more and more iu
debt, and the law subjects him t© his creditor
until he works out indebtedness. The effect
of the system is to compel a man to sell him
self and his family.
And this, taken in connection with the con
dition of the poor white population in the
South—as shown in the passages we have ta
ked from the address of Gov. Hammond of
South Carolina, the Hon. C. C. Clay of Ala
bama, and other leading Southern statesmen
explains the recent article in The llichnu nd
Enquirer, the oracle ©f Southern interests,
which elaborately argues the right of subject
ing whites, as well as blacks, to Slavery.—
Nay, it goes so far as to insist that this right
of making white slaves is " inalienable." The
article thus presses this point :
" They (those holding Mr. Jefferson's doe
trine) begin to reason, by assuming Slavery
to be morally and religiously wrong ; and the
South hithero has granted their premises, and
attempted to justify negro Slavery as an ex
ception to a general rule, or, if wrong, as a
matter of bargain between the North aud the
South. The laws of God and nature are im
mutable, and man cannot bargain them away.—
While it is far more obvious that negroes
should be slaves than whites—for they are on-
Jv fit to labor, not to direct— yet the principle
of Slavery is itself right, and does not depend
on difference of complexion.
Under this doctrine it follows that here a
more direct enslavement of the white race may
be insisted upon than that obtaiued in Mexico
under the contrivance of debtor vassalage.—
The doctrine is a positive sanction to the bon
dage of the white race, and asserts that " the
laws of God and nature are immutable" in its
support, " aud man cannot bargain them
away." It is practically illustrated now in the
Utah Territory, where a man holds a multi
tude of women as slaves, calling them his
wives. What is there in Mr. Ritchie's princi
ple to prevent Brigham Young from holding
ninety white men as slaves nuder bills of sale,
as well as ninety white women under pretense
of the bonds of matrimony ?
Mr. Ritchie's explanation of the Southern
doctrine of Slavery, together with Mr. Doug
las's act for the Territories, which " leaves
" the people perfectly free to form and regu
" late their domestic institutions in their own
" way, subject only to the Constitution of the
" United States,"certainly authorizes the Mor
mon State to come into the Uniou with the
Turkish system full blown, which makes slaves
of all colors, aud wives without number. It
is a sad commentary on our progress, that at
the moment when the news arrives of the Sul
tan's firman putting an end to the traffic in
slaves in his Empire—of the Czar's steps for
the liberation of the serfs in Russia, and of
their actual enfranchisement in the Danubian
Principalities—we should have uegro Slavery
i forced on one Territory by an usurpation set
up by the sword, and the right of the Mor
mons recognized in another to hold a multi
tude of the gentler sex in servitude, under the
unnatural law of a plurality of wives !
We hold that Congress is hound by the
Constitution "to make all needful rules and
" regulations for the Territories of the Unit
"ed fetates," and during their pupilage and
VOL. XVI. NO. 46.
preparation to become members of the Con
federacy, to prevent the growth within theia
of systems incongruous with the pure and free,
the just and safe principles inaugurated by the
Revolution.
E. D. MOBOIN, N. Y. GEORGK G. FOGG. N. H.
FRANCIS P. BLAIR. Md. A. J. STEVENS, lowa.
JOHN M. MILES, Conn. CORNELIUS COLE, Cal.
DAVID WILMOT, Pa. LAWREN'CR BRAIKRRD, VL
A. P. STONE, Ohio. WILLIAM GROSE, Ind.
WM. M. CHACE, R. I. WVMAM SFUONER, Wit
JOHN Z. GOODRICH, Mass. C. M. K. PACLISON, N. J.
GEORGE KYK, VS. E. D. WILLIAMS, Del.
ABNEK R. HALLOWELL, Me- JOHS G. FEE, Ky.
E. S. LELAND, 111. JAMES REDFATH, MO.
CHARLES DICKEY, Mich. LEWIS CLEPHAN,D. C.
WASHINGTON, March 29,1856. National Coffenlttee.
+
ARSENIC EATING. — From a translation from
the German of Dr. Tschudi, which has appear
ed in the Boston Medical Journal, and more
recently iu the New York Dental Recorder,
we make a few extracts, a short digest, more
curious, perhaps, than new. A Hungarian
arsenic eater had taken his dose of arseuj&afl
regularly from his twenty-seventh to his sixgH
third year, and had only stopped after an
senic-eatiug acquaintance had died of dropsy,
(the frequent result of that habit,) from fear
that he too might fall from the same disease.
This man cowmeuced with a fragment of this
most deadly mineral poisou about the size of a
flax-seed, and for many years did not go be
yond the amount of four grains, having once
been made sick by an attempt to increase
the dose. During all the time that he was
addicted to takiug arsenic, he was ill only
once, aud that from pueumonia. His absti
nence from the habit caused him great incon
venience. The whole amount which he took
during thirty-five years must have been from
tweuty to twenty-two ounces, and like all reg
ular arsenic-eaters, he observed the lunar pha
ses, and took it mostly%t the time of the new
moon, tapering off to abstinence as the moon
waned. Another case is related of a man
about fifty-five years of age, who has never
been very seriously ill, though he was always
hoarse. The manner of taking arsenic differs
with the individual. Some take their dose all
at once and let it dissolve slowly iu the mouth.
Others powder and sprinkle it ou a piece of
bread or lard. The chamois hunters aud oth
er mountaineers find the use of arsenic almost
indispensable to facilitate breathing in the as
cent of high mountains, and these take it with
out regard to the luuar phases. The miuers
of this poison take a small quautity daily be
fore going into the mines, to preveut the evil
effects of the mineral upon the system while
at their labor. Many grooms and farriers
deem it indispensable to a fine condition among
their animals ; and those who are acquainted
with its use, give it regularly to their horses,
often to cattle, and not uufreqnently to swine,
to promote fattening ; observing the same
general condition as in its use among men.—■
One peculiar quality of this mineral upon all
who take it is it s fattening power. A contin
ual use of it, however, iu all cases is deaden
ing to vitality, aud those addicted to its hor
rible use, insensibly increase the amount as
in opium eating and alcoholic stimulant drink
ing until the nerves and entire structure of the
system, in fact are quite exhausted.
GEORGF. HI. — It is said the King, after the
close of the American Revolutionary War, or
dered a thanksgiving to be kept through the
United Kingdom. A noble Scotch divine iu
the presence of his majesty inquired—
" For what are we to give thanks, that
your majesty has lost thirteen of his best pro
vinces ?
" No," answered the king.
" Is it then," the divine added, " that your
majesty has lost 1,000,000 lives of your sub
jects iu that contest ?"
" No, no 1" said the king.
" Is it, then, that we have expended and
lost a hundred millions of money, and for tlio
defeat aud tarnishing of your majesty's arms?"
" Xo such thing," said the king, pleasantly.
" What then is the object of the thanksgiv
ing ?"
" Oh, give thanks that it is not worse
As we have never seen a better illus
tration of sublimity, to that of ridicule, wa
give the following, which we clip from an ex
change.
"As the ostrich uses both legs and wings
when the Arabian courser bounds in her rear
—as the winged lightnings leap from the
Heavens when the eternal has unbounded
their bolts—so does a little nigger streak it
when a big dog is after him !"
A MODEL TAVERN. — A gentleman who has
just returned from Arkansas informs us that
he heard the following conversation at a ta
vern :
" Halloa, boy 1"
" Halloa yourself!"
" Can I get breakfast here ?"
" I reck'n you can't!"
" Why uot ?"
" Massa's away, Missus drunk, the baby'
got the cholic, aud 1 don't care a darn for no
body !"
" Georgian 1 Georgian ! where is the
butter paddle ?" Tim's got in the woodshed
spanking Roxy Ann." To what base uses do
butter paddles come at last.
Look upon vicious company as so ma
ny engiues planted against yon by the devil,
and accordingly fly from them, as you woald
from the mouth of a cannon.
War" Landlord," said an exquisite, "'can
i you enable mc to realize from your culinary
| stores the pleasure of a few dulcet murphies,
j rendered innoxious by igneous martyrdom !"
I He asked for baked sweet potatoes.
I<je " Snigglefritz, will yon have some of
the butter ?"
1 " Thank you. ma'am ; I belong to the tem-
I pcrance societ v.and can't take anything strong."