a t 03WM PER ANNUM, INVARIABLY IN ADVANCE, XOWANDA: datardan fttorninn, C&pril 2D. 1851*. Stltthb |ktrn. SUMMER RAIN. BY W. H. C. lIOSMER. What sound so sweet, After a d.ty of fiery heat, \nd sun-strokes in the dusty street, A* the pleasant voice of the singing rain Uashiug against the wiudow-pane ? The queenly rose \ud va-al tlotvers their eves unclose, While God his benison bestows ; Arid the sick man dreams of health again, Cheered by the dance of the dropping rain. The bubbles break. While showers descend on the breezy lake, And the water-nymphs from slumber wake ; Homeward driving his harvest wain, The farmer curses the cooling rain. The Plagne-Fiend stops I-i hi- dread career to hear the drops ; Then, farmer! why mourn o'er your crops ? True faith sublime De'er leaned in vain 0u the Power that sends us the healing rain. It bringeth cure T the blistered feet of the starving poor, And their hearts are strengthened to endure ; While Wo, in love with life again, His hot brow bares to the welcome rain. Of murmuring shells, And the silvery chime of fairy bells, Were never bom such music spells, To cheer the visionary brain Of listening bard as the summer rain. Eartii looks more fair When drops that banish the sun's hot glare Fall from the cistern of upper-air; A;.d her breast is cleansed of many a stain By the gentle bath of the sumuirr rain. It caught its chime, Nt in this fading realm of time, Hut above, above, in a holier clime ; Ami 1 ever hear an angel's strain lueird with the dash of the summer rain. political. Republican Presidential Convention. CIRCULAR OF THE NATIONAL COMMITTEE qi £dbri(iiry, 1806. We solicit your attention to the call which has |*tvcii,-u tliis paper. It is not only to re • UK-ntl to the people the immediate selection . delegates from the several States, equal in • mber to three times the representation iu 'tigress t© which each State is eutitled, to m-t on the 17th June, at Philadelphia, to pre- ! such individuals as they may think best i si ted to uphold the cause to which they are ted as candidates for the Presidency and Presidency ; but also to invite the mem of all parties who feci it to be the donii -iit issue which should control the election,to j at the same time and place, to confer with ''•invention as to the best course to crown i - r common wishes with success. One of the j - s which will be represented at Philadel- j i -.a has taken the name of Republican, be- : >• it was given to that founded by Mr. Jef-! • a. to embrace all who love the Republic, j T.-re is no Democrat who does not love the ■ ' There is no Whig who does not the Republic. There is no American who not love the Republic. And we fondly u' tiere is no naturalized citizen who does *'■ iovf the Republic. I'.' it is not so important that the great influent which we desire to see successfully Unrated shall be designated by any par !r name, as that it shall be strong, united effective. Why may not all those classes are hostile to the introduction of Slavery ' r, e territory, unite at this crisis of im •f: danger, to vote for a common ticket, ""ill he nominated to assert the grand i'leof repressing the extension of slave monopoly, and to vindicate the rights "p'ople in all sections of the Union who # ilh their own hands ? A ticket which | agitate wth a view to detract from the •' "f the States to dispose of the subject 1 'i 'ir limits, according to their sovereign jet its influence to destroy the freedom > laborers is a fit subject of investiga *ith a view to repress the aggressive in every constitutional way. • rgiits 0 f fj ie laboring class involved in V"'tion have been betrayed by the reprc from the North and South in the io tof the slaveholders, who have voted to the lands to slave labor which were ~ irt to make freeholders and enrich the - igtnen of both sections who own no j' ' *'ho should emigrate to them, cultivate -prove them with their own toil. Here treat principles blended in this cause— the vindication ®f the rights ; !." ,r T ' ie °Her the chastisement of those • representatives who have violated pledged between the two sections of ,0 *aeh other in their compact, and t ;.', * ! ,' "dtli as representatives in raisrepre . * w '" °f their constituents in the re f and disobeying their instructions jk'e to them, h,, ' r ' ar '-' difficulty in uniting the .. / " Parties, who concur iu the great de- I'V'ring the masses from the oppres v .t-' e slaveholders in the new Territo hrtf f e Bur, free, healthy regions of the o Blot of slavery and the ' '.p at tends its footsteps wherever it M' ..1 trt ' art * 347,000 slaveowners in •Og ' States ; they hold nearly four mil ' f v' U | S ' l l ,ere are B ' x millions of free I t '° n in tße Southern States whe *ti a "d there are twenty millions of • , k[ in the North (allowing Jr>Bfe s ''jce the last census). Are THE BRADFORD REPORTER. the interests of these twenty-six millions of people in the vast regions of the West to be blasted, to administer to the pride, to the am bition, to the false views of interest in which the 347,000 slaveowners would indulge them selves ? In their arrogance they stigmatize as Black Republicans those who would make a constellation of free, bright republics, constitu ted of the white race alone ; untarnished by a slave of any color ; their history and their laws unblemished by that word. Are they called black because they would redeem their white brethren of the South, by reserving to them a refuge from the thraldom imposed on them by the negro slavery there, and which makes the master the oppressor of all beneath him, of whatever complexion ? Are they called black because they would resist the slaveowner with his sword in his attempt to expel from their homes the sons of the Free States who have already cast their lots in the new lauds to which their fathers taught to look forward as their inheritance, under a compromise of more than thirty years' standing? This derogatory epithet is inappropriately applied to those who labor to build up Free States composed of white men, to transfer the odium of the black institution from those who cling to it as a part of their republican system. It is not proposed to touch the subject ©f Slavery iu the States where it exists, but to shut the door upon it, and exclude it from Territories to which its approach has been for bidden. The attempt will be made to persuade those who would identify themselves with this cause, that there is no necessity to make a sacrifice of minor differences to make Kansas a Free State, —that the proclamation of the President has put down all danger of invasions—that Gen. Atchison and his banditti and armed allies from the South have giveu up all idea of forcible in terference—that they mean to acquiesce in the peaceable settlement of the question iu favor of that section which has shown that it can furnish the greatest number of emigrants, and this pacific attitude is to be held until after the Presidental election. If the Nullifiers of the South shall then triumph in the election of a President nominated by them at Cincinnati, the usurpation established by Atchison will be found in full activity—its laws introducing Slavery into the Territory and protecting it from reversal at the ballot-box, by the disfran chisement of the settlers by test-oaths, will be enforced, and a Constitution, framed by defeat ing the suffrages of the Free-State settlers by disabilities, will be adopted, and the whole pro ceeding will be sustained by the military force of the United States, upou the principles and under the authority of the President's procla mation. Here we might close our Circular ; but may we not trespass upon the patieuce of tliose we address by exposing the workings ©f the insti tution which those who arrogate to themselves the character of Democrats are laboring to im pose upon our virgin Territories, and upon the principle asserted by them, that it is a Nation al Institution? The movement to open the Free Territories to Slavery, by repealing the compacts upou the subject, began with the nul lifiers of South Carolina. We w ill begin with that State, to make an exhibition of the sort of government it will enforce iu the West from its results in the South. Popular sovereignty in South Carolina thus j exhibits itself : Six districts in that State, in j the rice and long staple cotton region, where ' the slave population is most dense, containing 1 a population of 49,503 whites, elect a majority i of the Senate, leaving in a minority those re presenting 209,084 whites iu the rest of the State. In 11 districts, 77,939 whites elect 28 ( Senators and 64 Representatives, while 18dis- j tricts, having 181,145 whites, are represented j by 17 senators and 60 representatives. Thus , less than one-third of the Free population in the negro-quarter region have the supreme con trol of the State. The Legislature elected by this third appoints the Judiciary—from the Supreme bench to common justices of the peace ; elects Senators in Congress and the electors of President and Vice President of the •United States ; for the people are not allowed to vote at all for the electors of the President and Vice-President of the United States, this being done by the rotten borough Legislature, iu defiance of the spirit of the Constitution and the interpretation of every other State. The Governor of the Stat' 1 is also elected by this body, which represents a minority of the State—and negroes aud land exclusively—for no man is eligible to it unless he has real es tate to the value of $7,000, clear of all debt, or five hundred acres of land and ten negroes. Nor can this state of things lie changed unless two thirds of thi land and negro qualified body consent to the alteration of the Constitution — a thing never to be expected. Iu Virginia and Maryland the system of mi nority government, to give the control to the slave section over the greater white population in other j>ortions of the State, prevails, but in less degree ; but iu all the Slaves states, Whe ther contrived by constitutional provision or not, the result is that the slaveholding class is sovereign throughout the South. It results from the concert produced among the masters by their common interest in an in stitution which can only stand by force of ar tificial means. The slaves themselves and the non-slaveholders are, as individuals, naturally against it ; this makes it necessary that the slaveholders should become a phalanx—an edu cated, disciplined army, to sustain by political intrigue and united force all attacks upon it. There is BO one all absorbing influence among its euemies to combine adversaries in opposi tion. The consequence is that the 347,000 masters, forever auimated by the same instinct, can always vanquish partial and desultory op position. as standing armies in absolute Gov ernments keep millions of people in subjuga tion. The monopoly which nearly 4,000,000 of black men give to the united authority which commands them, makes it im]>ossible that any single-handed competitor in the field of labor can, in cultivating the products of the soil, en ter the market with the staples of the South on eqnal footing with men who wield the force of ten, twenty and thirty, and hundreds of slates PUBLISHED EVERY SATURDAY AT TOWANDA, BRADFORD COUNTY, PA., BY E. O'MEARA GOODRICH. " REGARDLESS OF DENUNCIATION FROM ANT QUARTER. ,r in companies. The owners of slaves command the markets ; they put down individual com petitors ; they buy out the little plantations which in the earlier settlements surround them, and, in the end, the rich lands all become the domains of rich planters. Hence we see in the older Southern States the poorer classes are either tenants at will, or, banished to the poor lands of the hills, take to the life of idlers, hun ters or fishermen ; or, at best, the more indus trious among them become day-laborers, living from hand to mouth ; in a word, they arc stripped by the oligarchy of slaveowners, who command their wages, their tenements, and, of course, everything. The class who hold a mo nopoly of the soil can command everything.— " lie takes my life who takes the means where by I live." Hence in the South, the monopo lists of the land and black labor of the country, although numbering but 347,000 out of a pop ulation of 6,000,000, in virtue of their power over near 4,000,000 of slaves, are absolute iu all the State Governments. They are the Go vernors, the Legislators, the Judges, Justices, Sheriffs; they are all in all. The power which combined action gives to the slavcholdiug class over the whole South is wielded with equal effect to obtain control over the North. The machine it moves there is on a large scale, and the instrumentality of its ac tion visible to the least discerning eye. Eve ry northern aspirant for the Presidency may be looked upon as a power iu the hands of the South, to move the machine of the Federal Go vernment according to its will. We instance the experiment before our eyes. Mr. Pierce is a caudidate for re-election to the Presidency ; Mr. Douglas, Mr. Cass, Mr. Buchanan, are hopeful rivals ; each have their partisans in the different sections of the North ; some forty or fifty thousand office-holders and dependents on executive favor rely upon one or the other of these to make them secure in their posts.— It is known to all these people that not one of the rivals can command a majority of the Nor thern vote against the other ; nor, indeed, against an opponent of any other party. For either of them, the votes of the South decides the question of nomination ; and then the pos sibility of election depends absolutely upon a united Southern support. The Southern slave holders, therefore, have the fate of all these seekers for the office of President, of the so called Democratic party, entirely in their hands. And here we find in what consists that which is now vaunted to be the Democratic party par excellence. It is composed of the office-holders under the present Administration, headed by those chiefs who are looked to to coutinue them in office, through the united vote of the South, and the chance vote of some Northern State, obtaiued by plurality—the result of the division of their opponents, growingoutof per sonal preferences or party dissensions. The De mocratic party, which the Administration calls its own, has uo basis but the oligarchy of the South—we might call it the BLACK OLIGARCHY, returning to it the appellation which it so will ingly gives to others, because it most appro priately belongs to itself. The leaders of this party iu the North have proved themselves en tirely worthy of its confidence by abandoning every principle of democracy once their boast. They have abandoned the principles of the fa thers of the Republic, who considered it as the first attribute of the new order of things estab lished by the Revolution, that it would arrest the spread of slu very throughout the continent. It did lead to its immediate extinction in many of the States, and the first act under the Con stitution was to exclude it from the whole ter ritory of the Union. The Democratic leaders of the new order, at the bidding of the South ern nullifiers, have broken all the compacts and compromises designed to establish Free Repub lics in the territories from which slavery was excluded. In doing this they have put under foot the representative principle ; denied the will of their immedirte constituents ; on re ceiving instructions to repeal their acts have refused to ©bey ; and in this have given the most strikiug example of an utter abandonment of the cardinal doctrine of democracy. The spread of liberty, not slavery, is its distinctive principle. They have shown that the will of 347,000 slaveowners iu the South is more to them tliau that of twenty millions of freemen iu the North. The leaders of this spurious De mocracy arc but the satraps of Southern mas ters. The fate which awaits a people afflicted with a Democracy which grows up under the govern ment of slaveowners, may be seen in the testi- j mony which we give in the words of the most distinguished meu of that party, which we fiud collated in a pamphlet by Mr. Weston. Mr. Sarvcr, of Mo., in a paper on " Domes tic Manufactures iu the South aud West," pub lished in 1847, says : " The free population of the South may be divided into two classes—the slaveholder and the non-slaveholder. I ara not aware that the relative numbers of these two clases have ever beu ascertained in any of the States, but I am satisfied that the uou-slaveholders far outnum ber the slaveholders—perhaps by three to one. In the more southern portion of this region the non-slaveholders possess, generally, but very small means, and the land which they possess is almost universally poor, aud so sterile that a scaiity subsistence is all that can be derived from its cultivation ; and the more fertile soil, being in the possession of the slaveholder must ever remain out of the power of those who have none. " This state of things is a great drawback, and bears heavily upon and depresses the moral energies of the poorer classes. * * * The acquisition of a respectable position in the scale of wealth appears so difficult, that they decline the hopeless pursuit, and many of them settle down into habits of idleness, and become the almost passive subjects of all its conseqaen ces. And I lament to say that I have ob served of late years that an evident deteriora tion is taking place in this part of the popu lation, the youugcr portion of it being less educated, less industrious, and in every point of view less respectable tban their Jances tors." In the January number, 1850, of De Bow's It/view, in an article on " Manufactures in South Carolina," we have an exhibition of the fears entertained of briuging together masses of non-slaveholding Southern white population even for manufacturing purposes : " So long as these poor but industrious peo ple could see uo mode of living except by a degradiug operation of work with the negro upon the plantation, they were content to eu dure life iu its most discouraging forms, satis fied that they were above the slave, though far ing often worse than he. But the progress of the world is ' onward,' and though in some sec tions it is slow, still it is " onward ," and the great mass of our poor white population begin to understand that they have rights, aud that they, too, are entitled to some of the sympa thy which falls upon the suffering. They are fast learuing that there is almost an infinite world of industry opening before them, by which they can elevate themselves and their families from wretchedness and ignorance, to compe tence and intelligence. It is this great upheav ing of our masses that ice ha ve to fear, so far as our institutions are concerned." Wm. Gregg, esq., in an address before the South Carolina Institute iu 1851, upou manu factures, remarks : " From the best estimates that I have been able to make, I put down the white people who ought to work, and who do not, or who are so employed as to be wholly unproductive to the State, at one hundred and twenty-five thou sand. * * * By this it appears that but one-fifth of the present poor whites of our State would be necessary to operate one mil lion spindles. * * * The appropriation annually made by our Legislature for our School Fund, every oue must be aware, so far as the country is concerned, has been little bet ter than a waste of money. * * * While we are aware that the Northern and Eastern states fiud no difficulty in educating the poor, we are ready to despair of success in the mat ter, for even penal laws against the negleet of education would fail to bring many of our country people to send their children to school. * * * * " I have long been under the impression, and every day's experience has strengthened my convictions, that the evils exist in the wholly neglected condition of this class of per sons. Any man who is an observer of things could hardly pass through our country wifli ou t being struck with the fact that all the capi tal, enterprise and intelligence is employed in directing slave labor ; and the consequence is, that a large portion of our poor white people are wholly neglected, and are suffered to while away an existence in a state but one step iu advance ef the Indian of the forest. It is an evil of vast magnitude, and nothing but a change in public sentiment will effect its cure. These people must be brought into daily con tact with the rich and intelligent—they must be stimulated to mental action, and taught to appreciate education aud the comforts of civi lized life ; and this, we believe, may be effect- Ed only by the introduction of manufactures. * * * My experience at Graniteville has satisfied uic that, unless our poor people can be brought together in villages, and some means of employment afforded them, it will be an utterly hopeless effort to undertake to edu cate them." * * * Here is the testimony ©f Governor Ham mond of South Carolina, the great leader of the nullifying party now assuming the title of Democracy. We extract it from an address before the South Carolina Institute iu 1850. He is speaking of that class of people, esti mated by Win. Gregg, esq., of South Caroli na, in his address before the South Carolina Institute, 1851, to be 125,000 —oue half of the white population of the State : " They obtain a precarious subsistence by occasional jobs, by huntiug, by fishing, by plundering fields or folds, and too often by what is in its effects far worse—trading with slaves, and seducing them to plunder for their benefit." Hon. J. H. Lumpkiu of Georgia, speaking in 1852 upon the Industrial Regeneration of the South, says : "It is objected that these manufacturing establishments will become the hotbeds of crime. * * * lint j ara py n0 means ready to concede that our poor, degraded, half-fed, half-clothed and ignorant population —without Sabbath Schools or any other kind of instruction, mental or moral, or without any just appreciation of character—will be in jured by giving them employment, which will bring them under the oversight of employers who will inspire them with self-respect by tak ing an interest in their welfare." We close our quotations by an extract from an address delivered a few weeks since by the H on. C. C. Clay, jr., of Alabama. " I can show yon, with sorrow, in the older portions of Alabama, and in my native County of Madison, the sad memorials of the artless and exhausting culture of cotton. Our small planters, after taking the cream off their lands, unable to restore them by fest, manures, or otherwise, are going further west and south in search of other virgin lands, which they may and will despoil and impoverish in like manner. Our wealthier planters, with great er means and no more skill, are buying out their poorer neighbors, extending their plan tations, aud adding to their slave foree. The wealthy few, who are able to live ©n smaller profits, and to give their blasted fields some rest, are thus pushing off the many who are merely independent. Of the $20,000,000 an nually realized from the sales of the cotton crop of Alabama, nearly all not #X{>ended in supporting the producers is reinvested in land and negroes. " Thus the white population has decreased, and the slave increased almost pari passu in several counties of our State. In 1825, Mad ison County cast about 3,000 votes ; now she cannot cast exceeding 2,300. In traversing that county, one will discover numerous farm houses, once the abode of industrious and in telligent freemen, now occnpied by slaves or tenantless, deserted and dilapidated ; he will observe fields, once fertile, now unt'cnccd, aban doued, and covered with those evil harbingers, fox-tail, and broomsedge ; he will see the moss growing oil the mouldering walls of once thrif ty villages, aud will find ' one only master grasps the whole domain,' that once furnished happy homes for a dozen white families. In deed, a country in its iufaucy, where fifty years ago scarce a forest-tree had been felled by the ax of the pioneer, is already exhibit ing the painful signs of seuility and decay, ap parent iu Virginia and the Carolinas." This gentleman is distinguished as a zealot for the extension o' the blessings of Slavery to the Free Territories. The above extract from his eloquent speech is a picture drawu from the life, and exhibiting to the eye the charms of Slavery, which the small free-hol ders of the North and West, who cultivate their farms with their own hands, well know how to appreciate from contrast. We would not have adverted to the dis franchisement of the mass of the white popu lation in South Carolina aud other Southern States, by property qualification for office aud the defeat of the right of suffrage by the rot ten borough system, had we not seeu with what contempt of every principle of free govern ment the attempt is now made to carry Kan sas for Slavery. A usurpation, put up with force anil arms by Gen. Atchison, has already established Slavery in that Territory, has guar ded it with test oaths and deuounced the death peualty against all who oppose it. The Presi dent of the United States is pledged by bis proclamation to maintain the usurpation, and if he is re-elected, or any other nominated by the South to succeed him, the army of the United States will be employed to rivet Sla very ou Kansas uuder the laws passed by Gen. Atchison's followers from Missouri. The North must uuite to defeat this attempt by the election of a President who will maintain j the rimiits of the people of the North in the Territory, or a cordon of black republics will stretch from Missouri west to the Pacific.— The consequence will be that no free white re public will be permitted to arise south of the tier of Slave States. The free settlers from the North on their way to Kansas are new obliged to turn away from Missouri to reach their destination with their property and meaus of defending it. What will result from the creation of a cor don of Slave Stutes across the contiuent ? It surrenders all south of it to Slavery. And what will be the condition of the slaveless white population which must spring up iu this vast region ? We see in the fate of the poor free population of Mexico to " what complex ion it must come at last," whenever slave mo nopoly has once given its owners the mastery over the soil. Slavery nominally is abolished throughout the Republic of Mexico, but ex ists, in fact, under the name of peonage. The owners of the soil feed and clothe those who work for theui ; they charge their laborers more for their supplies than thev agree to pay them for wages, aud the result is that the la borer is constantly falling more and more iu debt, and the law subjects him t© his creditor until he works out indebtedness. The effect of the system is to compel a man to sell him self and his family. And this, taken in connection with the con dition of the poor white population in the South—as shown in the passages we have ta ked from the address of Gov. Hammond of South Carolina, the Hon. C. C. Clay of Ala bama, and other leading Southern statesmen explains the recent article in The llichnu nd Enquirer, the oracle ©f Southern interests, which elaborately argues the right of subject ing whites, as well as blacks, to Slavery.— Nay, it goes so far as to insist that this right of making white slaves is " inalienable." The article thus presses this point : " They (those holding Mr. Jefferson's doe trine) begin to reason, by assuming Slavery to be morally and religiously wrong ; and the South hithero has granted their premises, and attempted to justify negro Slavery as an ex ception to a general rule, or, if wrong, as a matter of bargain between the North aud the South. The laws of God and nature are im mutable, and man cannot bargain them away.— While it is far more obvious that negroes should be slaves than whites—for they are on- Jv fit to labor, not to direct— yet the principle of Slavery is itself right, and does not depend on difference of complexion. Under this doctrine it follows that here a more direct enslavement of the white race may be insisted upon than that obtaiued in Mexico under the contrivance of debtor vassalage.— The doctrine is a positive sanction to the bon dage of the white race, and asserts that " the laws of God and nature are immutable" in its support, " aud man cannot bargain them away." It is practically illustrated now in the Utah Territory, where a man holds a multi tude of women as slaves, calling them his wives. What is there in Mr. Ritchie's princi ple to prevent Brigham Young from holding ninety white men as slaves nuder bills of sale, as well as ninety white women under pretense of the bonds of matrimony ? Mr. Ritchie's explanation of the Southern doctrine of Slavery, together with Mr. Doug las's act for the Territories, which " leaves " the people perfectly free to form and regu " late their domestic institutions in their own " way, subject only to the Constitution of the " United States,"certainly authorizes the Mor mon State to come into the Uniou with the Turkish system full blown, which makes slaves of all colors, aud wives without number. It is a sad commentary on our progress, that at the moment when the news arrives of the Sul tan's firman putting an end to the traffic in slaves in his Empire—of the Czar's steps for the liberation of the serfs in Russia, and of their actual enfranchisement in the Danubian Principalities—we should have uegro Slavery i forced on one Territory by an usurpation set up by the sword, and the right of the Mor mons recognized in another to hold a multi tude of the gentler sex in servitude, under the unnatural law of a plurality of wives ! We hold that Congress is hound by the Constitution "to make all needful rules and " regulations for the Territories of the Unit "ed fetates," and during their pupilage and VOL. XVI. NO. 46. preparation to become members of the Con federacy, to prevent the growth within theia of systems incongruous with the pure and free, the just and safe principles inaugurated by the Revolution. E. D. MOBOIN, N. Y. GEORGK G. FOGG. N. H. FRANCIS P. BLAIR. Md. A. J. STEVENS, lowa. JOHN M. MILES, Conn. CORNELIUS COLE, Cal. DAVID WILMOT, Pa. LAWREN'CR BRAIKRRD, VL A. P. STONE, Ohio. WILLIAM GROSE, Ind. WM. M. CHACE, R. I. WVMAM SFUONER, Wit JOHN Z. GOODRICH, Mass. C. M. K. PACLISON, N. J. GEORGE KYK, VS. E. D. WILLIAMS, Del. ABNEK R. HALLOWELL, Me- JOHS G. FEE, Ky. E. S. LELAND, 111. JAMES REDFATH, MO. CHARLES DICKEY, Mich. LEWIS CLEPHAN,D. C. WASHINGTON, March 29,1856. National Coffenlttee. + ARSENIC EATING. — From a translation from the German of Dr. Tschudi, which has appear ed in the Boston Medical Journal, and more recently iu the New York Dental Recorder, we make a few extracts, a short digest, more curious, perhaps, than new. A Hungarian arsenic eater had taken his dose of arseuj&afl regularly from his twenty-seventh to his sixgH third year, and had only stopped after an senic-eatiug acquaintance had died of dropsy, (the frequent result of that habit,) from fear that he too might fall from the same disease. This man cowmeuced with a fragment of this most deadly mineral poisou about the size of a flax-seed, and for many years did not go be yond the amount of four grains, having once been made sick by an attempt to increase the dose. During all the time that he was addicted to takiug arsenic, he was ill only once, aud that from pueumonia. His absti nence from the habit caused him great incon venience. The whole amount which he took during thirty-five years must have been from tweuty to twenty-two ounces, and like all reg ular arsenic-eaters, he observed the lunar pha ses, and took it mostly%t the time of the new moon, tapering off to abstinence as the moon waned. Another case is related of a man about fifty-five years of age, who has never been very seriously ill, though he was always hoarse. The manner of taking arsenic differs with the individual. Some take their dose all at once and let it dissolve slowly iu the mouth. Others powder and sprinkle it ou a piece of bread or lard. The chamois hunters aud oth er mountaineers find the use of arsenic almost indispensable to facilitate breathing in the as cent of high mountains, and these take it with out regard to the luuar phases. The miuers of this poison take a small quautity daily be fore going into the mines, to preveut the evil effects of the mineral upon the system while at their labor. Many grooms and farriers deem it indispensable to a fine condition among their animals ; and those who are acquainted with its use, give it regularly to their horses, often to cattle, and not uufreqnently to swine, to promote fattening ; observing the same general condition as in its use among men.—■ One peculiar quality of this mineral upon all who take it is it s fattening power. A contin ual use of it, however, iu all cases is deaden ing to vitality, aud those addicted to its hor rible use, insensibly increase the amount as in opium eating and alcoholic stimulant drink ing until the nerves and entire structure of the system, in fact are quite exhausted. GEORGF. HI. — It is said the King, after the close of the American Revolutionary War, or dered a thanksgiving to be kept through the United Kingdom. A noble Scotch divine iu the presence of his majesty inquired— " For what are we to give thanks, that your majesty has lost thirteen of his best pro vinces ? " No," answered the king. " Is it then," the divine added, " that your majesty has lost 1,000,000 lives of your sub jects iu that contest ?" " No, no 1" said the king. " Is it, then, that we have expended and lost a hundred millions of money, and for tlio defeat aud tarnishing of your majesty's arms?" " Xo such thing," said the king, pleasantly. " What then is the object of the thanksgiv ing ?" " Oh, give thanks that it is not worse As we have never seen a better illus tration of sublimity, to that of ridicule, wa give the following, which we clip from an ex change. "As the ostrich uses both legs and wings when the Arabian courser bounds in her rear —as the winged lightnings leap from the Heavens when the eternal has unbounded their bolts—so does a little nigger streak it when a big dog is after him !" A MODEL TAVERN. — A gentleman who has just returned from Arkansas informs us that he heard the following conversation at a ta vern : " Halloa, boy 1" " Halloa yourself!" " Can I get breakfast here ?" " I reck'n you can't!" " Why uot ?" " Massa's away, Missus drunk, the baby' got the cholic, aud 1 don't care a darn for no body !" " Georgian 1 Georgian ! where is the butter paddle ?" Tim's got in the woodshed spanking Roxy Ann." To what base uses do butter paddles come at last. Look upon vicious company as so ma ny engiues planted against yon by the devil, and accordingly fly from them, as you woald from the mouth of a cannon. War" Landlord," said an exquisite, "'can i you enable mc to realize from your culinary | stores the pleasure of a few dulcet murphies, j rendered innoxious by igneous martyrdom !" I He asked for baked sweet potatoes. I