Bradford reporter. (Towanda, Pa.) 1844-1884, August 26, 1854, Image 1

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    INlatCrtilll 2:70
%turbo Morning, 3.ngnst 20, 11124.
Stitthlt iottrt
■T a. N. eamwrox.
The tide roll. on, the tide rolls on—
The never ceasing tide,
That sweeps the pleasures from °urbane,
The loved ones from oar side—
That brings afflictions to oar la,
And anguish and despair,
And bears from youth's unniffied brow
The-charms that lingered there.
The tide rolls on : wave after wave,
Its swelling waters dom.-
Before it all is bright and fair.
Behind it all is wo !
The infant from its mother's breast,
The gay and blooming bride.
Are swept away and borne along
By that resistless tide:
The tide rolls on ; the soldier's eye
Grows dim beneath Its swell;
The scholar shuns the mystic lore
That be bath loved so well;
The monarch pats the crowo•sside.
And Labor's weary sla7e
Rejoices tbot his limbs will know
The quiet of the grace.
The tide rolls on ; like summer brook,
It glideth to the sad :
But like dark winter's angry tide.
It rushed' to the glad.
From kingly ball or lowly cot.
From battle field and hearth.
It sweeps into oblivion's sea .
The dwellers on the earth.
Roll on, thou dark and turbid ware !
Thbu can'st not bear away
The record of the good and brace,
That knoweth not decay ;
Though fierce may rash the billow's strife.
Though deep thy current be,
Still faith shell lift thy beacon high.
And guide us.through the sea.
V olitical.
7 c the People of Penn..l l 4oA ea
Fet.triw-Ctrircirs—The manner of or t rantring
nt Nebra,ka and Kansas, you will
e_ , ,,ee wih us, a not necessarily an IMAM in this
Nitest—it is not It :cutlet.' connected with the du
.esof a State Etecutive. It is scarcely possible
;tat the election of a Goirernor, whoever may suc
ceed, is to have any practical bearing upon the In
oue policy of those territories—and eurely no man
s‘.ll be so unreasonable as to hold the Governor of
Pennsylvania accountable in an official sense for
a. tat Congress has &heady done on this subject. It
a subject with which that officer has had, and
.1 in have, officially, nothing whatever to do. •As a
member at the Democratic party it must be presum•
al that he takes an kneiest in public affair; and
has not been an inattentive observer that there has
ea:s..ed a diversity of opinion in re:Ation to certain
features of this measure.
since the origin of our government, with omit
intervals, the question of slavery in some of
re phasei,hat been a subject of violent and at times
i'a-gerons controversy in Congress, menacing the
resce of the people and the existence of the nation
al confederacy. Its adjustment within the testate
rms has :led to the most threatening struggles.—
These were invariably renewed by every new ac
quisition of territory. In 11120, the act of Congress
!icing the Missouri line was adopted, interdicting
toe extension of slavery norh of 36 Jc., 30*, as a
means of sealing the controversy growing oat of the
acquisition of Louisiana from Francs in 1803. In
1845 this line was extended over Texas, which had
;oat been annexed to the United &atee and seemed
.a answer the purpose of au adjustment_ In 1848.
oawevet, when it was proposed to:we:tend this par
a.:el of 36 Je,; 30 min. from the Rio del \arta to
toe Pacific, a was defeated in the House of Repro
sentaiives, after having passed the Senate, by a
ma jori ty of ten votes. The agitation to the country' ,,
sluo became general, and by 1850 it had assumed
en alarming aspect. The good and great men of
kit partiii, forgetting former differences and cow
strained by a olbte sp;nt of patriotism, canted in
a common eff.trt ;o a:lay the mighty surging of an '
excited public sentiment. Foremost in this great
work was the eltiquerd and patriotic clay, sustain
e l / 4 . by C. Webster, Klng and whets. A series
of acts were ittassedoamtliarly known as the Coin
promise Nleasuteel, which were acceptable to the
peo,-; e arid were [ ardently maintained.
0.. e of these acts organics(' the territories of New
Mexico and Utah, on the principles"of non-inter
vention—on the plan of allowing the people to de
.- for themselves whether they •wcitild have the
thstitutice of slavery or not. The whole country
teemed satisfied with the doctrine of non interven
tion by Congress, in the initiation of the gloat's:is
tzsttto ions of the territories, including that of eta
very Without to inquire into the COMO
tnaocal power of Congress to ler,islata 011 the sub
lent or to what extant that point might he minis
'ed, the people regard it as wise and politic to re
tr.ove this tape of angry and dangesoni omitterer
si- oal-of Cisogress, and confide it to these who
N'tt tenitones. We may however re
roa3 that the question o f authority in the passage
of the OrtimaacA el 1767 under the old Ccefedera
tim, is a very diderent one hem the passage of the
sftsinri Compromise or any slave restriction whit
ewer; under our preset Constitution. Under the
Cr=afedervion the institution of slavery was net re
...ygrilied—imiler the Corieritutica it is, in three see
r-11 particulars
lc In fixing the basis of tcptesenlaueci and dist
, C 3 la .Itri
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Yd. In tolerating the fineigit slave trade until
3d. In providing tot the reedlike' of fugitives
frees labor.
• If it even be clear that Congress is possessed of
ample power to legislate on the imbject(and this is
stoutly denial by Clan. Cass and other eminent men
of the reentry) it was proper to forego its exercise.
The resort to this mode of allotment in 1850,
seemed moat suspicions for the honor, the dignity
and peace of the states—tor die happiness and pros
perity of the people, and above all, for the stability
of oar National Union.
And is not this policy right and jut in itself ac
cording to all of oar theories of government 1 In
deed we should never allow ourselves to fear the
consequences of trusting any queition of politics or
morals with the people, whether they be resident
of a State or territory. This mode of adjustment
rests on great principles, which in their application
will be ce-extensive with all c the territory we have
now or ever can have, and which are as enduring
as the race of man. It is a principle in beautiful
harmony with our republican institutions—the prin
ciple of self-government—the basis of our entire
system. It was for this doctrine that our forefath
ers petalled their lives, their fortunes and their sa
cred honor in the Declaration of Independence—
that they snuggled and bled, and left their bones in
bleach on the battle field of the Revelation. It was
for this principle of self-government, that they in
voked the interposition of heaven and accepted the
preferred aid of the generous stranger. Foi seven
long years did they labor to impress upon Lord
North and George 111, the virtue and power of this
great fundamental truth in the science of govern
ment. The attempt of that monarch "to bind the
1 Colonies in all things whatsoever," and to impose
taxes without representation, gave this principle
1 growth and vigor, and cost him armies and an em
pyre. Since that day to the present time it has been
gaining strength in all civil countries. American
experience has fully solved and settled the problem
lof man's ability for selt.govemment. Where can
be found the initance in which governmental af
fairs have been submitted to, or intrusted with the
people, that the results have not been salutary !
Who will then at this day doubt the fitness ot the
American people to dispose of any question of
governmental policy found within the limits of the
Constitution 1 Who will contend for the absurd
Klee, that a man loses his capacity for self-govern•
mem by emigrating from •a State to a territory I
Who will say that a man residing in Massachusetts
should, through his representatives in Congress,
be permitted to adopt and mutate institutions of
local government for his fellow man in Utah, New
Mexico, Minnesota, Nebraska or Kansas ! Will
our Whig or Abolition friends agree that when they
shall have emigrated to any of these territories,
their Democratic fellow.citizens whom they leave
behind, shall decide for them what kind of local in
sanctions they shall have!—that their judgment and
not that of the emirates themselves shall control as
to, the institution of slaver, 1 Or who will contend
that the people will be careless of their own true
interest I—th'it their government will be feeble or
", injudicious! IVhaever says this, doubts all the
I principles of out institutions, and disregards the
lessons of experience and the teachings of theses
!gee of the revolution.
We have already intimated ; that we will not
discuss the abstract and somewhat difficult ques
tions of Congressional power, which have grown
tonal the slavery controversy in the Halls of the
National Legislature. Wil care not to decide, where
so many eminent then have differed, whether
Congress has the power to establish or abolish the
institution in the territories Be that as it may, we
assert that it was wise in 1850, as in 185$, to refer
i the whole q u estion to the sovereign will of the pen.
I Ede, to be *Oiled through the action of the local
Igovemnienti as all o th er questions of domestic
policy are settled. The rights ot property, the re
latiore between husband and wife, parent and child,
I guardian and ward, are so confided, and lie can
conceive none more sacred and important in the
social state ; aid we see of no good venom why the
question of domestic slavery, the !elation of master
I and versant, 'honk! alone be withheld ham the ac-
I, Lion of the people.
It minThot be forgotten, , that we have not the
creition of circumstances for ourselves, but that we
must deal with existing fasts. The same diacolty
occurred in - the early history of the cower,. We
had the institution of slavery entailed upon es, and
the only matter of 'Equity lies long been, how it
ware be managed to the greatest advantage of
both the vthite and black races. The latter number
several millions, and we are faced to the dilem
ma of retaining a large portion of them in bondage,
or make them our companions and equals, and per
mit them to share the honors of the State and in-
termarry with our daughters and friends. In the
forcible language of Mr. liftmen, " ere have the
wolf by the ears, and we can neither hold him nor
safely let him go."
*And yet much has been done in a legal consti
tudimal way kit the ameliontsion of this unfortun
ate race ot people. The men of the revolution bad
so dad with the in of slavery es they band
b, and they so acted in the formation of the goyim
meat. When these States wens eolith's! of Gnat
Britian every one was • slave holding pentinea—
At the time the Constimion was framed, twit,
not of the Midden wets alamt.holdiag Stases.- Set
of the anginal thirteen have Dow become free, not
by abolition agitation in Colegress, bet by the action
of the people of the several Stases in their sover
eign capacity at home.
This Malin the queafiest to the people was first
adopted by Congress in 1850, and was intended to
be general in its application to ill territories there
after to be ovine:ld—that it was to be a finality as
to the principle to be invoked, but not a finality es
to its appheation—for that would imply that no
move territories were to be organised. This peti
tion is sustained by the fact, that in loaning the
boundaries of Utah and New Mexico, tin regret
seems to have been paid to the act of 1820, filing
what is termed the. Missouri line, nor, the act of
1845 eztending that line to the Rio del None. The
larger portion of the territory included in these acts
of organization was taken from the Mexican acqui
sition, but they include also a portion of ihe Texas
temicny north of 36 deg. 30 mixt., end a part of the
Louisiana purchase, which was covered by that
line. This territory was taken from ander the act
of 1820, interdicting slavery north of E 6 deg. 30
min., and subjected to the action of the principles
of the Compromise of 1850, that the territory thus
embraced should be admitted into the Union, as
States with or without slavery as the people there
of shall determine. These facts are claimed as a
precedent for the act organizing Nebraska and Kan
sas. It la for these reasons, and in this sense also ,
claimeil that the principles of non•interventioo
as adorted in 1850 should be regarded as a final
As Pennsylvanians we are not the advocates of
the extension of slavery, and we deny that the
principles of the Nebraska and Kansas bill produce
that effect. It merely leaves it to the people to de
termine this question for themselves. But the soil,
climate and productions of that region are not adapt
ed to slave labor. It is our firm belief that slavery
will not enter those territories. Those who are
sensitive on this point should not close their eyes
to the evidence that surrounds them. The indica
lions are all opposed to its extension to that coun
try. Such is the belief of the ablest men in the na
tion, those who advocated and voted for the Ne
braska and Kansas bilt,,u well as those who voted
against it.
Mr. Douglas said :
" I do not believe there is • man in Cougfeas
who thinks it would be permanently a slave-hold
ing country ; I have no idea that it would."
Mr. Badger said :
" I have no more idea of seeing a slave popula
tion in either of them (Nebraska or Kansas) than
I have of seeing it in Massachusetts."
Mr Edward Everett said :
"I am quite sore that everybody admits that
this is not to be a slave-holding region."
Mr. Hunter bald :
" Does any man believe that you will have a
slave holding State in Kansas or Nebraska? I con
fess that for a moment, I permitted such an illusion
to rest opon my mind."
Mr. 801 l said, that as respects the South, " it
was a contest for a mere abstraction."
Mr. Benton said u his'first speech against the
bill :
" The question of slavery in these territories,_ if
thrown open to territorial action, wilt be a question
of numbers—a question of the majority for
against slavery ; and what chance would the stave
holders have in such a contest? No chanew at alt.
The slave emigrants will be out numbered and
compelled to play at a most unequal game, not
only it point of numbers, but also in point of
in his second speech Mr. Benton agnin said :
" I believe in the !utility of this bill—its absolute
futility in the slave holding States, and that not a
single stave will ever be held in Kansas or Ne
braska cinder it, even admitting it to be passed."
Gen. Houston said :
" There was no more probability' of slavery be
in¢ introduced into those tali:Duet than into mi.
Even Mr. Seward, who is astute on this subiket,
thus expressed himself :
" I feel quite sure that slavery al most can get
nothing more than Kansart; while Nebraska, the
wilder region, will escape, for the reason that its
soil and climate are uncongenial with the staples of
slave eelture—rice, sugar, cotton and tobacco
Moreover, since the public attention has been so
well and so effectually directed towards the sub.
Oct, I cherish a hope that slavery will not be able
to gain a foothold even in Kansas."
But to reader assurance doubln t sure, we have
even a stronger opinion from lodge Pollock him
self, the Whig candidate for Governor, who says in
letter dated June 19th, 1951. " Slavery can have
no legal existence in those territories, either by act
of Congress, oz under the false pretence of popular
It may in fact be safely said that of all the re
quisitions of territory from Mexico, there will not
be a slave Stale in the Union, and that the territory
embraced in the Lniisiana patches* not already
admitted, will come in as free States.
It should also be borne in minal,that any territory
that the United States may bereabet acquire most
be Snot of 36d. 30m., and that this principle of
popular sovereignty may drive the institution far
ther south than any positive act of Congress could
do. Nor should it be forgotten that the interdietioo
01 slavery north of 3&J- 30m. is a virtual dedication
of the territory sooth of that line for slave purposes .
This has been the moral influence of each legisla
tion, and it would no doubt continue to , have that
effect. It would in all probability have been a
happy event for this country, had this doctrine of
popular sovereignty in the territories been *dop
ed in 1820_ We should most likely have bad a
larger portion of hee states than we now have.
The Missouri bite was never a favorite measure
- with the old DemocMtio statesmen. It suited •
temporary papas', and quieted agitation fora time,
bet in was manikely wrong in principle, and leg
islationpl a dangerous character, calculated to di.
vide the contury ieto geographical sections, and
awns dimensions and divtsioas among the States
and the people.
Homes hamlet% once said :
"'lbis Mimonti question, by • geogriphical be.
of division, is the most portentous one that I have
In 1820 he wrote to John Holmes :
" A geographical line coinciding with a marked
principle, moral and political, once conceived and
held up to the envy passions of men, will never
be oblitetated."
lames Madiscti said
I moat own that I hare always leaned to the
belief ;hit .the restriction was not within the true
scope °ldle Constitution."
Junes /doom said
The proposed restriction u to the territories
which are to be Aimined into the Union, if not in
direct violation of the Constitution, is repugnant to
its principlu."
We might swell the list of authorities on this
same point, from eminent American statesmen,
living and deed.
It is diff.cult to force from the mind the belief
this this whole subject of slavery in the territories
is greatly magnified. The right of a sovereign
State to control this subject is not disputed even by
abolitionists. Toe right to establish or abolish the
institution is admiued. The only effect that the
legislation of Congress can possibly have must be
confined to the territorial probation of a State, dur
ing which time it can exercise but a limited in
fluence upon the social or political attains of the I
country. When once admitted into the Union with
slavery, a State can abolish it—or admitted without
it, she can establish it. Should the people north of
3641 30m in Nebraska become numerous enough
to be admitted as a free State, they could after.
wards establish the institution, even if the Missouri
line or the act of 1820 bad not been disturbed.—
Suppose, for example, that any of the States cover
ed by the ordinance of 1787, were at this time to
establish slavery, where would be the remedy
There would be none. II the people of a territory
should desire to have the institution, but perceiving
that Congress might object to their admission into
the Union, they could forbear to establish it until
after their admission, and then do as they might
deem best. Hence the wisdom of allowing that
power to control in the beginning, that will most
certainly control in the end, or at a subsequent pe
It is not to be de:lied that th,..e is a most violent
sad unwarrantable spirit evoked by this slavery con
flict, that should be discountenced by the good men
of all parties . It is one of the enigmas of human
nature, that it can become so unreasonable in some
of its manifestations. Our Anti-Nebraska friends
should take care lest the mania of a *wild and un
governable fanaticism should possess them as it
has already possessed many others The inflame
tory, and treasonable proceedings of an abolition
convention in the City of New York, not long since,
calls for the earnest condemnation of every lover of
our national Venom
Wendell Philips said :
"The Union sentiment W the great •ortez which
swallows op the great minds, and they have pow.
er enough for the time being to influence the peo
ple. The remedy for the slave is the destruc
tion of the government. I challenge any man to
tell me what the Union has done for as."
Wm. Loyd 0111TiaX1 proposed the following reso
" Rescind, That the one grand vital mite to be
made with the slave power, is the dirsolution of
the existing American union."
Henry C. Wright spoke to the rem:scion and
said :
" I like that resolution very much. This coun
try denies God, or it it believes in God, 130 not.—
The Christian God is the most accursed of demon/.
No man's rights can be ascertained by reference to
a Bible, a law, or a Constitution. I dont ears :flu
(mapping his fingers) for any such book or Con
stitution, when the question of liberty ar slavery
is to be considered. The only thing of importance
is that the mass of people venerate the Constitu-
lion. We should endeavor to do away with this.
1 thank God that I am a traitor to that Constitution.
I thank God also that I am an infidel to the pope•
lar religion of this country and of all Christendom."
The Hon. EdmundAtiiney said that : " The con
stitution displayed the ingenuity of the very devil,
and that the Colon ought to be dissolved."
This was during the pedency of the Nebraska
and Kansas bill before Congress. At the same
time the leading Abolition joornafi were loud in
their denunciations of the bill itself, and treason
able in their opinion to the action of the govern
meat. Horace Greeley, through the New York
Tribune, said in reference to the contemplated pas
sage of the biLl:
• " Better than conlasicie should ensue—better &hat
discord should reign in the National Councds—bet
tet that Congress should break up in wed disorder,
nay, better that the capitol itself should blaze by
the torch of the incendiary, or fall and bury all its
inmates beneath its crumbling ruins, than that this
peifidy and wrong be finally acsomplished." -
There were many treasonable exhibitions also.
by the same class of men, during the recent Anni
versary of American Independence. At same
places the bells were tolled, as if mourning for
some great National calamity. At Farmingbam.
Massachusetts, treasonable speeches were deliver
ed, after which Garrison, above named, burned the
Cnnistirurion delis United Sates and the Fugitive
Slave Law, amid the applause of men of as little
patriotism as Benedict Arnold or himself.
Such are the incendiary and inflammatory EMl
meats with which despicable fanatics are endeav
oring to indoctrinate the minds °filth Northern peo
pie. Such sentiments axe the fit precursors of the
recent riots and murder in Boston, trampling the
Cancatution and Laws under loot of violence.
Let us thendore, fellow citizens, discard the doc
trines of the Abolitionists aodani-slavery agitators,
and look ripen the opinions which they have pro
mulgated and are row promulgating, as the false
lights thrown out by the snow Federalist% during
the aliewrorieontroreary, to mystify the people and
again hut power.
We have great confidence in the doctrine of
popular sovereignty, and in the iustice and wisdom
of the people. They have saved the country in
many important aims in our affair* Ii was the
people that settled the government upon the repub
lican platform efler the Federalists of 17 1 .13 were
driven From power. •It was , the people who Fes.
Yrkror. againts . he mammy-h bank 12 ••as
the mass of the people who base always upheld
the country in time of war. It is to the people
that we must look for protection against the miser
able treason and despicable wiles of the enemies
of the republic. The people of Pennsylvania will
be Inn to the republic. The people of Pennsyl
vania will be true to their constitutional obliptionr,
and their triumph in 1851 and 1852, are evidences,
that they are not only willing to be so, but also that
they have the power to be , so. The Jay of wild
fanaticism and mild bigotry on the (petition of
slavery has passed by in this State, and her De
mocracy and net people generally have planted
themselves upcT the ptinciples of the Compromise
of 1850, and t here, they will continue to mend,
whether victory or defeat awaits them. They are
willing to see the citizen" of. the territories deter
mine in their primary assemblages, the question
of domestic slavery for themselves, without the
control or dictation of the Central Government,
which may by a usurpation of power pretend to de
fine the lines of freedom and slavery by degrees
of latitude and longitude, or by geographical boun
daries. The Democracy of Pennsylvania guarding
the destinies of the great central Commonwealth
of this Union, will adhere faithfully to the princi
plea ,of the Constitution, the'sovereigtty of the
States and of the people, and the stability and re
pose of the nation. The people of Pennsylvania
are nnselfidi and unambitious, but they are just—
they are modest and unpretending and slow at ar
riving at conclusion, bet they are powerful for
good. The'people of Pennsylvania are patriotic
by instinct, and will crush to atoms all the feeble
banters to a healthy flow of public sentiment
Penns)lvania has always been a patriotic : union
loving State. She ties always stood by the flag of
our common country. She is the Keystone of the
Federal Arch, and standing midway between the
North and the South, she constitutes the great break
water, against which the waves of northern fanati
cism and southern folly have long surged and will
continue to surge in vain. •
3. ELLIS BONUAM, Chairman
Geoust C. WA LEER, SECTthrl 10.
Letter from Hon. David 'Wilmot
[The following letter from lien D Wltwor
WILLARD graramwrosi of Sosgoehanna roun.y, ap
pears in die Montrose Democrat
Towarroi, Jane 29, 1954
DEAR St..—Ydor favor of the 27th has just come
to hand. ; would be much gratified to be with ydu
on the 5 h proximo, and to raise my feeble voice
in an earnest appeal to yon• citizens, to united ac
tion in defence of our free institutions 41 goiern
ment. lam under an engagement to *dikes, the
citizens of Tioga county, on the sribject of the Ne
braska outrage, tin' the 4bh, and shall go from there
to Potter county.
1 rejoice that you are to hive wish you so able
and zealous a champion of Freedom as Mr Gate
LET In making the .lisps es of parry subordinate
to the interests of freedom and humanity, he has
nobly 5 tell himself to render the mei eminent
service to his country in thus cribis. The people
must come op to the like high and patriotic e:eya
lion of purpose, or there is no hope for our country's
libentee. The policy of Slavery crinnot be mistak
en—indeed it is boldly proc 'muted. TI e recent
high handed outrage, is but the precursor of a series
of measure., designed to gibe 'he Slave o'.lzarchy
complete domination—to crush out forever the pa
bey and principles of Feedom in this government,
and to establish on the American coalman the meet
powerful and mighty Slave Empire known in the
history of the world. - Submission--acquiesceize
in the policy of Slavery islets!, actlhe who preeth
es it. preaches treason to Liberty. Aeigoieseence
in the legislation of 1 1 150, enaboide , ted Slavery to
invade in 11154. the Lnarantied rights of Freedom
in Kansas and Nebraska; and to day, Slavery tanks
forward with exulting confidence to the aegeisitton
of Cuba—the absorption of more Mexican dares—
the re-establishment of slavery in Fan ftomingo—
tthe revival of the Pi:reign Stave trade—ard to an
alliance oflensive arid defensive art h for
the protecico and aggrandisement of Slavery, and
to enable it to defy the public opinion and power
of the troAd. In proof of all this. I have bet to
point to the proceedings in Corg•ess, and o
leading public journals of the f.L.itith In 'his vas.
, programme of Slavery, where do the
'of to-day l tiopose to make a star d 1 Ti must be
i made' now—to d _, The Free Men .hE REFEb
tic, !bank GZI,I, have btili lel' in their nand- a peace
tot and remedy—the ba!:o2 t.rx The
power and deSe4l.lls of Slaver) most t.e rhecked,and
rho original policy of the Government on this sob
ject re.‹.nred. To this end we roust lay aside- 7
postpone for a time, the trrlies rf parr over mina:
t points of controverted policy, and unite in 'his gre.r
wrnk of riVlLerrintoUt Flee fut.:to:ten.; Gran int
pending destrc.ction.
The first blow mos: be aimet: r:: .!,e ()ter r,-en
of the present National . :nairai , n—the mere
tcol and puppet of the Slave power Throngs. the
corrupting influence of is patronage u r n .b e ree _
pie's Representatives, Freedom has been betrayed
It most be overwhelmed at every point art h
minims defeat. We cannot &bonen i:S, rant-zi.n
honel term of office, but we must write down is
allies, in , every Stare, District and Cowry. 1: most
have no props in :he Sae upon cvhseh to le an ter
the support of its inignitious prificy. No man s.hcnid
be elected to a reeponsible office—Governor, mem -
tier of Congress, Representative, ninsse reia:ions
of friendship and alliance wry the Na.minal Ad
ministration are open to rospicien. We most at
cep: of nothing, in :he manthdates presented fm oar
suffrages, -short of uralistOsed horifry to the
,e 03,.
ultra pro-slavery plower at W ) ;Ivan_ Arirdsn 2 ;
thOrt of this is -top), A' rifling, shiily ahally
nonsense ; and designed al the end. to lead the
people step by step into-4-riAtileseoce in the pot:el
and plans of slavery Lel no can't fare preieni 'o
cenderrin lb* recent lergslaice ct t ingress, and
!v• h^:-.! httn.6 1 a! rany elan:* A 4-8 .I , * rneee
administration. He cannot be awned and so sore
as he is trusted,llo sure will the people, and their
rights, again be betrayed. The man who will net
face in open and manly:resistance, the eggrersiono
of the slave power to-day, cannot be relied upon to
do so, on the occagi-In of a future provocation.' He
is hopelessly, rotten—umtoond to the cote, end will
Ilacrifice his Country 's highest interesra and glory,
for some paltry partizan considerations.
Slavery iv deaf to the voice of our remonstrance.
In TIM we point to the history' ot the country—in
vain we invoke the name , " o 1 VS'arthing , cm, Jeer-
eon, Madison and their corr.patriots, in defence of
the early policy and settled maxims of the Govern
ment—in yam we appeal to the eternal principles
Jl jottice and right—all, all are unheeded, unseal:-
ing. In the absorbing selfishness of a yea; inter
est, Slavery pushes - onward in its barbarous an•t
destructive policy ; subverting every principle that
gave life, vigor and success to our Revolutionary
struggle, and defeating all lie great ends for which
the Government was established. It has broken
down the highest precedents of Constitutional law,
in opening to its ingress, the territories of the na
tion. Tu-day, Slavery is prostituting :be hohest
functions of Government—endangering the public
peace, and provoking on the country the horrors of
war, for its extension and aggrandizement. Now,
at this present writing, it is insid:ously undermin
ing one of the most valuable and sacred Constitu
tional rights of the people, in its efforts to pat the
National treasury. through the treaty-making pow
er, at the virtual d , sporal of the Executive and Se
nate. The Constitution designed that the irnmedt•
ate Representatives of the people, should be tba
especial guardians oldie treasury of the nation :
now (as a mere matter of form) they are called
upon to vote in the dark, enormous 611111 6 of mo
ney, an fulfillment of treaties for the acquisition of
foreign provinces and State•, without even having
laid before them, the incructlons end correspon•
dence under whiten the treaty was negotiated.
When, I again enquire, are the encroachments
and azgreasions of slavery to be resisted, if not
nnw ? The Consti:crion is invaded--aubject to
constant change, in the violent interptetatiors put
upon tt !rem lime, to meet the grog rigdemand.
at dac;:y of S:a•ery, and et.L:ced upAo
coun.ry, tinder threads of cirsunion, and tbtecorrupt
ing appilances of Presidential patronage. The in
dependence of the House of Representatives
unblushingly assailed, by p•omises of Eseco - trs
favor to each members as would bet:ay their con•
It:roe:vs ona goes ton •,'a: to the instirnivort of Free
iom—Legislative enactments the meet solemn and
binding, after being en :owed open :he country by
the power and votes of 'gavel - , are repealed under
pretences false in face, and insul::ng to ACT Intel; •
Bence. Party platforms are erected at the bidding
of Slavery, and when upon the faith of 'lieu honest
observance its candidates are elected, they . IT*
treacherously •iolated. and new and lucre eegred•
ing test of pary fealty imposed.
lam a demoerat—deep l y imbue.] aril. we Wets
and doctrines of that polvical school My print.
plan are set —I here no fears of !zsirg them. I
know what they are, and whither they point ;wad
when assailed shall deteod them with :be eamert
cress of • thonanzh conviction in their sneadoesa
and TT 101. I repel wi h scorn insclem mantla-
les of :he A.lmiLis•ratior., Tw i nning adiesion to es
cneaveres as a test of Jemocra!se orthodozy. De
mocracy bsil a !Ife tett history rome flmo before
this at.u.e.3 iu name and principles,
and wilt a:Jr/A.6 r.a !..:.ef Jay of mivethevoes pow.
I er. Not the leabt of .I.e cr,mea of Slavery, is thoi
attempt n has mule to prostitute ire natee tcei
principles of democracy, In its assarlta epos the,
Conatitution and liberties of e country.
This Congressional Disstict gave neat 2,rni ma
pritr for Gen. Pierre and tc 'tits vestal I costirtb•
sled by my me. I troll :he future wilt shot" fin e'
1 I grossly he has op - raged die pfincyles of i!s ire< -
gent voters. S:avery deMILDJe e5;1111 submission
; to its policy, as a evrahlicufof is suppcnt—let eau
didres hencefonh !earn, oltalle-e st lrastoolPeen
d tot" - bere el :e 14.1 h:rt S re, cve ts
; clone of 'Lem 131 fitleli'y to .le..
! ries and r•gh.s ul Freeiom.
R - 17 , r, IL f Pe
A Bltz - 1.-1 - 3e Poughk , •erle Dai!). P‘es• soya
—As dos ylocking co!ored cbltd aber tea year's
of rgo, aft , i !r--..srn The zreert.
seafivi,L-g ( I.! e ere: e; a' t.
co-me: cf Mare a^d Cat! art:,e 0.t,,e,
; d.y, a k carr.e n. str,:k er , o h-s-:.soil 10-4
broke to lwrt. He was s - atnell tor a moraer. , . t
soon rec•ore:eJ st:.fficlea iy t. met r,B •!..a
; ara.l , sh.L. had ga:heze..l slogar.,l h'l4l ea e
rear et • auz'ver . ' I .ay, yon while man op Jar. of
yen Jon't cr,n :r.Of bf,rks Dr-ke. ifro Leer 't
! my hes.' '
To Ca-Cll R. ra.—Tale bea an..! place it or. the rats are tnc•-.. , . .iri.Nesorne
then oatt , a NI of cileel•r, 51'eeqrjeata, , no the
4 pikes Dn.! tic hel , • get , in be:: and blow cat the
11;!it :my a i:1 , , tta res t'l 1..00rt =take t&rtr
anearazre an.: when try g I fa...) a. work en
• zte ehee Ft.. make a czar,'
1 1- -.2" . '“Tir. T.:XL•3•INICIM —A nal deatrn inaluez a
! , ffic ~ c a dstr.gne;co)ol, arm rent - al
-xpe;:ar, a •he usua:
'• Ine cfta to go erl . rr;e:•. ' 3
"Cks yes," liaul the itzek man
" 1 am oak: t•,e
the 111,1-44h-4 - 5 ve
I AT ICC tc4ll TOR LF As... LA —An ir-ikkovis !•-air
In s g accu3enTal pansof itaTte, leas InalTivi
:ha Yrs: cf h.s 'ray oc: ^F vrthl ; bat 61;
side a malch cm hart. and bas t ,: wiz, j t y
+ha cellar. rlclaifeed
j Tem broke my , :m, :1 , 11 36z. nal '
I Tc: ewe 1 dtd, — oaA Fat. r eita-2 chi yr.vr. , -
1 . sTsji . !r,
Efiglairali flo
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