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PADDLE YOUR OWN CANOE
ST XIS. SARAN T. 111:1.TOS.
Voyager upon life's sea,
'yourself be true,
And wbere'er you lot may be,
Paddle your own canoe.
Never, !Gough the winds may rave,
Falter nor look baek,
Dot upon the darkest wave,
Leave a shining track.
Nobly dare the wildest storm,
Stew the hardest b ale.
Drave of heart and strong of arm
You will never fail.
When the world is cold and dark,
Keep an aim in view,
And toward the beacon mark
Paddle your own canoe.
Every wave that bears you on
To the silent shore.
From its sonny sannee has gone.
To return no more.
Then let not an boar's delay
Cheat you or your due:
Bat, while it is called to-day,
Fiddle your own canoe.
If your binh . denied you wealth,
I.ofly state and power,
Honest fatntaud hardy health
Are a betteP 4 Anwer
But if these will,not snlßee,
Golden gains pursue.
And to win the glittering prize,
Paddle your own canoe.
Would you wrest the wreath of fame
From-the hand of fate;
Wanld you write a deatblen name,
With the good and great;
Would you bless your fellow men.
Heart and soul imbue
With the holy talik. and then
Paddle your own canoe.
Would yon crush the tyrant Wrong.
In the world's free fieht.
With a spirit brave and strong,
Bsi tie for the Right;
And to break the chains that bind
The many to the few--
To enfranchise slavish" mind.
'Peddle your own canoe.
Nothing great is lightly won,
Nothing won is lost—,
Every good deed, nobly done,
Will repay the cost.
Leaving to Heaven, in bumble trust,
All you will to do;
Dot, if you succeed, you must
j Paddle your own canoe.
BUSINESS IN CONGRESS.
following article we copy from the Nation.
larditgenter, of the 6th inst. That paper, as is
n known, is, an able, candid but conservative
lee, moor's(' the passage of the Compromise
'f.sure+ of 1850, and certainly cannot be charged
LI any hostility to the "institution." The vete.
eiltiors occupied their present positions -at the
Ttot the adoption of the Missouri Compromise,
vete par!cipators in the discussions of that day.
Dahling solemnity of the compact then entered
hey do not feel at liberty to repudiate]
,e week's haring elapsed since Congress as
somprehemling nearly one-third o 1 the
.ti darelion of a First Session, we may now
for a moment Incas, a glance back upon what
:a done, and lin* forwent Jo what it promises
Barr. LP, 4 than a dozen,acts, of comparative-.
I z.,e. Kniticance, comprise the whole body - of
;lotion to the present day. A vast deal ot bust
ts has teen regtslerid on the calendars of both
0, and much other of equal importance with
nhat has been reported upon is still before the
!unreel of ho'h Houses We Jo not know, how.
:hat in this apparently -qato:y action any in•
shco!d be drawn ;against the present Con
,. for in this particular it has not fallen behind
:Tit predecessors. The'disposition of both
n i .i: will )3e allowed by all calm observers,
e as favorable to an intelligent and .dispitt4
discharge of their thatras of any.Congredf
last fifteen or twenty years, and until within
day* past there hays been no reason to antici.
'flY thing like cmdttlyi exce chscustrions of
iesiione to be brought before.daem•
mu; pobinhe4 the proceedings from day to
needles* for us to particularize or to dwell
even the leading measures already befote
','"" An exception to this remark might per.
, 0 be made-of the bill for-establishit.g.Territo
nernments in the country designated as the
',„ "l '
4 '"'"orY To abeititablishment of a re
unvemment over a vast territory - Which *
rent nn Government, except SuCli . ita is gerier
plieahla to all the coatury,itill itt,pWmigolian
Indians, there wunkfte no objection, dtnehne
'-of, tvere 1: not for ati important principle,
:elm:11'1y connec:ed with the queition, which
' l l toeidentally,"brougha;litto Oetri v iltit in the
The cireuistittinee to Whieh'irtit4fer nip(
.the feature proem:l-I , Mo committee on
nies of tliit body , OlielT W soety alter
to repent the MitsouriCievertiniifi4:#Vil•
lice in limi of it a provision extendiPit-1110
lion and all the laws of the United Statile
le Territories exile
teept the eighth seefieth of theactprettarilo•
the admission oT Missouri into the Union
'"ttl Match 6 1820 which was sopereetled
the legislation Of 1850, cent.
n'Ytalled SO. inea llfne; and
'zed ionperativie , * • •
tomm wise here in feet propose where!' bon.
Ifor from Missouri, at the lid session _of
ispressda his belief atitthore ins no
Jr any hope of, to wit, la repoisref
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We aball'unt nob► enthrinto a consideration of
the motives, apart from the intereits of the Territo
ries in question, which are supposed by many of
our contemporaries to hive - intluenced the intirduc•
lion of this proposition' at this time into the halls of
Congress. Whatever considerations may have jus
tified the measure in the minds of its authors, it is
not possible that they could, if we Were made Tully
aware of them, be such u to obviate the decisive
objections that - we have to this part of the bill date
The fundamental objection to this proposition
which must strike , every mind—the mere sugges
tion of which, indeed, is enough to startle the tree
friends of the Constitution in every quarter of the
Union—is that it proposes, Without circumlocution,
the abrogation of s comrscr hardly , less formal than
that of the Constitution itself, and which can hardly
be deemed of less high obligation than that Instru
ment. And this nullification of a solemn covenant
between the United States and the State of Missou
ri—between the South and the North—is proposed
on the ground that this compact was " superseded"
and tendered "inoperative" by the "compromises"
There is no one in the wide circle of our readers
who can hold *lib more peninacity , than we do to
the policy as well as to the durability of the Com
promise of 1850. But no one, we should think,
would seriously pretend that it is of higher oblige
lion, in any part of it, than the compact which is
unially known as the Missouri Compromise.
The bare recurrence to the circumstances under
which the Missouri Compromise was ratified will
show with how much greater solemnity the termi
nation of that alarming controversy was attended.
The discussion and the excitement of the Missouri
question continued daring the terms of two Con
gresses, and during of course an equal space of
time in the now State of Missouri The crisis of
1850, on the contrary, broke out on a sudden upon
the opening of the Congress of 1840-50, and for •
lime hatUcertainly a threatening aspect. Sot, after
all, the Nashville Convention, the product of that
excitement, was but :the creature of an hour.—
Within a very few months, mainly by the exertion
of a spirit of puns patriotism, animating a few dis
tinguished individuals on both sides of a certain
geographical line, and the good fortune of the na
tion in its having then at its helm a wise and op
right Chtef Magistrate, the question was. amicab:y
settled, tB,the nearly universal satisfaction of all
good citizens. Of the leaders to this great scheme
of conciliation, without citing the names of the
living,. the nation yet mourns the decease of two
great itilesmen, Cur and *trawrza, the termina
tion of whore earthly career, it can hardly be
doubted, was hastened by their almost snore
than mortal e fforts to bring about that auspicious
Nor in this connexion can we forbear recurring
to the closing scenes of the hlissomi controversy
more than thirty years ago. Who that witnessed
them can ever forget them? Whatever the reader
may have happened to think of the political char
acter of Mr. Clay, the chief actor in that scene, no
one of any creed in politics can but remember, with
respect and even admiration, the fearless indepen
dence, the total disregard of party or of self-interest,
with which he threw himself into the breach on that
occasion, and by his energy and influence restored
quiet to a distracted country. Nor shonld we omit
due honor to those fellow-members of Mr. Clay in'
the same House of Representatives, who, , resisting
the current of pnblic feeling in States which they
represented, assisted him to breast the storm and
steer the ship of State into' calm waters. The col
leagues of those gentlemen, who took a diflerent
course, and persevered to the end in resisting the
compromise, we have never doubted, acted under
a sense of duty which they could not conscientieus.
ly disobey. So much greater the merit of those from
the same part of the country who dared to differ,
from them. The Representatives from Northam
&Pee who stood by Mr. Clay on this day of Kral
of the strength of this Government did not exceed
twenty in number. To show of what character they
ware, it is enough to renalf to memory the names
of Henry Baldwin, late Justice of the Supreme
Conn ; of Joseph Bloomfield, from New Jersey, an
officer of the Revolution and of the War of HUI
of straightforward Ephraim Bateman, from the same
State; of Henry Southard, that taithlul.Jersey Blue
who carried arms through the:whole of the RevAlu
tionary war, arid had been in Congress almost ever
since; of the respected Sanaueltddy, of Rhode Is.
land ; of Langdon fill and Henry Shaw, of Massa
chusetts; of Henry Meagre of New-Yorke of Henry
R. Storrs, the distinguished member of - theltar of
the same State; and of honeit Hantirllldreis, of
Pennsylvania. It is small honor for those name.
to be recalled :in this manner trixemen l einane i n
these columns, but it is great honor to them, and
those who, uniting with them, Contributed to the id.
timate deCision, to be remembered in connexion
with an event which, in lire apprehension of some
of the wisest amongst us, saved the country from
an intestine war. We cannot dismiss this bitef
historical, reference without inviting the earnest at
tention of all our younger medals to„the fact that
Mr. Clay4litl not tote; by his steady opposition to
the restriction upon Missocni il any portion of , the
public'esteem and 'confide/ce which tie' had:ine.
seemly commanded. His lofty independence was
recognised and appreciated by the world. By the
fist President sobiet4oentlf elected from ri North
ern State, he ' horn all .his
zees to be the fiecretarrol State, and ere.after: .
wards enjoyed-I. Isrp portion of cixtfidencrs of
his ceuntrymen, Nerthees Well ill Sortili3Of Mason
and Dixon's line. , .
As regard's the Territorial bill now under eon ;
indention in Cangruse,We at* inhumed by sower•
tide copied etraspineonalY into Government pa = ;
per ol yesterday that it is an" AdminisCnition rota:
sure,;' any. ME, every t iroeDeMocrat and every
patriot in Congrese will vote for it.'!- .14lueb es are
regret-to see am important a statement put feta Su
thenitatively, we shmail relr , st it the more contd.We
PUBLISHED EVERY SATURDAY 'AT:TOWANDA, BRADFORD 'COUNTY, PA., BY E. O'NEARA....GOODRCH.
" EZESARDLESOI OP
,DENIINCIATION - PiOX, Ailr QUA:ItTEtri."
believe it. We should regret it as well for the Pre.
sident's own sake as for the peace of the country,
But his Message at the opening of Congress forbids
os to believe it. lie saw, we eremite, with patri
otic no less than personal pleasure, that the Con
gress which assembled here two months ago met
in a spark of harmony towards each other, and of
kindness and liberality towards the Executive, rare
ly witnessed during the last twenty years. The on
ly drawback to this state of good feeling was the
feud which hail arisen among the New•Vork
mncrats ; but that very partially, rippled the surface'
of the calm which pervaded the great body of the
-Representatives; and every one seemed disposed
,to give to the new Executive all reasonable sop
port and confidence. Surely this was not a state
of things which the President woeld desire to die
turb, much less destroy, by conjuring anew the de
mon of sectional discord—moredistinctly sectional,
we fear, iii its present shape, than it ever was be
fore. There existed no adequate motive for such
a step. The country had not called for it; there had
been no expression of public opicion on the subject ;,
it was neither asked for nor looked for. So far front;
it, indeed, that it took the public entirely by surprise.:
The country, North and South, was reposing in en=
tire acquiescence and confidence in the great heal
ing act of 1820, and the strife'which accompanied
its enactment had been long forgotten. It therefore
surpasses our ingenuity to discover any motive
which could induce the President to disturb this
happy quiet. •
We are aware that our esteemed neighbor, the
Sentinel, gives as a reason for the measure, that it
will compel certain politicians to 'show their hands;'
and the Union alleges that " it is time these com
promises were settled forever." What is meant by
the Sentinel is not elear to us, and can only be con
jectured. Whether it is designed to present an is
sue to the Soft wing of the New-York Democrats,
which, obeying their anti slavery instincts, shall
drive them to oppo.e an "Administration measure,"
and thus place them in the attitude of antagonism
to the President now occupied by the Hants, or by
the same operation replace these latter on the side
of the Aministration, we do not know:; but, be it
one or the other, the object sinks into insignificance
compared with the magnitu.le and mischief of the
means adopted-to effect it. As for the reason as•
signed by the Union, that it is time to settle forever
the slavery compromises, the argument is puerile.
lf a compromiie which has stood a third of a cen
tury, and answered the most beneficent brims of
its wise and patriotic authors, is to be broken for
the purpose of making another which is to endure
lorever, where shall we find the guaranty that it
will last even as long as the one which is abroga
ted? The sage and patriot William Lowndes (in
common with all the statesmen who united with
him in the Missouri compromise) yielded to it his
support because he said it would .6 give permanent
tranquility to the country in regard to slavery."—
%Vete he now in life he would stand by his own
good work. Honor no less than regard for the pub
lic weal wuul,l bind him to it, as if should, we hum
bly but firmly assert, every Southern man who has
ever given it his assent and upheld it as a barrlbr
against fanatical or ambitious encroachment on their
Let or then, in good faith, STAND BY -rut OLD
We cannot be wrong in saying that the country
didnot dream at the openin4 of the present Congress
that before 8 weeks of its session should roll around
the exciting ana dangerous question ol Slavery
would be opened upon it with all the bitter anger
and sectional jealousy which it is calculated to
arouse. It has come like a thunderbolt front the
Heavens at mid day, thrilling the great heart ol the
American people, North, South, East and West.—
It has come when all was peace within our bor
ders—when the country was jus recovering from the
unhappy contest of 1850, and when fanaticism and
faction had weared of strilodnd were reposing in hon
orable acquiescence. Not slime are we in asserting
that all was peace and quiet without and' within.—
Assurances high and manly gave promise and com
fort to the people of these States. We extract the
following paragraph from the Message of President
" It is no part of my purpose to give prominence
to any subject which may properly be regarded as
set at rest by the deliberate judgment of the people.
But, while the present is bright wait promise and
the future full of demand and inducement for the
OZEI4CISO of active intelligence, the past can
never be without uselol lessons of atlm3 ll ill °nand
instioction. If its dangets serve not as beacons,
they will evidently fail to fulfil the object of a wise
design. When the grave shall have closed over all
who aro now endeavoring to meet the obligations
of duty, 1850 will be lectured toss peliod filled
with anziottsapprehension. A successful war had
just terminated. Peace brought with it a vas) aug
mentation of territory. Di►turbing questions arose,
bearing, upon the domestic institutions of one por
tion of the Confederacy, and involving the (Tonsil
rational rights of the Sates. But. notwithstanding
difference of opinion and sentiment which then ex
isled in relation to details awl specific provisiOns,
the acquiescence of distinguished citizens, whose
devotion to the Union can nevek be ,doubted, has
given renewed vigor to oar institutions, and restor
ed a sense of repose ,and ire,cunry to be public
mind through the Confederacy. That this . repose
is wordier no shock dewing my official term, if I
have power to avert it, those who placed me here
may be ensured."
Thieverwer then waste sutler no shock." if the
President could avert it, from Which we may ma
sopably conclude that, the of songht to be ae•
entiplished by the. inurdoction of Demirel. Bill
a t triultinior to and halve noettenettlim , With the pa
of the present Ade►initifisiibn.. As inch lit
may lai;ly'treiji loam pr"egent,.., , • .
The Bill contains Abe stual,provisions of Territo
rial Bills, and extends the Constitution and Laws
of ale United Statesover the Territory of Nebraska
sr pace tike eighth st:tfoil of this act prepirito
ry to the edmission of llrsnitrilntothe,Union, ap ;
rrovi.tl *nth' 6, 1 cm, .bleb yeti everitd*,3
the 'principles of the legislation of 1850, commonly
called the compromise measures, and is declared
Thus it will be seen that the solemn compact of
1820, known us the Missouri Compromise, is pro
posed to be repealed. That Coinpromjse forever
excluded Slavery North of the line of 36° 30', con
secrating the soil to' freedom and its society to free
institutions; and we may, in this connection, pre
sent the significant fact that the adjustment of 1820
now proposed to be repealed was the crowing mea
sures of a Southern Administration, Mr. Monroe
being President and Mr. Calhoun Secretary of State
Moreover, it was supported as a Southern measure
in Congress, opposed by northern men as such, not
more than twenty northern members voting for it.
But one Member of the the delegation from thin
State dared vote for the Bill, and he, Mr. Unsee,
was burned in effigy in all parts of his district, fur
the act. But the country then as in 1850, wearied
with contention and fearful of its consequences,
acquiesced in the settlement and sought repose in
its shadow. Almost thirty-four years bits that Com
promise been recognized North and South, no man
or party of men daring for a moment to propose its
repeal. AU seemed to understand and feel amidst
the Anti Slavery excitement since that time : that
Constitutional obligations, and national faith de
manded the faithful observance of that Compro
mise in all its parts and to its very letter. And yet
now this solemn covenant between the North and
the South is proposed to be broken on the ground
that it was superseded by the Compromise of 1850 !
This position we deny, and, planting ourselves up
on both the Act of 1820 and 1850, would defend
them from misconstruction and violence.
If the Act of 1850 superseded the other it was a
fraud—a flagrant fraud—upon the whole country .
The preposition was never announced to the peo
ple not diseirised in Congress. Tke Act of 1820
settled the whole question of Slavery in Territories
belonging to the genera I government at that time,
and would have been a final settlemejt of the
question, for alt time to come, had not more Terri
tory been acquired. The question then to be set
tled by the Act or 50 had no reference to other
than the territory acquired by Annex:lion and the
Mexican 'war; and though it might have made a
Gee territory South, or left Territory north of the
Missouri line open for the people inhabiting it to
say whether they would have Slavery or not, still
it did not interfere with or supersede the Act of
tB2O in such a manner as to abrogate it as is de
clared in the Bill now before Congress. At most it
left the Act of 1820 to apply to all the Territory for
which it was originally intended, and to all other
not specially excepted from it Indeed, the Act of
1850 was founded upon that of 1820, and certain
concessions were made by the Norh in the former
in consideration of others obtained by the North in
the !atter. The - two Acts thus bccorne one great
scheme of Adjustment, each demanding good faith
from the other in order to the preservation of their
vitality. Is it any marvel then that the friends of
the Constitution and itd Compromises, should he
startled at this attempt to abrogates Compact which
can hardly be deemed of less high obligation than
the Constitution itself? May not be fair, open and
frank, and declare that both these Acts are radical
ly wrong and unconstitutional, and then at one bold
dash sweep them from the Statute Books, and bring
the whole question of Slavery in the Territories be.
fore the country for a definite arrangement? We
want a Compromise that shall be sacred on both
sides,—such an one we can support,—we will sup
port no other.
We regret exceedingly that the country has been
precipitated into this feat tul contention. We have
heretofore labored to quiet public apprehension, to
allay faction and strife, and in common with nation
al sentiment everywhere, were rejo ic i n g th a t ih e
angel of repose seemed guarding our country's
destiny wilt hope and promise The voice of fac
tion was hushed, the howl 'of fanacticisrn was si•
lent, the waves of sectional discord has pent theb
Jury and subsided with the anger of the storm
Why again gather up the elements of the tempest!
Why again send the nation adrift on the merciless
billows of agitation and strife? Let him answer who
car.—Montrose Democrat, Feb. 16th.
John Tan Buren and Col. Clemens.
The following correspondence between Join t
VAN &Jaen and Col. hat Ct¢attt•s, has found his
way into the newspapers.. It will be read with in
terest tit the present time.
lift. VAN BURV.N . S LETTER.
MY DEAR CLEMENS: * * * The position
I took on the Baltimore platform lost me the respect
and esteem of some of my truest and best friends,
but so long as I knew it to be wise and just l sub
mitted to this loss without a marmot . , or even an
explanation, which would have saved me but in
jured our cause. The covenant of peace on the
slavery question entered. Mop at Baltimore I thought
wise for the country. and indispensable for the de,
mocratic party. Northern and southern ilemscims
differ, utterly differ, on the whole subject of ala
very. What, then, can be dope? Why, drop the
subject, it is the only way to avoid a quarrel. This
was agreed to be done at Baltimore; and now, in
open and palpable violation of this agreement, it is
proposed 1p repeal or supersede Abe , prohibition of
slavery Kiln, #Missourtterritory ; and to repeal it
on the ground that it is either already repealed, or
never existed, that it was sopereeded by the coo t
prothise 01.1850, or is ,unconstitutional. It either
cif the,reasoris be true, the act is a, flagrant breach
of party faith, for the absurd reason that the act it.
aeLf is entirely unnecessary. Could astAhinA . ttot,s
desire to buy, he South at the fresideriff9
I;tirts dictum such ,au outrage.? No r - t Amie„ ire hid
two,men,, who can do any, good lo this ne
le Peneral Cam, ihe,other younselc h fop will
agree to the Nebraska bill of lasi year, it, will be
promptly ond-,trinmphantly passed. I know Gen.
Cuss is cam m ined loam theory olnon-intervention;
karrt Ratty fur , tt—l think the theory unwind. It
is an idea of self government., and Itrexpresaingibe
idea yon overthrow the whole theory by imposing
a sell government on thetrritory. Staten have a
right of self government have not; bat
1 don't want to argue this.' General Cass can sure
ly lake this ground, i. e : Mat me - Baltimore plat
form forbids the enactment or repeal of any law
upon the subject of slavery ; and the repeal of the
Miissouri prohit ition is unnecessary, because Gen.
Cans thinks it 'anconstituticinal, and will leave it to
the courts to hold. These l views, and the fact that
the people of Nebraska want the old bill, and that
the House by two to one passed it last ynar,and that
Atchison, of the Sepate„, lent for it, would. give
Gen. Cass lair standing ground in doing what I am
sure hesees to be right. You, as a Southern man,
coulJ advocate it in insure peace and good will for
the South. It is %Rai to them to live up to their
agreement iihey would be Worse ofi to beat us than
to be beat; the sting left behind would be fatal
isereatter—do you not think so! * * * *
Yours, truly, 1. YAK RUBLE.
There is one idea in my , head which ought to
have put in my letter—the theory of non•iuterven
lion, as applied to the Nebraska territory,, demands
the repeal of the law prohib i ting slavery in Nebras
ka. The same theory, of course, requi;es the re.
peal of all laws of Congrei4est.rblishing slavery
Now, slavery in the District of Columbia exist? by
the laws of Congress alone. The Maryland and
Virginia laws upholding it are repealed. The non
intervention theory, as now construed, abolishes
silvery in the District of Columbia. Urn strict
state rights doctrines, too, it would repeal the fugi
_ ive slave law. J V. B.
February 3, 1851
WAeHieerroN, Feb. 4 1854
To lion. John Van Buren.
My Dear Sir:—four letter of yeverday has just
been received, and I agree With you in most al its
inggestions. The lese that is said optm the subject
01 slavery the beer will it be for all parries, ant:
ouch I am sure is the general Sentiment of ihe South.
We want nothing but to be let alone. We do not
expect or desire that the people of the North should
tall in love with slavery. We believe the in"rirn•
[ion to bas good one-- you think differently. Let
each enjoy his own opinion ; and refrain from any
interference with the rights or prejndices of the
other. The sentiments which you have heard me
express on the Ftnmp were not mine only - , but those
of the Southern people, almost without exception
Agitation in any,. form is whim we object to; and
the politician who rear imstes a subject which we
fondly hoped was buried for ever, mtscalcnla•es sad
ly if he expects to be received with favor by us.
All that I considered necettOary in the Nebraska
bill was, that it should be an exact copy of the New
Mexico bill,exeept. of course the name tin.? deQc: ip
iion of bouridarieo. Too are aware that lam fully
committed against the •tloctrines of Gen Cass's
Nicholson lett .r, yet we both voted cheerfully for
the New Mexico bill. It seemed to me to be com
mon ground upon which all reasonable men might
stand. It felt the sutieet of slavery where the Con
stitution left it, and did not invade the province of
the Courts to decide in advance what that Cernstitu
am too much engaged in prole. , ional dutieo to
pay much attention to piditics, but I think I have
seen enough In be (Train :fiat the Nebraska bill, a.
reported by Mr Dougl.c., willip.ws, and I think I
can foresee the enn.orpienreA I Th a t 'hay w ill b e
anything but Agreeable, ferrrs lnn clear to admit of
a doubt. A flood gale wilt he i pened, and a torrent
turned loose upon the country which will sweep
away in its devastating cou , sie every ves'ige of the
compromi'e of 1850. I do ai speak of its im
mediate epee's—l took beyond. For the present it
may be looked upon at the South as a boon, and by
a portion of the North as triumph over fanaticism
The word peace will he upon the lips of its :him
cafes every where. Like the Angst of the boot
win Mood among the Myrtle !trees and said, " We
have passed to end fro through the earth, and behold
all the earth sitteili still and is at -est"—evert So we
have it proclaimed that country 14 at reie—ghat
all k peace—but I greatly fearrlthat they will soon
find they have 'aloft! a spirit which will wing its
way through storm and tempest to the funeral pyre
of the repnblie.
To at iide in good faili by the Compromise of
IBM and the platform of Baltimbre, is both the post
of safety and poet of honor. rrepeat. We of the
South ask nothing but to he left alone • We 'have
not moved in the matter, but it is we who 7 must
suffer, unless Northern men whO see snil ppreciate
uur position, will do us jestivehefore yout own pea
pie. You can do this prnhapa more effectually
than any man at the Noi , h. and if it did not imply
en unkind suspicion I would a-r you to do it
it is, I do not doubt you, and cOnsider the request
Hoping to have the plemure Of meeting, yoniver3
soon, 1' remain very only, 3 mil. &'.
CHIN CM LI Di go —l)r. Buw.rist• said, at Liverpool
the other day, that there ia no I tly in China who
a-pires to a high position, vt bo doe]; not look upon
it as a great accomplishment not to be able
•, I have seen beautiful women carried to their
marriage ceremonies on the backs of their slaves,
wholly unable In walk horn oneiend of the room to
the other. Not long agn an, Englirth. tidy, a friend
of mine was introduced into high society in Canton,
and the Chinese ladies, not bavittg tieen, : an griii•
lishwoman before, were very curious to lock at her
feet. They said, " Itis very strange . she .has very
good manners; what a wonder, p t li 9*,sac* a
wage as that should be able to, el l avo .
1 4 01 ,0.4;
;OW society ; look bargreat fegl, 'oat cßoal t her
lather and mother be thinkingpo I:Sher . , 01 hi
his size, and to let her lent grow ith her person?"
One of the Chinese ladies observed, "Te he aura,
00 It4o,ws bow to behave herael4 but you know
she has been in our co any ftir some time in
CT The Seientific American is responsible for
the tollovring nn
Barbers often tell us that razors get tired of shav
ing but if laid by for twenty days, they will then
shave well , By microscopic. examination it is
bound that the tired razor, from long etroping front
the same hand, and in the same directiime, has thetv
ultimate particles of fibers of its surface or edge ill
arranged in one;tl.rection,like the edge of a piece of
cot velvet : but after a month's-rest, these fibres re
arrange themselves heterogeneously, by crossing
each other, and presenting a saw )ike edge, each
fibre supporthvg its fellow, and hence cutting the
beard, instead of being forced down flat without
cutting, as when lain by. These and many ether
instances are uttered to prove that the ultimate par
cels of matter are always in motion; and_ they say
in the process of welding, the absolute mementum of
the hammer causes an entanglement of orbits of
motion, and hence a re-arrangement, as in one
piece ; indeed, in the cold state; a leaf of gold laid
on the polished surface of steel, and stricken amen ly
with a hammer. will have its particles forced into
the steel so as :o permanently gild it at the point uf
A ToccitiNo nom:cm—Mr. Prentice, of the
Louisville Journal, thus touchingly alludes to the
death of his associate, Mr. Shreve:
" We, the surviving editor of the journal, feel
that the prime of lire' is scarcely' yet gone; Yet ec
we look back upon nor long career in this city, we
seem to behold far-and near only the graves of the
prized and lost." All the numerous journeymen and
apprentices that were in our employ when we first
commenced publishing our paper, are dead ; our
first partner, our second partner, and our third part
ner are dead ; our first assistant and our last assist
ant are also dead. When these memories came
over us, we feel like one alone in midst of a church
yard, with the winds sighing mournfully around
him through the broken tomb., and the cokes el
the ghosts of departed joys sounding do'.i.fully in
our ears On r prayer to God is that such memories
may have a chastening and put Eying and elevat
ing influence upon us, and fit us to discharge, better
than we have ever yet done . our duties to earth and
to Heaven `..7
V . "— A gentleman passing near the meeting house'
of the colored people in Whitestown, New-York,
heard what he describes below :
"A long•favored gentleman from Allies was
closing np a prayer, and some while boys in a car•
ner hart the ill-manners to laugh, so that the pray
ing members heard them. He had a moment be
fore said very earnestly—" we pray dat de Lord
will bress al, dat k human," when the laugh occur:
ed, and commencing again, just before the amen,
the pious old negro said: "Oh Lord, we is n9l-to
de habit of adtltng postscript to our prams, bat if
the • spression" " bress all dat is human," wouldn't
Tile in dose while fellers "dal., den we pray dat you
will t. r..!ss some trot ain't human also, besidee
A w n - L
-11 e sat befilre a low table, and his pale
fingers clenched with convukire energy, the ban.
dle of a knite. His brows were knit, and his lips
filthily compressed, while the wild and unsettled
expression of his eyes seemed to indicate the des
pera e purposes that was flashing through his ex.
cited brain. Suddenly he held the glittering blade
to thy light; he telt its edge and tapering pointohen
with startling energy, he raised the fatal knife on
high and plutigcil it into the breast of &----.41311.1n
!Zoos?, tie gravy ran out in torrents, and the halt
tarnished young gentleman left behind him, as the
only monument of his powers, a pyramid , Of
(gy- The Buft.do Commercial says:--'r Thew.
tom of males wearing shawls, adopted to some,' ti
tent in ) this region, as well as in other part,. of the'
country, is thus accounted tor. A fellow attending
a party, accidentally got drunk, and in retiring,
mistook a lady's shawl for his cloak, in which hi
biliment he was seen upon the streets. This W•si
immediately taken as an introduction pi.a "new
fashion." This is not the only fashion which , has
originated in a manner nearly similar.
(Jr A lady was once declaring that she couldn't
understand how gentlemen could smoke. "It cer
tainly shortens their lives," sa:a she.
" I didn't know 144'; replied a gentleman.
" There is my' father who smokes every blessed
Jay, and he is now seventy years old.
" Well," was the reply, " if hg hir.l never smok
ed he mi=n have been eighty,"
To P.t:)triVC MARK.% rartm TAa.cc —Rot di - sheik
so - petit-nes tease w hith=li roarka on varnished tables.
0;11011 4 1e,, a. hey should noi be eateleisly upon
them , To remove it, pour scoris . lamp oil oriTilier
epos, and rob O with a sot cloth:
Then pour on a little spirits, and rub it dry %fedi
another cloth and the white maul wilt disappear;
leaving the tattle as bright as briore,
Otr A ente for the gont—a lon of ,
To be taken in doses of fifty pound, each, apyifiel
toihe iihoulder, truiing,a journey`over than INCA,
ts'Vaarn.—Ftederiek There, note host
Very provoking! Fve fet the prayer-book at homer,
Maria—" Well, debt's . n ever Mind ;_ bpl do islf
me, is my bonnet straight,"
"tru Aro rtiyeitesksrliatly, far w;'! , Fliavrled
boCIt of sn f;:iir;i t ha646: 4, No," repliedlhe
ter, " but I perceive your chops are.''
iltr" Know oot wistlem ;,,it is only the
mw material from which the beautiful tatrio le