Ott DOLLAR PER ANNUM, INVARIABLY IN ADVANCE. TOWANDA: Sainrhcn morning!, December 20, 1855. jStlcdtb IJottrn. REVOLUTIONARY TEA. BY fKBA SMITH. Thcrf *s n 0,11 who UTed ovcr the sea, And *he was an Island Queen ; Her daughter lived in a new rountrie. With an ocean of water between. Tiir old lady's pockets were full of goM, But never contented was she ; ft, ,he called on her daughter to pay her a tax, Of" thrip-jence a pound for her tea.'' - Now, mother, dear mother," the daughter replied, •' I .han't do the thing that you ax ; I'm willing to pay a fair price for the tea, But never the tbrip-penny tax." • You shall," erfcct flirt, for all that, and infi nitely inferior in all that constitutes a man, to Mr H.-trlovre, whom you affect to dispise." The conversation was interrupted by the en trance of Mr. Da overs. " How could you bring that horrible clerk into the house, papa?" said Sophia, as the merchant prince seated himself bv the blazing prate. Horrible clerk I pray what is the matter *itli liiin r asked Mr. Dauvers, evincing some furprise at the plain speech of his daughter. " Why. he's a clerk." " Hut a respectable young man." " enough, but uot fashionable, I *as a clerk once, Sophia : I commenced y sweeping out a store and carrying bundles aiwut the citv. How absurd you talk, papa." Hut Mr. Harlowe is a very estimable young ; 1 am confident you will find him very agreeable company." I shall have nothing to say to him," replied N p'uia with a shrug of the shoulders. Hew are, Sophia ; there is an old proverb, know, about entertaining angels unawares." laughed heartily at the idea of a poor being an angel. Hut what soys Mary ?" asked the mor dant, turning to hie gentle-hearted daughter. , Uli, I like hiui very much ; we are already friends," replied Mary, and a slight blush -""met] to emphasize the remark. Jut like her, jwpa ; I should not wonder ?°t head over heels in love with vour a *ftaoUle angel." must do as she pleases about that," re- Mr. Danvere, smiling. ''ooh, Sophy ! who said a word about fall tii love 1 Can't a body be civil to a poung '"'tteuiau without being iu love with him ?" ; ie pretty Mary blushed as she spoke in '•wi earnest—so palpably blushed that lierfa ,cr to think the affair was something ur e Uian & mere jest. Hut pray, papa, when does your new part- I : r,rn ' e " Uv ked Sophia. "If all the accounts nc heard of hi.- wit, gallantry and person- Htractiooe arc true, 1 shall certainly set inv S" for him." u, appear one of these davs," replied uanvers. 1 Itof*- you will not keep this stupid clerk m "* bo.i>e after lie comes." j 'Waiuly shall." , „ il ll, 1 M, 1 ,1i . shall loc caste, if wc do, it . al"OUiiial4e. M • 'onli 10-vs my , .jf W r ar r dependent and jMippir e of fa burnable lite THE BRADFORD REPORTER. for oar position in society, the sooner we lose it the better for oar own self-respect," said Mr. Danvers, good humoredly." " Yoa are absurd, papa." " Now, Sophy, yoa hare given me a lesson, let me give yon one. The idol yoa worship is more senseless than those of the Fegee Islands. Fashionable society is as hollow as a brass pan; place no reliance upon it. The fops and fools who follow in your traiu are as sonltessas they are brainless." " I wish Mr. Augustus Fitzherbert could hear you say so," added Sophia. " Mr. Augustus Fitzherbert was a journey man barber in New Orleans less than a year ago. I had the honor of being shaved by him last winter, when I was there." " Ob, horrid, papa ! why have you not ex posed him ?" " Why should I, my child ? He is as good a fellow, as sensible a person, and, according to your statement, as fashionable a man as Mr. Fiustock, whose great-grandfather was the Go vernor of the state." "Is it possible that Mr. Fitzherbert was a baber ?" exclaimed Sophia, horrified at the ap palling truth. " Nothing else, my child." " An impostor !" ndded Mary. " Just so—probably he is trying to obtain a rich wife." "It is abominable, I declare ! One hardly knows now-a-davs who is respectable and who is not," said Sophia. " Therefore, my child, we ought not to speak so disparagingly of persons in humble life as you have done to-night." " Pooh, a clerk !" At this moment, Mr. Harlowe, the new clerk, entered the room, and, as Sophia would have expressed, had the impudence to seat himself by the side of Mary Danvers, who appeared not at all averse to this close proximitv with him. Frederick Harlowe was, as Mary had said, a handsome, intelligent and agreeable young man. And Sophia, if she could have forgiveu him for Leing a clerk, would have appreciated his society quite as highly as did her sister. With her father's permission, Marv accept ed an invitation from Frederick to attend Al boni's last concert. They had scarcely left the house liefore Mr. Augustus was ushered into the sitting-room. This gentleman was an exquisite of the first water. In his personal appearance be certain ly was sufficiently well endowed to challenge the admiration of the fair sex ; but unfortu nately, he was sadly lacking iu that necessary element iu a man of seuse—brain. Sophia could scarcely refrain from express ing the contempt she felt for the journeyman barber in " Mutti." The leader of the " ton," in her estimation, was a ruined man. The dandy, as a matter of courtesy, inquired for Mary, and was informed that she had gone to the concert with Mr. Harlowe. " With Mr. Harlowe—a clerk—aw ?" said the ex-journeyman barber, with a sneer, as he twirled up the long rat-tail of his moustache. " A very worthy young man," replied Mr. Danvers. "No doubt of it saw, lint a clerk—aw !" " Pray, were vou never a clerk, Mr. Fitsher bert ? I wag." " A clerk ? no saw ; nevaw." "Did I uot meet you in New Orleans last winter." The dandy started like a parched pea from a hot pan. " I have a faint recollection of having met yon in a barber shop, there," continued the merchant, tormentingly. " Aw, very likely, saw. I patwonize the bawbaws." " And now I think of it, you wore a little white apron, and, if I mistake not, I had the pleasure of being shaved by you in person." " Quite a mistake, saw, I asstiaw you." Suddenly Mr. Augustus Fitzherbert, whose real name was John Sraike, remembered an imperative engagement, and hastened to take his leave. He was seen to enter the cars for New-York on the foilowiug day, and nothing has been heard of him since. CHAPTER IF. Of course the reader understands that Fred erick llarlowe and Mary arc deeply, irretriev ably in love with each other by this time.— The poor clerk has won his way to the heart of the fair erirl, and she, poor thing, has been captivated by the uianlv attractions, the noble soul of him who offered incense before her shrine. As the world goes it would be deemed a very wicked thing for a jioor clerk to fall in love with the daughter of his aristocratic em ployer. Some people would say it was uu grateful in him thus to spirit away the affec tions of a confiding girl, when his position and prospects did not warrant his assuming to be her husband. These questions are still open to the easnist. He may debate them to his entire satisfaction. Mr. Dan vers, either because he was more sen sible than the majority ol the aristocratic mer chants of the day, or for some other equally potent reason, neglected to make any fuss aliout the matter, and suffered the clerk to woo and winjhis daughter, without even remon strating against the base wickedness of the act. But Sophia was deeply grieved by her sister's folly, as sh* deemed it, and used all the argu ment in the range of her shallow sophistry to dissuade her from the folly and madness of wed ding a clerk. Marv was obstinate. The only excuse she offered in palliation of the flagrant misdemean or, was that she loved him, aod if she loved a scavenger she would cling to him with the last breath she was permitted to draw. •• A ring ?' exclaimed Sophia, one day, when matters apjicarcd to have taken a decid ed turn. " Well, well, I suppose yon are engaged ?" " Wc are. Sophia," replied Mary, with a face radiant with hapjtiness. " Aud you intend to be married '' " (frtnutlv wc do—that is the end of ancn PUBLISHED EVERY SATURDAY AT TOWANDA, BRADFORD COUNTY, PA., BY E. O'MEARA GOODRICH. " RESARDLESS OF DENUNCIATION FTOB ANT QUARTER." " My conscience ! to think that the daugh ter of a merchant prince should become the wife of a poor, insignificant clerk.'' " Nothing very alarming about it, Sophia ; it wonldu't be half so ridiculous as another daughter of a merchant prince becoming the wife of an ex-journeyman barber 1 I believe Mr. Fitzherbert was your beau ideal of what a fashionable husband ought to he." " The impostor!" "I am a least sure that Frederick is not an imposter—a humbug ; one would not be likely to assume the character of a clerk." " Perhaps not. But pray, sister, when do you intend to become the wife of this counting room cherub ?" " The day has not been fixed yet—in the spring, probably." " And may I ask what you intend to do with yourself ? His salary is only a thousand dol lars a year." "We can get along very well ou that sum." " Yes, I suppose so ; and lire iu some ten footer in a dark alley !" " We intend to live out of town, ia a nice little cottage." •* Y-e-s, a nice little cottage !" drawled So phia in derision. " Oh, Sis, I will show you how to live when lam married. None of your nice little cottages for'me. But I wonder when the new partner is coming T' " Papa told me this morning that he had de ferred the arrangement till next spring, and that the gentleman would attend to his business at the south as heretofore." " How provoking ! I have been reserving my affections on purpose for him ; I mean to make a conquest of him in just oue mouth !" " How foolish iron talk, Sophia ; one would thiuk you had entirely forgotten your maiden delicacy." " Pooh ! I'm jesting ; it's between ns," and Sophia relapsed into a reverie, which, we are almost sure, related to the aforesaid new part ner, who was not ouly a nice young man, but was to put fifty thousand dollars into the cou cern when he became a partner. The winter passed away, aud spriug came. Frederick and Mary were to be married in a few days. Mr. Danvers, to the infinite cha grin of Sophia, had readily consented to the match. The prond sister, though in the natu ral goodness of her heart she would not have had Mary's affections blighted, would fain have had a little opposition to save appearances. The bridal day came, and after the ceremo ny had been performed, the happy party star ted for their new residence iu the suburbs. So phia, who acted as bridesmaid, was to accom pany them. The carriage wound through an elm-shaded road, and suddenly brought to view a splendid country residence. " That is the cottage," exclaimed the bride. " What—a cottage 1 why, Mary, it i$ a pal ace !" replied Sophia, in utter astonishment, for she never had interest enough in her sister's affairs to visit her proposed residence. The carriage stopped liefore the door, which was half hidden behind a vine-laced portico, and the party alighted. The place was a jicrfect paradise, and many were the encomiums lavished tqiou it by the bewildered Sophia. " You cannot think how surprised I was when I first beheld it," said Mary, wlieu she and Sophia were alone. "It seemed more like a dream of fairy land than reality. But Fred erick is so very odd about these things." " 1 should think that he was. Why, Sis, it will certainly ruin him, a poor clerk, on a thou sand dollars salary." " Well, he knows best ; he says the rent is nothing." " Nothing, indeed ; but it will eat np his poor pittance " " Well. I gave him a lesson on extravagance, but he only laughed in my face, and said he knew what he was about." " But here are Frederick ami father ; I am sure papa has been scolding him for his reck lessness." " He does not look as thongh the scolding had produced a very powerful effect," said Mary, as she saw her husband's smiling coun tenance. " What a beautiful phia. as Frederick joined the group. " A fit nest for my pretty bird," replied the husband, gaily, as he chuckled his blushing wife under the chin. " I should think your thousand dollars a year would hare to suffer some," said Sophia, bluntlv. "O. your father lias been so very good as to elevate me a jieg, so that I can well afford to incur the expense." " Yes, my child," interposed Mr. Panvcrs, "you know I said something about eutcrtein ing an angel unawares. Sophia, Mr. Freder ick Harlowe is the new partner." "What an alximinable cheat, papa! I'll warrant you told Mary of it in the beginning, and she has been busy until the deed is done," said Sophia. " Nay, Rhe knew nothing of it till a few days before his marriage. This was all Mr. Har : lowe's whim. He must explain it for himself." Mr. Harlowe did attempt to explain his mo tive in entering the family incng, but it is a lame explanation. Probably the reader, who readi ly penetrates the secret thoughts of the hero of our story, has already divined his motive. He wanted a wife, and had the sense to seek for genuine goodness in preference to name and jiosition iu society. He won the daugh ter of a merchant prince as a simple clerk ; there was no doubt that she loved him. Mary was very much surprised, and perhaps a little chagrined, to find the romance of marrying a clerk so suddenly disappear ; bnt in the wealth of mutual love, they were richer than in the smiles of a fickle fortune, which had blessed them with an abundauce of the good things of this life. V&T An irish tailor, making a gentleman's coat aud vest too small, was ordered to take them borne and let them out. Some days after the tailor told the gentleman that bir garments happening to fit a cmintrymdi! of bis, let them a! a tbtlfing per week Letter from Francis P. Blair. SILVER SPRING*, MARYLAND, 1 December 12,1855. f To Messrs. Daniel R. Goodloe and Levis Cle phaen, Corresponding Committee of the Re publican Association of Washington D. C. : GENTLEMEN* :—Having relinquished political employment, aud, to avoid entering again into its anxieties, addicted myself to coantry life, I am constrained to decline your iuvitation to join the Republican Association of Washing ton city, although tempted by the honor of becoming its presiding officer. ' Yet I feel it my duty to say, that in the main I concur in the aims of the Association. To exclude sla very from the territories of the United States, and to rebuke the violation of the compromises which were made to stand as covenants between the slave and free states to effect that exclusion, are, in my opinion, the most important move ments which have engaged the public mind since the revolution. The extension of slavery over the new ter ritories would prove fatal to their prosperity ; but the greatest calamity to be apprehended from it is the destruction of the Confederacy on which the welfare of the whole eouutry re poses. Every conquest of this element of dis cord, which has so often threatened the disso lution of the Union, increases the danger.— Every surrender of the free states invites inva sion. The cause which your organization is intend ed to promote may well draw to its support men of all parties. Differences on questions of policy, on constitutional construction, of modes of administration, may well be merged to unite men who believe that nothing but con cert of action on the part of those who would arrest the spread of slavery, can resist the power of the combination now embodied to make it euibruce the continent from ocean to ocean. The rejiealing clause of the Kansas bill is predicated ou the nullity of the clause in the constitution which gives Congress the power "to make regulations respecting the territories" of the United States. Yet nothing is clearer in the history of our government, than that this phrase, giving power to Congress "to make regulations respecting the territories," was meant to give it the power to exclude slavery from them. Mr. Jeffersou's resolutions of 1784, declar ing " that there shall be neither slavery nor in voluntary servitude in any of the states " laid off in the Western territory, was subsequently re newed in the Congress of 1785, which added, "that this regulation shall be an article of com pact," aud it was so voted unanimously by the delegations of eight states out of twelve." It was passed by the unanimous votes of all the states by the Congress of 1787, which sat contemporaneously with the convention form ing the constitution, and that constitution gave Congress the power "to make regulations respecting the territories," and moreover af firmed the validity of "the engagements enter ed iuto before the constitution," by the con federation—one of which engagements was that made by tlie regulation excluding slavery from the territories. Thus the Congress of the confederation and the constitution united in giving a double sanction to the exclusion. The first exerted the power of enacting Mr. Jefferson's interdict of slavery in the territo ries then held by the United States, to which it has previously given an impressive sauctiou by adding, "this regulation shall be an article of compact," Jcc. ; and the convention guaran teed this "engagement," entered iuto by the Confederation, by declaring it "valid," and employed the same terms' "regulation of the territories, " to transmit the power here exert ed to future Congresses. In the face of this i history, and the letter of the Constitution I granting the power to make whatever regula tions it deemed fit respecting the territories of the Uuited States, the authors of the Kansas and Nebraska bill deny the constitutionality of all the regulations which exclude slavery from the territories, and set at uauglit all the precedents that confirm them, which have followed in uninterrupted succession, from the foundation of the government. That other clause in the constitution, em powering Congress to pass laws to prevent the "migration or importation" of slaves after 1808, shows the fixed purpose of the founders of our Union to limit the increase of this evil. The consequence is an inhibition, which pre vents a South Carolina planter who has slaves in Cuba, from bringiug them to his home plan tation ; and to remove the obstruction of the increase of slavery within the Union, and open Africa to supply the demand made by the new act, the Northern uullificrs are already called on by their Southern allies to lend their aid ; aud certainly those who embrace Mr. Calhoun's doctrine, as stated bv Mr. Douglas, that "every citizea has an inalienable right to move into any of the territories with his property of whatever kind or description," the constitution and the compromises to the contrary notwith standing, can hardly refuse it. It was on the annexation of the Mexican territories that Mr. Calhoun asserted this principle, to unset tle the fixed policy of the nation, beginning with the era of the Declaration of Independence : be applied it alike to the compromises of 1820 and 1850. Mr. Douglas thus sums up the position taken, and the result : "Under this seetion, as in the ease of the Men cm lav: in Xew Mexiea and Ctah, it is a de puted point whether slavery is prohibited in the Nebraska country by valid enactment..— The decision of this question involves the con stitutional right of Cougrcss to pass laws pro scribing and regnlating the domestic institu tions of the various territories of the Union In the opinion of those eminent statoamon who hoki that Congress is invented with no right ful authority to legislate upon the subject of slavery in the territories, the eighth soction of the art preparatory to the aduiisaiou of Mis soori is null and void while the prevailing sen timent in a large portion of the Union sustain* the doctrine that the constitution of the United States secures to every citizen an in.licnibl r'.gh' l- move into apv of the territories with In property >f whale\cr Kind or de:.'Tip!k>n and hold and enjoy the same under the sanc tion of law. Your eommitttee do not feel themselves called upon to enter into the discus sion of these controverted questions. They involve the same grave issues produced the agitation, the sectional strife, and the fear ful struggle of 1850." From this it appears that the compromises of 1820 find 1850 involved the question of the validity of the law of Mexico excludiug sla very from the newly-ceded Mexican territory, and the law of our own Congress excluding it from that north of the line of 36 30. Mr. Douglas's Committee Report recommended, that as "Congress deemed it wise and prudent to refrain from deciding the matters in contro versy. then, either by affirming or repealing the Mexican laws or by an act declaratory of the true intent of the constitution, and the extent of the protection afforded by it to slave property iu the territories, so your committee are not now prepared to recommend a depar ture from the course pursued on that memora ble occasion, either by affirming or repealing the eighth section of the Missouri act, or by any act declaratory of the meaning of the constitution in resj>cct to the legal jioiuts in dispute." These passages are quoted to show that the issues made by Mr. Calhoun, as to the consti tutionality of the two Compromises of 1820 and 1850, were expressly left open for judicial decision, by the committee, who nevertheless swept away, by a clause subsequently added to their bill, not only the Missouri Compro mise of 1820, but also the Compromise of 1850, which left untouched the Mexican laws prohibiting slavery in the ceded territories, and which Webster, Clav, Benton, and all the lead ing lights of the Senate, (with the exception of Mr. Calhoun,) pronounced valid, and an effectual restriction. This repeal was the adoption of Mr. Cal houn's nullifying doctrine in cjtenso. The power of Congress to make laws excluding slavery forever from its territories, as such, was denied, and all the territories were opened to slavery, ou the ground of the "inalienable right" of every citizen "to move into any of the territories with his property of whatever kind or description ami the law of squatter sovereignty was superadded,and substituted for the sovereignty of the United States over the public domain. Tims fell, at the dictation of Mr. Atchison, supported by the coalition ef fected between the Whigs and Democrats of the South, under the pressure and through the intrigues of the NulHfiers, Mr. Jefferson's no ble principle, endeared to the country both for its moral gromleur and political wisdom. It is the first thought uttered in the Declara tion of Independence; and to the denunciation of the King of Great Britain for the crime of bringing slavery to our shores, it adds, as the deepest aggravation, that "he has prostituted his negative for suppressing every legislative attempt to prohibit or restrain this execrable commerce." The first legislative attempt to restrain the progress of the mischief which the King of Great Britain visited upon this country, was Air. Jefferson's resolution excluding slaverv from the territory of the United States iii 1784—the next was that introduced by Rnfus King in 1785—the third that of Nathan Dane, iu 1787—a1l receiving the vote of two-thirds of the States of the confederacy, and the last tlie unanimous vote. The fourth vote was that of the convention, in the constitution itself, providing against the importation of slaves after 180 N. declaring the binding validity of the engagements entered into by the Congress of the Confederacy on the government of the United States, to ox clude it from the territory, and securing to the new government the power of making similar provision for future acquisitions of territory. The fifth regulation to restrain the progress of slavery was that of the Compromise of 1820 —the sixth, that of 1860. It is remarkable, that although these great measures had their origin with Democratic leaders. Federal and Whig leaders of greatest renown united in their support. The constitu tional provisions on the subject, had the unani mous suffrage of all the illustrious men in the convention who framed the Constitution of the United States ; and from the silence on the subject in the State Conventions called to ratify the Constitution, it may well be presum ed that these also were unanimous in their ap proval of what had been done under the con. fedcracy, and in the new Constitution to re strain tlie introduction and limit the extension of slavery. Aud may not men of all parties unite to restore what the patriots of all parties, during the first seventy years of our govern ment, contributed to establish t The work of restoration is simple and easy, • if the men who abhor the lute innovation on ' the long settled |>olicy of the nation, ran he ! iuduced to relinquish petty differences on tran- i sitory topics, and give their united voice, in 1 the next presidential election, for soiue man whose capacity, fidelity and courage can he re lied ujxm to oppose the issue which the prcser; administration has made to control it. The contest has grown out of presidential aspira tion. The decision of the people at the polls, iu choosing a chief magistrate, will CU( ] i t: __ Senators will easily comply when the nations demand is backej 1 , by presidential power and patrouagc, tiid hopes of the future, which an niimit; the loading meml>ers of the body. The administration has staked itself on the Rupjtort of the party of privilege—of class interest —which makes it a unit. It confides iu the success which has crowned the oligarchy everywhere in the Old World, and secured its triumphs on the maxim, "Divide and conquer." The wliijfh and democrats of the South are a combination, to carry into the next Presidency some candidate absolute in maintaining the re galing clause of the Kansas bill, which nulli fies the principles of the ordinance, the pro visions of the constitution made to give them effect, and all the coinpronri.--c> which have j boon made in pursuance of them, with sanction I of all sections of the union. If the majority favorable to the poln v built up with <>nr 'iovcrnuicut "*'ll 'in t<' ancpt 'he VOT.. XVI. NO. 20. issue tendered by tbe administration, and make tbe repeal of tbe repealing clause of the Kan Has act paramount in tbe impending contest for tbe Presidency, all will be restored that has been lost to free institutions, by openiug the territories North and South, to Slavery.— The compromises of 1820 and 1860 being re stored, there will not be an inch of tbe territo ries of the United States, once exempt from slavery, on which it can legally intrude ; and Mr. Atchison's attempt by an armed force to carry out the nullification plotted in the cau cus which gave birth to the Kansas bill will, like the attempt of prototype, Mr. Calhoun, to give effect to South Carolina nullification, be paralyzed by the frown of an indignant na tion, made potent by an honest and firm exe cutive. Aud there will eud the career of those gem tlemeu who arrogate to themselves the exclu sive tutelage of the democracy of the country, as ended that of Mr. Calhoun and his prose lytes, who took the peculiar charge of the "State Rights" party. They sunk under the universal conviction "that their zeal for state rights wa< an ardeut, desire to reach )>olitical power, at the hazard of extinguishing in the blood of the people the wise aud free ius'.itu tions it had cost so much to establish. Our innovating democrats, who put uuder foot the representative principle ; who violate the known will of their constituents ; who scorn their instructions to redress the wrong they have committed ; who reply to the suf frages that condemn their conduct, that they are not democratic suffrages ; who, iu the plentitude of their infallibility, read out of the democratic party, Maine, siew Hampshire, Connecticut, New Vork, Pennsylvania, Ohio, Indiana, Michigan, Illinois, Wisconsin and lowa, because they will not submit to the will of these, their representatives, who have set up a test which must ever exclude Massachu setts, Vermont and Rhode Island from its ranks ; who have bartered away rights secur ed to theui all by compacts—will soon learn that democracy does not reside in the organi zation of intriguers, but iu the mass of the people. It is the glory of our groat Republic, that its democracy springs up from the soil and flourishes in the fresh air of our wide-spread country ; and that its rich harvests, imparting health, strength and spirit to our whole sys tem, is gathered annually at the polls. The democracy which is bred in euueuaes and cabi nets is a sort of hot-bed species-—suited to the taste of epicurean politicians, whose appetites arc their principles. Incumbents aud expec tants of offices and dignities claim a sort of patent right to the machine of government to create a democracy adapted to their purposes. Their innovations in the machinery are contri vances to renew their privileges for new terms, and the people are the subjects who arc to bo used up iu it—to pay tribute for this privilege, and take pride in the skill of the operators. The telegraph wires and the Cincinnati Con vention arc to bring all the masterly combina tions of the Administration in contact with the masses at the appointed time. But, will the wires work ? Undoubtedly the people, far and wide, will have their instructions from the oj>e rators ; but the response will probably be a thunderbolt to those who have violated .tlwir rights, spurned their remonstrances, and, as a consequence, have arrayed brothers from the different sections of the Union to shod each others' blood, in civil war, on the plains of Kansas. Yours, resjiectfullv, F. P. BLAIU. MANTK U-ITRF: OK I'ORT WINK.—A London paper gives the following account of the man ner in which jiort wine is manufactured : When port is required to be manufactured, two separate processes are deliberately and syste matically goue through ; first, the wiue itself is made, and then the iottles ure prepared in to which the liquor is to be transferred.— When the mixture itself is deficient in the fragrancy peculiar to the grape, a boquet is contributed by means of sweet scented herb.-, orris root, elder flowers, or laurel water. A viuous odor is sometimes imparted by small quantities of the liquid known as the "oil of wine." The pie isant juice of |the alloe im parts a port like rough uess to the compound, aue of port which was young in the morning is made to fall into extreme old age in the course of the viternoon. Those are no exaggerations, the following has been given as a chemical uunalysb. of a bottle of cheap port wiue, though fur obvious sons we Suppress the quantities ; —Spirits of wine, cider, sugar, alum, tar'aic acid, aud a decoction of logwood, la mo.>t instances when the wine is not manufactured in this country, the consumer is victimized by a three-fold adul toratiun. The exporter adulterates, the im porter adulterates, and finally the retail dea ler adulterates. When a powerful and enliglitenedcou tincutal monarch, who reigned some centuries ago, saw hi> court'ers smile at an act of con descension he had just performed towards a great artist, he rebuked them in some such terms as these:—"l could easily make a hun dred nobles such as you, but not oue {winter like him who stands among us." fcaf* A Gennan writer, Jurrue, compares the different. stages in the lives of women to milk, butter and cheese. A girl, he says, is like milk, a woman like butter, and au old woman like cheese—all three may be excellent iu their kind. Won." A codfish for break-fat an'i an rubber coa t will keen i man dr •