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THE BRADFORD"REPORTER.
_____ . // " .1 H mHwteioßß
ONE DOLLAR PER AMNUffI, INVARIABLY IN ADVANCE.
TOWAKDA;
gatnrimij fllorninn, November 10, 1855,
THOM AS 11. BENTON'S
SECRET HISTORY OF THE INTRISUE
To Defeat the Re-nomination
OF
rnimn ?Mi TOm
For the Presidency, in 1844.
Tl'ruui advance sheet* of licutou's Thirty Years' View, iu
the press of the Messrs. Appletun.]
ANNO 1*44. JOHN TVLEU, PRTBKHFFINTT.
PRESIDENTIAL DEMOCRATIC CONTENTION* T BOLT)
ivrnret K FOR THE X -MIXATTON" : OEV. JACK
SON'S TEXAS LETTER : ITS SECRET HTSTORY.
In the winter of 1842-3, nearly two years
ln-fore the Presidential election, there apjiear
w| in a Baltimore newspaper an elaborately
ntui])osed letter 011 the annexation of Texas,
written by Air. Gilmer, a member of Congress
faun Virginia, urging the immediate annexa
tion a.- inves-my to forestall the designs of
Great Britain upon the young country. These
designs, it was alleged, aimed at a pirlitical and
military domination on our southwestern Iwr
,i( r, with a view to addition and hostile move
ment- turuhiai us : and the practical part of
the letter was an earnest amieal W the Ameri
can people fo annex the Texas republic iiunic
ihfitelv. a* tlie only means of preventing such
•rrcat calamities'. This letter was a clap of
tlmflder in a elenr sky. There was nothing
in the political horizon to announce or portend
it. Great Britain, had given no symptom of
any disposition to war npon ns, or to excite
insurrection among our slaves. Texas and
Mexico were at war. to annex the country was
to adopt the war. Far from hastening annex
ation. an '-vent desirable in itself when it could
be limn stlv done, a premature aud ill-judged
attempt, upon groOiidlass pretexts, could only
cW ami dely it. There was nothing in the!
jwsit'wiiof Air. Gilmer to make liirn a prime
mover in the annexation scheme ; and there
was nui'di in Ids connections with Air. Calhoun
to make him the refieeftw of that gentleman's
opinions. The letter itself was a counterpart
of the movement made by Air. Calhoun in the
.Senate, in lBi>G, to bring the Texas question
into the President ial cl.ctioii of that year ;
it* arguments wure tin.' amplification of the
-emiiial ideas tlieu presented by that gentle
inn it: and i' was his known habit to ojierate
tliromrii others. Air. Gilmer wtuf a close jiolit
ieal trie id, and known ns a promulgator ®f his
d-i trines—having been tho first to advocate
nidi lieatiou in Virgin**.
Putting all these c'm Mir.stances together, 1
believed. the moment I saw it, that 1 discerned
die linger of Air. Calhoun in that letter, and
that an enterprise of some kind was 011 foot
for the next Presidential elect ion—thoairh still
so far off. 1 therefore put au eye on the move
ment, and liy observing the progress of tiie
letter, the papers in which it was re-published,
their comments, the encomiums which it re
ceived, and the meetings in which it was i
commended, I became satisfied that there was ;
tn) mistake in referring il - origin to that gen- j
tleman : and became convinced that this move- j
uient was l lie resKinption of the premature
and abortive attempt of 1836. Iu the coarse I
of the summer of 1 5 43 it had been taken up J
generally in the circle of Air. Calhoun's friends, !
and with a zeal and pertinacity wich betrayed !
the spirit of a presidential canvass. Coinci- ]
dent with these symptoms, and indicative of a
determined movement n the Texas question,
was a pr<-ginut circumstance in the executive
branch of the government. Air. Webster,
who had been prevailed upon to remain in Air.
Tyler's cabinet when all his colleagues of 1841
left their places, now resigned his place, also—
imiucni, as it was well kuown, by the altered
de] or; merit of titc President towards him ; and
wa< 01,1-. < ded lir-t by Air. I/pgare, of South
Carolina, and. 01 his early death, by Air. Up
shur, of Virginia.
.Mr. W-bster was inflexiUy ojiposed to the
hx;:* innovation, and also to the presidential
elevation of Mr. Calhoun ; the two gentlemen, |
hi- successors, were lioth favorable to auoexa-1
'."U, and one (Mr. Upshur) extremely so to!
-Mr 1 .idiom: ; so that here were two steps j
Mkcu ia the sii-peetcd direction—-an obstacle
removed and a facility substituted. This change
in the head of the State departnieut, ujwu
whatever motive produced, was indispensable
to the success of the Texas movement, and
cuuld only have becu made for some great
vvuse never yet explained, seeing the service
v 'iheh Air. Webster did Mr. Tyler iu reiuain
tng Wit'u him when the other ministers withdrew.
Another sign appeared iu the conduct of the
I ftauLut himself. Ile was undergoing another
4'Uuuge. J.oiig a Democrat, aud successful in
P-'tUug olliee at that, he had become a whig,
a ' ! 1 uh still greater success. Democracy had
< MT;"d liim to the Senate ; whigtrism elevated
,0111 to the Vice-Presidency. He was now
"Abmg back, a* shown in a previous chapter,
toward- his
original party, hut that wing of it
' h bail gone off with Air. Calhoun iu the
■ 'u':on war—a natural line of retrogrcs
y'ii "ii hi- part, as lie had traveled it in his
;."oit from the democratic to the whig camp.
l! ' pajiers ii, his interest became rampant for
:i -. am] in t) 10 of the autumn, the
( ! >r became curreitt and steady that negytia
' ' *ere in progress for annexation, aud that
''"''''"y cortaii).
-M'rivu;-/ at Washington at the cotnmcnce
(•' "f the session of 1813 -'44, and descend
- die steps of the Capitol in a throng of
•( 'a u-rs 011 the evening of the first day's sit-
1 was accosted by Mr. Aaron V". Brown,
j bj ['"mutative from Tennessee, with cxprcs-
? n ' a t eratification at meeting with
•'(""Mill"; ami who Immediately showed the
it .a' "' '- ra 'ifi.uitioii to be the opportunity
~r. ' l ' lu k to me on the subject
8 " b'Xus annexation. He spoke of it us
f ;" I'* 1 '* "2 and probable event —compliinent-
In . v early oppositiou to the relinquish
PUBLISHED EVERY SATURDAY AT TOWANDA, BRADFORD COUNTY, PA., BY E. O'MEARA GOODRICH.
'ij ,ww t,/. J*m-n fmoMi I 4 ir l. 4 • i
inent of that couutry, and my subsequent ef
forts to get it back, aud did me the Jiouor to
say that as such original enemy to its loss aud
early adyoeate of its recovery, I was a proper
persou to take a prominent part iu now get
ting it back. All this was very civil and
quite reasonable, and at another time and un
der other circumstances, would have been en
tirely agreeable to me; but, pre-oceupied as
my mind was with the idea of an iutriguo for
the Presidency,, aud a laud and scrip specula
tion which I saw mixiug itself up with it, aud
fueling as if I was to le made au instrument
in these schemes, I took fire at his words, aud
answered abruptly and hotly : That it was, 011
the part of some, an intrigue for the T reside urn
and a plot to disolte the Union—on the part (if
others, a Texas scrip and land speculation ; and
I hit I was against it.
This auswer went into the newspapers, aud
was much noticed at the time, aud immediate
ly set up a high wall'betweeu me and the an-1
nexation party. I had no thought at the
time that Air. Brown had beeu moved by any
body to sound me, and presently regretted the
warmth with which I had replied to him—espe
cially as no part of what I had said was in
tended to apply to him. The occurrence gave
rise to some sharp words at one another after
wards, which, so far as they were sharp on my
part, I have since condemned, and do not now
repeat.
Some three months afterwards there appear
ed iu the Richmond lUnquirtr a letter from
Gen. Jaeksou to Air. Brown, iu answer to one i
from Air. Brown to the General, covering aj
copy of Mr. Gilmer's Texas letter, and asking I
the favor of his (the General's) opinion upon I
it: which lie promptly and decidedly gave, aud I
fully in favor of its object. Here was a reve- j
lation and a coincidence that struck me, aud ;
put my mind to thinkiqg, and opened up a
uew vein of exploration, into which I went to j
work, and worked on nntil I obtained the se- j
cret history of the famous "Jaeksou Texas'
letter," (so it came to be called,) and which
played so large a part iu the Texas annexation '
question, and in the Presidential election of j
1844, aud which drew so much applause upou
the General from many who had so lately and
so bitterly condemned hiru. This history I now
propose to give, confining the narrative to the
intrigue for the Presidential nomination, leav- j
ing the history of the attempted annexation
(treaty of 1844) for a separate chapter, or 1
rather chiipters, for it was. au euterju'ise of
many aspects, according to the taste of diffo-,
real actors, Presidential, disunion, speculation.
The outline of this history—that of the let
ter—is brief aud authentic ; and although |
well covered up at the time, was kuown to too
many to remain covered up long. It was part
ly made known to me at the time, and fully
siuce. It ruus thus :
Mr. Calhoun, in 1841—'2,< had resumed his j
design (intermitted in 1840) to stand for the !
Presidency, and determined to make the au- i
nexation—immediate annexation—the con-!
trolling issue iu the election. The death of;
President Harrison in 1841, aud the retreat of j
his whig ministers, and the accession of his
friends to power in the person of Air. Tyler, !
(then setting ba< k iu his old love,) and in the !
persons of some of his cabinet, opcued up to
his view the prospect of a successful enterprise
iu that direction ; and he fully embraced it,
and without discouragement froiu the similar
budding hopes of Air. Tyler himself, which it
was known would be wUlwut fruit, except what
Mr. Ualhouu would gather—the ascendant of
his gcuius assuring him the mastery w hen he
should chouse to assume it. His real couipo-;
titers (foreseen to be Air. Vau liureu and Mr.
Clay ; were sure to be against it—immediate
annexation—and they would have a heavy
current to encounter, all the South and West
being for the annexation, and a strong interest
also, iu other parts of the Union. There was
a baris to build ujxtn iu the honest feelings
of the people, and inllauiatory argument* to
excite theui ; and if the opinion of General
Jaeksou could be obtained in its favor, the '
election of tlie aunexatiou euudidate was deem
ed certain.
With this view the Giluier Jotter was com
posed and published, and sent to him—and was ;
admirably conceived for its purpose. It took
the veteran patriot on the side of his strong
feelings—Jove of country and the Union—dis- j
trust of Urcut Hritaiu—and u southern sus
ceptibility to the dangers of a servile iusurrco ;
tion. It carried him back to the theater of
his glory—the Lower Mississippi—and awn- i
kened his apprehensions for the safety of the !
most vulnerable poiut of our frontier. Justly '
and truly, but with a relitiemeut of artilice in
this case, it presented annexation as a. strength- i
ening plaster to the Union, while ready intend
ed to sectionalizc it, and to effect disunion if!
annexation failed. This idea of strengthening'
the Union had, and in itself deserved to have,
an invincible charm for the veteran patriot.
Resides, the recovery of Texas was in the line
of his policy, pursued by him as a favorite ob
ject during his administration ; and this desire
to get back the country, patriotic in itself, was
entirely compatible with Ills acquiescence in
its relinquishment as a temporary sacrifice in
1810 ;an acquiescence induced by the "domes
tic" reason communicated to him by Mr. Mon
roe.
The great point in sending the Gilmer letter
to him, with its portents of danger from Rri
tish designs, was to obtain from him an opinion
iu favor of "immediate" annexation. No
other opinion would do any good. A future
annexation, no matter how soon after 1844,
would cam* the question beyond the Presiden
tial election, and would fall in with the known
opinions of Mr. Van Bnren and Mr. Clay, and
most other American statesmen, the common
sentiment Iteing for annexation when it could
be honestly accomplished. Such annexation
would make no issue at all. It would throw
Texas out of the question. Immediate was,
therefore, the game ; and to bring Clew Jack
son to that point was the object. To do that
the danger of Hritish occupation was present
ed as being so imminent as to admit of no de
lay, and so disastrous in its consequences as to
preclude all consideration of present objections.
It was a bold conceptiou, and of critical cje-
" REAJU)LESS OF DENUNCIATiOK FROM ANY QUARTER."
cation. Jackson was oue of the last men iu
the world to be tampered with—one of the
last to be useß against a friend or for a foe—
the very last to wish to see Mr. Calhoun Presi
dent—and the very first in favor of Mr. A 7 an
Buren. To turn hira against his nature aud
his feelings in all these particulars was a peri
lous enterprise ; but it was attempted—aud
accomplished.
It has already been shown that the fetter of
Mr. Gilmer was skilfully composed for its pur
pose : all the accessories of its publication and
transmission to (ion. Jaeksou were equally
skilfully contrived. It was addressed to a
friend iu Alarylaud, which was iu the opposite
direct ion from the locus of its origin. It was
drawn out on the call of a friend : that is the
technical way of getting a private letter before
the public. It was published in Baltimore—a
city where its writer did not live. Aud thus
! the acesssories of the. publication were eom
| plete, and left the mind without suspicion that
j the letter had germinated in a warm southern I
latitude. It was then ready to start on its |
mission to (Jen. Jackson ; bnt how to get it
there, without exciting suspicion, was the ques-
Certainly Air. (iiluicr would have been j
the natural agent for the transmission of his:
owu letter : but he stood too close to Mr. Cal
honn—was too mnMi his friend and intimate—
to make that a safe adventure. A medium
was wanted, which would be a conductor of
the letter aud a uou couductor of suspicion ;
and it was found in the person of Mr. Aaron
V. Brown. But he was the friend of Mr.
Van Buren, and it was ngeessarv to approach '
him through a medium also, and one wnsfoutid |
in one of Air. Gilmer's colleagues—believed
to be Air. Hopkins, of the House, who came
from near the Tennessee line ;. aud through
him the letter reached Mr. Brown.
And thus, conceived by one, written bv
another, published by a third, aud transmitted
through two successive mediums, the missive
went upon its destination, and arrived safely
in the hands of General Jackson. It had a
complete success. He answered it promptly,
warmly, decidedly, affirmatively. So fully did
it put him up to the point of " immediate" an-j
nexation that his impatience outstripped ex
pectation. lie counselled haste—considered 1
the present the accepted time—and urged the j
seizure of the "golden opportunity" which, if'
lost now, might never return. The auswer was '
dated at the Hermitage, March 12, 184J, and
was received at Washington as soon as the i
mailcottld fetch it. Of course it came to Mr.
Brown, to whom it belonged, and to whom it
was addressed ; but I did not hear of it iu his 1
hauds. Aly first information of it was iu the
bauds of Air. Gilmer, iu the hall of the House, j
immediately after its hrrival—lie crossing the J
hall with the letter in his hand, greatly elated, 1
and showing it to a confidential friend, with
many expressions of now confident triumph j
over Air. Van Buren. The friend was permit- j
ted to read the letter, but with the understand
ing that nothing was to be said about it at
that time.
Air. Gilmer then explnnal to his frie.nl the
■purpose for v/tirh this letter hid hem urilled j
aud sent la (It neral J c! son, and the use that i
tens intended to he mode of his answer, (if
farordhfe to the drsignrof the anther.*,) irhirh
teas this: it tens to be prod need in the nomiua- |
ting e/mven'iou to overthrow Air. lon Buren i
and girc JL/r,. Calhoun the uo mi not ion, both of
whom ire re to be interrogated beforehand ; and j
os if was well hut trn lrhat the answer would be
Calhoun for and Van Buren against immr- j
diutc a*iteration -and JoeksoH's answer rotn-
cuhuff wUh Calhoun's, would turn the scale in
Jus fa cor, "and blow I an Buren shy high."
This was the plan, and this the ftate of the
game, at the end of* February, 1843; but a J
great deal remained to be done to perfect tlie
scheme. Tlie sentiment of the democratic par
ty was nearly unanimous for Air. A'an Buren,
aud time was wanted to undermine that senti
ment. I'uLlic opinion was uot yet ripe lor im
mediate annexation, and time was wanted to !
cffltfvate that opinion There was no evidence
of any British domination or abolition plot in
Texas, aud time was wanted to import one
from London. All these operations required
time—more of it than intervened before the
customary period for the meeting of the con
vention. That period had been the month of
December preceding the year of the election,
and Baltimore the place lor these assemblages
sjnee Congress presidential caucuses had been
broken down—that near position to Washing
ton being chosen for the convenient attendance
of that part the members of Congress who
charged themselves with these elections, if
December remained the period for the meeting,
there would be 110 time for the large operations
which required to be performed ; for, to get
the delegates there in time, they must be elec
ted beforehand, during the summer—so that
the working season of the intriguers would )K
-reduced to a few months, when upwards of a
year was required. To gain that time was tlie
first object, and a squad of members, some in
the interest of Mr. Calhoun, some professing
friendship to Air. A'an Buren, but secretly bos
tile to him, sat privately in the Capitol, almost
nightly, corrcs]H)uding with all parts of the
country to get the convention jx>tpoued. All
sorts of patriotic motives w ere assigned for this
desired postponement, as that it would be more
convenient for the delegates to attend —nearer
to the time of election—more time for public
opinion to mature ; and most favorable to de
liberate decision. Bui another device was fall
en upon to obtain delay, the secret of which
was not put into the letters, nor confided to
the bixly of the nightly committee. It had so
happened that the opposite parly—the AVhigs
—since the rout of the Congress Presidential
caucuses, had also takeu the same time ami
place for their conventions—December aud
Baltimore —and doubtless for the saiue reason,
that of the more convenient attending of the
Presidentsuakiug members of Congress ; and
I this led fo au intrigue with the whigs, the
! knowledge of which was confined to a very
few. It was believed that tiie democratic
convention could be the mure readily put off
U* the whigs would do the like—aud do it
first.
There was a committee within the commit-
tee—a little uest of head managers—who un
dertook this collusive arraugement with the
wnigs. They proposed it to them, professing
to act iu tho interest of Air. Calhoun, though
in fact against him as well as against Mr. Van
Buren. The whigs readily agreed to this pro
posal. beeanse, being themselves then unani
mous for Air. Clay, it made 110 difference at
what time he should be nominated ; and be
lieving they could more easily defeat Air. Cal
houn than Air. Van Buren, they preferred him
for an antagonist. They tl re re fore agreed to
the delay, and both conventions were put Off,
(aud the whigs first, to enable the democrats
to plead it,) from December, 1843, to May.
1844. Time for operating having now l>een
gained,the night squad in the Capitol redoubled
their activity to work upon the people. Let
ter writers and newspapers were secured.—
Good, easy members were plied with specious
reasons—slippery ones were directly approach
ed. A'isitors from the states were* beset and
indoctrinated. Men were picked out to ope
rate on the selfish and the calculating ; and
myriads of letters were sent to the states to
editors and politicians. All these agents work- j
ed to a pattern, the primary object being to
undo public sentiment in favor of Air. Yan~Bu
reu, and to manufacture one, ostensibly iu fa-'
vor of Air. Calhoun, but in reality without l>e
ing for him—tliev being for any oue of four, 1
(Mr. Cass, Air. Buchanan, Colonel Johnson,
Mr. Tyler,) in preference to either of them.—
They were for neither, and the only difference
was that Mr. Calhoun believed they were for
him : Air. Van Buren knew they were against
him. They professed friendship for him ; and
that was necessary to enable thein to under
mine him. The stress of the argument against
him was that he could not be elected, aud the
effort was to make good that assertion. Now !
or never, was the word with respect to Texas.
Some of the squad sympathised with thespecu- j
lators iu Texas lands aud scrip ; and to these I
Air. Calhoun was no more palatable than Air. ;
Van Buren. They were both above plunder, j
Some wanted office, and knew that neither of
these gentlemen would give it to them. They
had a difficult ns well as tortuous part topluy.
Professing democracy, they colluded with whigs.
Professing friendship to Air. Van Buren, they
co-operated with Mr. Calhoun's friends to de
feat him. Co-operating with Mr. Calhoun's
friends, they were against his election They
were for any lody in preference to either, anil
especially for men of easy temperaments whose
principles were not entrenched behind strong
wills. To nndo public sentiment in favor of |
Mr. Van Buren was their labor : to get un
pledged aud uuinstructed delegates into con
vention, and to get those released who had
been appointed under instructions, was the con
summation of their policy. A convention un
trammelled by instructions, independent of the j
people and open to the machinations of a few
IKiliticmus, was what was wanted. The efforts
to accomplish these juirposes were prodigious,
aud constituted tlie absorbing night and day
work of the members engaged in it. After all,
they had but indifferent success—more with
politicians and editors than with the people.-
Air. Van Buren was almost universally prefer*-
red. Delegates were generally instructed to
support, his nomination. Even in the southern
states, in direct question between himself and
Air. Calhoun, lie was preferred—as iu Alabama
and Mississippi. No delegates were released
from their instructions by any competent au
thority, and only a few in any, by clusters of
load j>oliticians, convenient to the machinations
of the committce-iii theCapitol—asat Shockoe
Hill, Biclnnond, Virginia, where Mr. Ritchie,
editor of the Bnquirer, (whose proclivity to be
deceived in u crisis was generally equivalent in
its effects to positive treachery,) led the way—
himself impelled by others.
The labors of the committee, though intend
ed to be secret, aud confined to a small circle,
and chiefly carried on in the night, were sub
ject to be discovered ; and were so ; and the
discovery led to sonic public denunciations.—
The two senators from Ohio, Messrs. William
Allen aud Tappan, and ten of the representa
tives from that state, published a card in the
Chic newspaper, denouncing it as a conspira
cy to defeat the will of the people.- The whole
delegation from South Carolina, (Messrs. Mc-
Dullie and Kuger, senators, and the seven re
presentatives,) fcuriug that they might be sus
pected on account of their friendship for Air.
Calhoun, published a card denying all eonnec- :
tion with the committee ; an unnecessary pre
caution, us their characters were above that
suspicion. Ail any other members published !
cards, denying their participation in these !
meetings ; and some, admitting the participa- :
tion, denied the intrigue, and truly, as it con
cerned themselves ; for all the disreputable
part was kept secret from them—especially the |
collusion with the whigs, aud all the mysteries j
of the Giluier letter. .Many of them were sin- j
cere friends of Air. Van Buren, but deceived
ntnl cheated themselves while made the instru
ment of deceiving and cheating others. It was
probably one of the most elaborate pieces of j
political cheatcry that lias ever been performed j
in a free country, and well worthy to be stu- |
died by all who would wish to extend their
knowledge of the manner in which Presidential
elections may be managed, and who would wish
to sec the purity of elections preserved aud vin
dicated.
About this time came an occurrence well
calculated to make a pause, if anything could
make a pause, in the working of political am
bition. The exjdosiou oi' the great gun 011
board the Princeton steamer took place, kill
ing, among others, two of Mr. Tyler's cabinet,
(Air. Upshur and Air. Gilmer,) both deeply en
gaged in the Texas project—barely failing to
kill Air. Tyler, who was called back iu the cri
tical moment, aud who had embraced the Tex
as scheme with more than vicarious zeal ; and
j also bart'ly failing to kill the writer of this
View, who was standing at the breech of the
gun, closely observing4ts working as well as
that of the Texas game, and who fell among
llie killed and stunned,fortunately to rise again.
Commodore Kennnii, Air. Virgil Alaxcy, Mr.
Gardiner, of New-York, father-in-law (that was
to be) of the President, were also killed ; a
dcuteu scautcu were wonnded, ami Cummodora
Stockton burnt and scorched as he stood at
the side of the gun. Such an occurrence was
well calculated to impress upou the survivors
tl\e truth of the divine lesson : " What shad
ows we are—what shadows we pursue." But
it had no effect upon the pursuit of the Presi
dential shadow. Instantly Mr. Calhoun was
invited to take Mr. Upshur's place in the De
partment of State, and took it with an alacrity
aud with a patrouiziug declaration which show -
ed his zeal for the Texas movement, and as
good as avowed its paternity. He declared he
took the place for the Texas negotiation, alone,
and would quit it as soon as that negotiation
should be finished. In brief, the negotiation,
instead of pausing in the presence of so awful
a catastrophe, seemed to derive new life from
it, and to go forward_w!£h acccleratetkimpetu
osity. Mr. Calhoun put his pager nativity in
to it : politicians, became more vehemeutr—
newspapers more clamorous : the interested
classes, (laud and scrip speculators) swarmed
at Washington, and Mr. Tyler embraced the
scheme with a fervor which iuduced the suspi
cion that lie had adopted the game for his own,
ami intended to stand a cast of the Presiden
tial die upon it.
The machinations of the committee, though
greatly successful with individuals aud with the
politicians with whom they could communicate,
did uot"reach the masses, who remained firm
to Air. Van Buren ; and it became necessary
to fall upon some new means of acting upon
theui. This led to a diferent use of the Jack
sou Texas letter from what had been intended.
It was intended to have been kept in the back
ground, a secret in the hauds of its possessors,
until the meeting of tlie convention—then sud
denly produced, to torn the scale between Mr.
Calhoun and Air. Van Buren, and this design
had been adhered to for about the space of a
year, ami the letter kept close ; it was then re
curred to as a means of rousing the masses.
Jacksou's name was poteutial with the |ieo
ple, and it was deemed indispensable to bring i
it to bear upou thetu. The publication of the
letter was resolved upon, and the Globe news
paper selected for the purpose, and Mr. Aaron 1
V. Brown to have it doue. All this was ju-'
dicious and regular. The Globe had been the
organ of General Jackson, and therefore the
most proper paper to bring his sentiments be- j
fore the public. It was the advocate of Air.
Van Buren's election, and therefore would pre
vent the suspicion of siuistrous design upou
him. Air. Brown was the legal owner of the
letter, and a professing frieud of Air. A'an Bu
ren, aud, therefore, the proper person to carry
it for publication.
He did so ; but the editor, Mr. Blair, see
ing uo good that it could do to Air. Van Bu
ren, but, 011 the contrary, harm, and being sin
cerely his friend, declined to publish it ; aud,
after examination, delivered it back to Mr.
Brown. Shortly thereafter, to wit, on the 22d
of March, 1844, it appeared in the Richmond
Enquirer, post-dated, that is to say, the date
of 1848 changed into 1844—whether by de
sign or accident is uot known ; but the post |
date gave the letter a fresher appearance, and
a more vigorous application to the Texas ques
tion The fact that this letter had got back
to Air. Brown, after having been given up to !
Air. Gilmer, proved that the letter travelled |
in a circle while kept secret, and weut from
hand to baud among the initiated as Deeded j
for use.
The time had now come for the interroga
tion of the candidates, and it was doue with all
the tact which the delicate function required.
The choice of the interrogator was the first
point. He must be a friend, ostensible if not
real, to the party interrogated. If real, he
must himself be deceived, aud made to believe
that lie was performing a kindly service ; if
not, he must still have the appearauce. And
for Mr. Van Buren's benefit a suitable i>er
foruier w as found in the person of Mr. Harnett,
a representative in Congress from Alississippi,
whose letter was a model for the oeoasion.aud,
iu fact, has beeu well followed since It abound
ed in professions of friendship to Air. Van Bit
ren—approached him.fur his ow 11 good—soHght
his opinion from tlie best of motives ; and urg
ed a categorical reply, for or against, immedi
ate annexation. The sagacious Air. A'an 811-
reu was no diqie of this contrivance, but took
counsel from w hat was due to himself; and
answered w itk candor, decorum and dignity.
He was against immediate annexation,because
it was war with Alexico, but for it when it
could be doue peaceably and houorably : and
he was able to prcseut a very fair record, hav
ing been in favor of getting back the country,
(in away to avoid difficulties with Alexico,)
when Secretary of State, under Uresident Jack
son. llis letter was scut to a small circle of
friends at Washington before it was delivered
to its address ; but to be delivered immediate
ly ; which was doue, and soon went into the
papers. Air. Calhoun had superseded the ne
cessity of interrogation iu his letter of accep
tance of the ritate Department ; he was a hut
annexationist, although there was an ugly re
cord to be exhibited against him. In his al
most thirty years of public life he had never
touched Texas, except for Iris own purposes.—-
In 1810, as one of Mr. Alouroe's lie
had concurred in giving it away, in order to
conciliate the anti-slavery interest in the north
east by curtailing slave territory in the south
west. Iu 1536, he moved her immature an
nexation, iu order to bring the question into
the Urcsideutial election of that yeur, to the
prejudice of Air. A an liureu ; and urged in
stant action, because delay was dangerous.—
Having joined Air. Van Buren after his elec
tion, and expecting to become his successor, he
dropped the annexation for which lie had been
so impatient, aud lot the election of 1840 pass
by without bringiug it into the canvass and
now revived it for the overthrow of Mr. Van
Buren and for the excitement of a sectional
controversy, by placing the annexation on
strong sectional grouuds. And now, at tlie
approach of tho election iu 1844, after ycare
of silence, lie becomes the head advocate of an
nexation ; and with all this forbiddiug record
against him, by help of General Jacksou's let
ter, and the general sentiment ju favor of an
uexatiuu, and the fictitious alarm of British
abolition and hostile designs, he wa abla to
VOL. XVI. —XO. <s.
apjxjar as a cbarapiuu of Texas annexation,
battling the old awl consistent friends of the
"icuoure with the new form which hud been
given to the question. Mr. Clay was of tliii
class. Of all the public men he was able to
present the best and fairest Texas record. He
was opposed to the loss of the province in 181 y,
and offered resolutions iu the House of itepra
sen tat ires, supported by an ardent Bf*och, iu
which he eoudetnned the treaty which gave it
away. As Secretary of State, under Mr.
Adams, he had advised the recovery of the
province, and opened negotiations ta that ef
fect, and wrote the instructions under which
Mr. l'pinsett, the. United States minister, made
the attempt. Asa western man, lie was fho
nrftnral champion of a great we stern interest—'
|ire-eminent!y western, while also national. ITo
was interrogated according to the programme,
and answered with firmness; that, although an
ancient' ami steadfast friend to the recoverv of
the country, he was opposed to immediate "ari
nexufion, as adopting the war wftfi Mexico,"
ami making that war by treaty, when the war
inaking power belonged to Congress. There
were several other democratic candidates, tho
whole of whom were interrogated, and answer
ed promptly in favor of immediate annexation
--some of them improving their leftebs, as ad
vised, before publication. Mr. Tyler, also,
now api>eurcd above the horizon as a Presi
dential candidate, and needed no interrogato
ries to bring out his declaration for immediate
annexation, although he hud voted against jVlr.
Clay's resolution condemning the sacrifice of
the province. In a word, tlie Texas hobby
was nmltitudinously mounted and violently rid
den, and most violently by those who had been
most iudiffereut.to it before. Mr. Clay ami
Mr. Calhoun were the only candidates that an
swered like statesmen, and they were both dis
tanced.
The time was approaching for the conven
tion to meet, and, consequently for the con
clusion of the treaty of annexation, which was
to lie a touchstone in it. It was signed the
12th of April, and was to have bceu sent to
the Senate immediately, but was delayed by a
circumstance which created alarm—made a
balk—and required a new turn to be taken.—
Mr. Van Buren had not yet answered the in
terrogatories put to him through Mr. Harnett,
or rather his auswer had uot yet been publish
ed. Uneasiness began to be felt, lest, like so
many others, he should fall into the current,
auil auswer ia a may that would enable hira to
swiui with it. To relieve this uncertainty Mr.
Blair was applied to by Mr. Hubert J. Walker
to write to him, and get his auswer. This was
a very proper chanuel to apply through. Mr.
lUuir, as the fast friend of Mr. Van Buren,
had the privilege to solicit him. Mr. Calhoun,
as the political adversary of Mr. Van Buren,
could not ask Mr. Blair to do it. Mr. Walker
stood in a relation to be ready lor the work all
round ; as a professing friend of Mr. Van Bu
ren, though co-operating with Mr. Calhoun
and all the rest against him, he could speak
with Mr. Blair on a jioint which seemed to ho
for Mr. Yau Buren's benefit. As co-operating
with Mr. Calhouu, he could help hiui against
an adversary, though iuteuding to give him
the go-by iu the eud. As being iu all the
Texas mysteries, he was a natural person to
ferret out information on every side. He it
was, then, to whose jrnrt it fell to get the de
sired answer from Mr. Vun Buren, and through
the instrumentality of Mr. Blair. Mr. Biuic
wrote as solicited, not seeing any trap in it ;
but had received no answer up to the time that
the treaty was to go the Senate. Ardeut for
Texas, and Ijclieving iu the danger of delay,he
wrote and published in the Globe a glowing ar
ticle in favor of immediate annexation. Tliat
article was a poser and a dumb-founder. It
threw the treaty nil aback. Considering Mr.
Blair's friendship for Mr. Van Buren and their
confidential relations, it was concluded that
this article could not have been published with
out his consent —that it sjioke Ms aentiraents—
and was in fact his auswer to the letter which
had been sent to hira. Here was an ngly balk.
It seemed as if the long intrigue had miscar
ried—ns if the plot was going to work out the
contrary way, and elevate tlie man it was in
tended to put down. In this unexpected con
juncture a new turn became indisjK-nsable—
and was promptly taken.
Mention has been made in the forepart of
this chapter of tlie necessity which was felt to
obtain something from liowlon to bolster up
the accusat ion of that formidable abolition plot
which (J nut Britain was hatching in Texas,
and on the alleged existence of which tht
whole argument for Immediate annexation re
posed. The desired testimony had been got,
and oracularly given to the public, as being
derived from a " j'rirate Idler from a citizen of
Menjjl'tiid, then in JL&ndon." The name of
this Maryland citizen was not given, but his
respectability and reliability were fully vouched;
and the testimony passed for true. It was to
the point in charging upon the British govern
ment, with names ami circumstances, all that
Imd l>een alleged ; and adding that her aboli
tion machinations were then in full progress.
Tins went back to London, immediaelv trans
mitted there by the British Minister at Wash
ington, Sir Richard l'akcnham ; ami being
known to be false, and felt to be scandalous,
drew from the British Secretary of State (Lord
Aberdeeu) an indignant, prompt aud peremp
tory contradiction. This contradiction was
given iu a despatch, dated December 26th,
1843. It was communicated by Sir Richard
rakenhaiu to Mr. Upshur, the United States
Secretary of State,on the 20th day of Februa
ry, 1841—a few days before tlie lamentable
death of that gentleman by the bursting of the
Princeton gun. This despatch, liaviug no ob
ject but to contradict an unfounded imputa
tion, required no answer—and received tionc.
It lay in the Department of State unacknowl
edged until after the treaty had been 'signed,
and until the day of the appearance of that
redoubtable article in the Globe which had
been supposed to he Mr. Van Buren's answer
to the problem of immediate annexation.
Then it was taken up, aud, on the 18tlx April,
was elaborately answered by Mr. Calhoun in a
despatch to tlie British minister—not to argue
[rftß ror-RTH TAOK ]