1:!ME=119
N_ 7 ,2
TOAVANDA:
Mania!), September 11, 1852.
Irlrrtrit Vortrti
A LAY OF A STRICKEN HEART.
AT Wll. OLAND DODDITD.
Winn the world around is bright,
And in scenes are glad and fair,
Darkened ap they to my sight,
With the clouds of mute Despair.
Oncr.how bright it seemed to me !
'World of g lorious faith and hope
And die song rang loud and free.
Through nip heart's expanding cape.—
Then my Fancy flushed with dreams
Of►labor long and hard—
tbeful, holy—bringing gleams
Of a precious soul-reward.
pone; In hope I ell have thought
eliish ends should not be mine--;
Acid my guerdon I have sought
to the path of life divine.
Bu: the world is full of change—
And its hopes how quick they fail !
Piths unknown, tin tried and strange,
Or sad mars sweeping gale.
SQ the world has come to me—
saddening with its weight of cares,
Flastm; grief where joy should be,
Awl fur wheat it gives me tares.
I had faith, but that is dead
-1 had love, but that is past
ihsd hope, but overhead
All my sky is overcast.
Ye vho - sing of strong Resolve!
Learn ye what it is to Do !
Te vitt then the man absolve .
Mho to trial comes to you.
boy midnight, toiling on
le !he world has gone to rest,
T 4 .e morning light has come,
thane sought to do my best.
:he to l eoricheih nut !
And the labor bnngs no crown
I ear. .hall he my lut e
till in earth I lay me down.
There my weary dust shall lie—
May my death not be in vain !
If ;sChn , t I may but die,
I shall live—yea, lire—again !
of T. H. Benton,
ERED AT A PUBLIC MEETING OF THE
Ini.RlC . l OF ST. LOUIS. HELD IMME
TEL\ AFTER THE' RESULT OF THE
- TIO\ 1% As KNOWN.
ns Hor,est exultation is natural in our cir.
ices insolent triumph is foreign to our na-
We have a right to rejoice : we have no
non m insult. Moderation, al ways respecta
the crowning ornament of victory, and the
hick cures all wounds We have gained a
-a great one ; manfully and nobly gained
ripen field our theatre—hard knocks our pro-
No Ulysses' work with us; but the Ajax's
cJ fAle .I)sx—hard knocks and no tricks:
lan.
and county of St. Louis, the Gibrattar of
cal toes, has been carried Two senators
represerhanees in the General Assembly—
county officers, ilk enry in number—the Con
:to—the state ticket—all carried ! and with
;ors of a man. A ticket of thirty carried at
one beli; and !hat where no fragment of.
tad been carried for years before—where
tut , ucceosive defeats had eat on our ban
fears An average majority Of a thousand,
•ao years - ago the majority (and a good on v
e)
us ; and thin against a foe in possession
,e appliances of power—entrenched in pow
or offices, the state bank, the city govern
reretitieo, the whole system of jobs
tracs, and the train-bands of a veteran city
11.1 e, no advantage of power or position ;
"e great dtsadecntages : entrenched Ices in
'.es in the rear, a &non in the camp. We
n. 2 Naked hands, empty pockets, no !it
mitiary chests : one press in a foreign lan
c..ntle one, burn at the eleventh hour;
Cr old enough, and big enough, to have done
'an like the lame captain, commencing its
fore the fight began. IVe were empty, all
except the heart ! and that was full ! full to
Snmlull! of courage and patriotism.—
cif ot St. Louts—l love that Greek word—
bvtro of Si. Louis, in this month of Au-
Monday, and second day, in the year 01
have done a deed which shall Wig ri
tv the land ; which constitutes an era
4 07 of Missouri, and sets an example for
state to follow. Victory' complete sits
tanner. No dead no wounded, not a
l el't upon the field. We have met the foe,
re onre ;'and now, like generous eon
re pill bind up their rounds, and wipe
• tars, and give them the best we have
Scull ts`the result in ihe county
It the noblest county and city, in the no
-19 the
itlters election, in a district of twenty
Ito partpt iLe combat in St. Louis; and
ttti 'he other nineteen emulate the conduct of
Jafay of the state. Benton was in the
to late with the people.-no traitors be
't -and the question, whether they would
roan whn for six Roman luetrullia had
the m 1 They did stand! over a field of
:dyed miles—from the Missouri river to
Isas line, frock the Merrimac In the St.
at.dl at he Big and Little Black, Eleven
I tae Currents ; to White river and Black
4ketlCreek, Apple Creek, and . the Castes
lflhe Big Swamp and up to the hills-••
fur to the Pemtacut, (twice as far as
10 Beersheba) everywhere the denim
r',2 matt who Lad aL:otl by therm It was
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a long ra;ee ; and they.had pula Weight - iipOn yonr
leader'e back—not very, heav y; and he,. carried it
without feeling it, about in the: style that the re
nowned captain John Gilpin, (oftoridon train-band
memory)carned the neck and handle el. that bro
ken jug,W.hich hung dangling at his hack in-that le
mons ride from Lontrn town to Islington.
And he did not degrade himielfor the people.—
No-low arts of electioneering—no begging for votes
—no appeal to old services—no bowing and scrap
ing—no whining and blubbering—no confessing
and begging pardon, and promising not to do so
again; no cringing to foes. But right ahead, hitting
right and left—‘knocking over compromises, plat
forms, caucuses, Conventions, regular nominations,
fugitive slave law and all; and despising every
thing that jugglers contrive for the terror of timid
politicians; armed with truth and courage alone;
self-supported, and relying upon the people; an
swering no questions and telling no lies ; that is
the way it was done. And to whose honor 1 1 His
own! No ! But to the honor of the masses, to the
honor of the people who recognize truth and cow.
age—who despise the shuffling politician, and love
the man of head and nerve—the man alwaysfrank
and honest, whether always right or not.
Citizens ! a week before the election, I saw a
letter from a perspicacious politician in Pennsylva
nia, in which he said :
" I have read Benton's speech at the Rotunda in
St. Louis, to the electors 0/your first Congressional
District. It is such a speech as no other man in the
nation has the courage to make ; and if the people
do not elect him they will have less spirit than they
are credited for, and less gratitude than good men
°Ott to have."
This is what that perspicacious man wrote ; and
before this time he has got the news, and sees that
the people of Missouri—the twenty counties at
least, composing the First Congressional District—
have lull as much gratitude as good men ought to
have. And these twenty are only a specimen of
the one hundred which the state contains.
Citizens ! The debt of gratitude is on my part.
I came to this city thirty-seven years ago, then a
small village, and cast my lot among you. From
the se.cond year of my arrival I became the object
of a warfare, such as was never carried on against
any public - man, and crowned in the year '49 by a
conspiracy to destroy me, both life and character, it
I defended myself, the state and the Union, against
a domestic ar.d national treason. You took me up
five years after I came to the country, sustained
me, kept me in the AmeriCan Senate thirty years;
and when sold out of it by traitors, you, the people
of twenty counties, (but emblem of the whole state,)
restored me to the national councils ; that branch
of it which erroneous ideas have placed below the
Senate, but which the constitution intended to be
above it—which for forty years was above it—
which the reviving spirit of the constitution wi:l
again place above it—and in which a seat is moat
agreeable to me, because it comes direct from you.
We have gamed a great victory, and one that is
full of results You have rebuked treachery and
conspiracy ; you have juktified courage and hones
ty ; you have justified the man who will not'com
promise with the enemies of the Union ; you have
vindicated the character of republican government
—shown that the people are neither ungrateful nor
fickle ; and that an appeal to yon—the appeal di
rect where there is no room for juggling—is the
safe resort of every faitlitul honest public man. I
can tell you that republican government was on
trial in my person in this election ; that Europe and
_America was looking on, the enemy of free gov.
emment wishing defeat, that the stain of ingratitude
and fickleness might rest upon you ; the friends of
free government wishing me success, that this stain
might be effacer,. You have effaced it ; you have
rebuked treachery and venality, and vindicated the
honor of republican government. This is a grand
result of your victory—moral result ; but we must
have material results also. We must have works,
and that will depend upon the elected men whom
you have elected to state and federal offices.
But I am astonished at the amount of the whig
vote—above lour thousand in this county, and near
ly as many more in the remaining nineteen. This
is impossible. If they mean whip in the revolu
tionary sense of the term, granted. We are all
whig,s in that sense; and the term so used is a na
tional, and not a party designation. But if they
mean whip of the United States Bank war—the
whip who quit Jackson and the democracy to stand
by the Bank—it is all a mistake. They went off
from their old friends under the belief that a nation
al bank was necessary; they now know it is not—
now know that it is given up and abandoned by its
former champion who induced them to join it—call
ed an "obsolete idea ;" that is to say, a dead and
defunct idea. Now, would it not be "obsolete," in
any of these mistaken democrats to remain mistak •
en 7 to remain a United States Bank whig upon a
dead idea 7 to consolidate with the old federal par
ty under its new name 7 and' thus becamecommit•
ted to all their principles while only joining them
upon one, and that one now exploded Impossible !
They will correct this mistake-,-return to their old
friends—and leave their federal whips at thri
election with a fraction of the vote which they have
now received.
- The same of that party who take a name which
implies hatred to one man. They have voted above
two thousands ! Can there be that number of men
in twenty counties of the•state, or of the world, who
take for their distinctive political principle, the feel
ing of hatred to one man Impossible ! 11Yine4enths
of 'these voters have voted under mistake', and will
rectify themselves the first lime they vote again.
Citizens ! Direct voting has made this great re
sult; and it is the only kind of voting which ought
to be tolerated us a republic—the only kind which
can save to the people any share in their own elec
tions. No intermediate body, self constituted, in
otherwiseno caucus, no convention, no electors,
no house of representatives, no general assembly—
should ever be permitted to stand between the votes
and the object of his choice—too often to juggle him
~• • ' •
PUBLISHED EVERY SATURDAY AT TOWANDA, BRADFORD- COUNTY, PA., BY E. O'4EARA GOODRICH.
. _
,")izeiinass oi,ziwniNclAT!ort raont AsfquaTint."
.
and cheat him of hie choice... Who ever heard-of
theskinterlopers in the election of - a • Runner con
sul,priietot, quaestor, tribune or - anything else t No
one ever heard - of such a`thing ; and if ikhUtibeeo,
Rome herseli would never have been heanl of.—
?i Regular nominations? •were , there tinknown.-i-
The people nominated, and nominated at the elec ,
lion, never failed to choose the Most ilhnetiOns men
which the Republic contained, not one of whom
ever failed toeing the grandeur of Rome beyond
the point at which he found it Cicero bad Six
competitors when he was elected consul; and noon
thought of a cants—l wonder how the word would
sound in latin—to snake a 4, regular nominee."—
Neither Rome, nor Greece, nor and other elective
government that ever'existed, or raiw exits could
or did endure such lawless and fatal inteireention.
The-United States alone are the only exception ;
and if it continues, her name will be " lchabod ;"
which, being Interpreted, signifies,""Thy glory
bath departed." I have been an advocate for direct
voting 'all my life.a-have proposed it in Congress
many times, and as tar back as more than twenty
years ago, in the case of President end Vice-Presi
dent; and deemed it indispensable in all elections,
state and tederal, it our elections are not to degene
rated into empty k form and criminal substance.
The Congress election in this district is an illus
tration of the difference between direct and indirect
voting. A convention was held, and delegates and
proxies—impostor delegates and forged proxies—
made a regular based upon upward of
ten thousand votes to one, and next to none for the
others; this was the indirect vote of the people,
transmitted and transmuted through the interloping
convention. The election followed, and direct vo
ting after the indirect ; and the basis of the nomi
nation was exactly reversed—toward ten thousand
for him who was to have next to none ! and next
to none to him who was to haveten thousand ! and
that is about a fair specimen of all such indirect vot
ing—all such delegate and proxy work—all such
interloping conventicles, from Presidential nomina
tions down to thimble.rig•piggling for state and
county officers.
But success has its duties as well as its enjoy
ments—its responsibilities as well as its exultation.
W or k s are t o follow—wise and good works, for the
benefit of the country. This noble county of St.
Louis sends twelve democratic members to the
Gerieml Assembly ; this grand Congress district of
twenty counties, fronting three hundred miles upon
the father cif floods, sends a democratic member to
the national councils. To do what ! Go and feed
at the public crib, and then come back with thiir
fingers in their mouths ! No ; never ! They are
sent to work ! and to bring back an account of good
work done ! or, at all events, of faithful endeavors
to do it. This is their mission ; and the election is
a mandate for labor, and a bond for responsibility,
as well as a call to honor and distinction.
State legislation, is not for the adoption of good
measures, at least for the prevention of bad, must
fuel the influence of this election. A serious re
sponsibility rests upon the next General Assembly ;
and the democracy must bear its brunt, and the St,
Louis county delegation above that of all others on
account of its numbers. With the rest of the de
mocracy they will be formidable, but not the nu
merical superiority—but enough to do much. A
good cause, and courageous hearts, should be an
Overmatch for numbers. The whige and the anti-
Bentons wall be in the majority in the next Genera;
Assembly. The anties alone will outnumber the
democracy—thanks to that fatal Jefferson City con
vention of April last. That convention has resus
citated and rebabitated an expired and defunct far-
Lion—has brought the dead to life—and made it,
with the whigs, the controlling power in the next
General Assembly ! to which it could not have
elected one single member in any one county in
the state. Yes, that convention has done this, and
has given me two years more of labor to get the de
mocratic party back to what it was on the sth day
of April last. The democracy will have to make
up in courage and vigilance what they lack in num
bers ; and may prevenl bad measures from being
"passed if they cannot procure the adoption .ot good
ones. They must take high ground, of principle,
dal, honor and Courage if the prostitute political
machine, the State Bank, is bribed through the two
Houses—(the only way it can get through)—the
democratic ground must be taken of APPEAL to the
people, and REPEAL of the purchased charter.
In the national legislature there are many things
to be done, for the. failure to do which, or to try, I
shall admit my own responsibility. A system of
roads from St. Louis to Sin Francisco; the closet
opment of the iron resources of the country; free
trade in salt ; the rectification of the vagary of uni
versal advalorems ; liberal disposition of the public
lands; improvement of our national rivers; the
preservation of the gold currency ; the acquisition
of the arsenal ground for a public promenade in St.
Louis ; the completion of the marine hospital.;,
preservation of the city harbor; theen will be some
of the measures of a more borne diameter which I
i shall press.
In my more extended character, as acting for the
whole Union, I shall in the first place, join all the
good men of all.partiee in restoring the decorum of
the House, and confining it to its proper duties—
important enough and various enough, to exhaust
the whole measure of ally man's ability ; and exal
ted enough to furnish reputation to any amount of
honorable ambition. I shall be a party man where
party principle is concerned,but shall never mistake
for principle tl.•e trick and intrigue of slang politi•
clans. I shall act with the good men of all parties
when the honor and the interest of the country is
concerned ; and act with such in all those questions
which is either above or below party. I shall be
opposed to all plunder legislation, In all unnecess.
try expenditures, to all extravagance; and endear/.
ur to return to that economy from which it has so
frightfully departed.
I shall be in favor of peace, friendship and cum•
merest with all uations, - atul war with none, except
for groat national causes ; and that alter exhausting
all resources of honorable adjustments. The last
arguments at kings • - • —the ultimo ratio. regin, so;
proudly inscribed on laiscannon by,Lonis the Four
teenth—is not to, be, with me, the first argument of
the flepublic ! especially , in this_ age of . advanced •
civilization and social international communication ;
and when reason and justice, not force and. arms,
should settle, as far as possible, the controversies
of nationtas_well as inditidttttis. .
I shall not be in iilVof of a. war with Mexico to en
force her revive! of the"GamY ' Tehnatitepeis grant,
twicedefunct ander the laws of Mexico; once up
on the limitation of time fur the fulfilment of its
conditions ; ind ; once upon a decree in Congress
for bribery in its inception: and which double de
funct grant is now held by , some of our ‘ roillionaire
citizens who call upon the American goternmen to
bully or whip that teeble power to submission to tbeii
demands. That grant is for a monopoly road across
the Isthmus, end is a route upon foreign territory.
Justice, as well as charity, should begin at home ;
and the good book says, that man is worse than a
heathen who does not provide for his own household
We have territory of our own for making road to
the Pacific ocean; and have been four years beg
ging the means of making it—for making even a
common waggon and horse road—but all to no pur
pose. Not even a bridle path marked out yet from
the frontiers of Missouri to the State of California,
or the territory of Oregon; nor any road to New
Mexico, except the one I got marked out twenty
five years ago. I should not be in favor of bullying
or whipping Mexico into the establishment of the
foreign monopoly Tehuantepec route at all, even it
the grant was yet alive: and much less when we
can get nothing for a free national road, for our . own
citizens, upon our own territory.
I am against rushing into war with Great Britain,
to settle with cannon the meaning of some words in
the fishing convention of 1818. The settlement of
the meaning of that bevy, and of all treaties, is a
proper subject for arbitrament—•for reference toliome
disinterested authority ; and for submission to the
decision of that authority. We want no new con
convention ; that might be as difficult to understand
the present one ; for the diplomatic art is very suc
cessful in depositing the seeds of a new contestation
in every settlement of an old one. We want the
present treaty interpreted, and the interpretation
depends upon the meaning of mime hall a dozen
lines of English writing, done by eminent scholars
and statesmen, and surely susceptible of explica
tion. Let us get an interpreter, any fait man in the
character of an arbitrator, to tell Great Britain and
America what the wilds mean. This is a usual
proceeding among nations, even in the cue of un
adjusted and complicated difficnhies ; and much
more so in the case of disputed construction of ex
isting stipulations. It is the course we followed
with Great Britain herself, in the case of the slaves
deported during the war of 1812. The first article
of the treaty of Ghent stipulated for their restitu
tion, or indemnity. - The two powers could not
agree upon the classes of slaves which the stipu
lation• would cover. Twelve years were spent in
verbal disputation ; and then the point was referred
by mutual consent to the Emperer Alexander, who
decided it in favor of the United States. And then
a million mid a quarter of dollars, withheld to the
damage of the owners for twelve years, were paid
and the controversy settled.
The treaty of peace of 1783 with Great Britain
contained a similar stipulation in relation to the
slaves deported during the war of the revolution ;
and the same disagreement as to its construction.
Twenty years were consumed in its negotiation ;
no arbitration was proposed, or, if proposed, not
accepted, and, the value of all those slaves lost fo
the owners. Arbitration procured under the trea
ty of Ghent what twenty years of negotiation, be
ginning under Washington, could not obtain under
the treaty of 1783 ; and, gain or lose, arbitration is
the right way to settle the meaning of the words in
relation to this fishing privilege. We want no new
treaty, and it we did, would admit the defect of
the present one, and the new one might give rise
to the same double interpretation. War, does not
construe treaties, bnt abrogates them ; and by war
we shonld lose the present stipulation, and possi
bly not get another. I 'am for proposing arbitra
tion ; and in the meantime, do nothing - to alarm
the country, or to bring on hostilities.
' I am against alarming the country with a talk of
war, when there is to be no war—at least none
constitutionally made. No Ministry in Great Brit
ain, and no Congress in the United States, can
make war out of this question. Thirty-two mill
ions of people one Wes, and twenty-four - on the oth
er, speaking the same language, professing the
same religion, dividing — blood, engaged in active
commercial and social communication, with no ,
rivalry, except in the main' ads, and which thirty.
two and twenty-four, the cause of liberal govern
ment throughout the world requires to stand to
,gather ; no such fifty-six millions of people can be
•set to fighting, (with their own consent) to settle
the meaning of some words in a fishing treaty, and
they would smash, each part for itself, any Minis
try or Congress that should set them at it withou•
their consent. The Derby Ministry, which has
given practical consequence to this verbal dispute,
is'already disposed of: the late elections have al
ready disposed of it—thereby proving that it was
Clot a " stable" ministry, taking the word in what
ever sense it may bear. There will be no war , —
none constitutionally made; and it is wrong to
alarm the country with the fear of such a calami
ty. Such alarm does mischief to the business o 1
the country—to,commerce and stocks, and enter
prize of all kinds. Property is timid ; and it is a
cruet sporting with the interests of individuals to
raise this alarm ; nut the lees so because the dan
ger with some is magnified, to magnify the glory
of averting it ! with other's, the war talk is nothing
but ranter - made, to purchase cheap popularity ;
with the, others, again, mere gab, without any
thought.
I am against sending ships of war to tbe Scene of
dispute. It is the way to bring on hostilities, and
MM
SIM
not to prevent them : and to bring them on by an
Executive order, instead of is law 01 COMPS.. PAO
two men face tolsce,:with s quarrel in their bo
soma, and arativin their hands, and how long 'will
it be before they will use thine arms t before acci
dent or design brings on conflict l It is the same,
on a larger scale,. :with fleets and armies. Con
front them—tellthenn to take care of the national
honor and interest—end they will •do it ! do it in
the only way known to arms !the favorite way
with all to whom war is a profession ! And when
blood once flows, there is an end to any argument
but that of the cannon, mild blood is avenged.—
"American blood has been shed on on American ship,"
will be just as potent over the passions as the same
words were in relation to American soil, and
brought about in the same. way. The march of
the American troops from Corpus Christi to the Rio
Grande made-that shedding of "American Wood
on Arnericin soil," which put an end to all peace
ful negociations, fired all l passions, and extorted
from Congress the declaration of war against Mex
ico. A similar shedding of" American blood_ on
an American ship," on the coast of Labrador, or in
the bay of Fundy, may bring on a war with Great
Britain,• the result of accident, or passion or mid
construction of orders ; but not the lest calamitous
to the country for such a for.uitous beginning.
I therefore look aim this movement of ships to
the disputed fishing grounds as unwise and danger
ous—more apt to bring on a war thail prevent it—
and to bring it on suddenly and unconstitutionally ;
and- in the midst of the active commercial and so
cial relations of the two countries. Aibitration is
the remedy, and it will be the successful one ; for
no ministry in Great Britain, or administration in
the United States, could stand an hour against the
indignation of fifiy.six millions of people, which
ministry or admiristration should refuse to accede
to that peaceful mode of settling the meaning of a
few words in a treaty. Let either make it and the
other will be bound to accept it, or to give way to
those who will.
Citizens : this is no time for didactic harangues
—no time for elementary discources on politics ;
but there are two points on which I wish to speak'
and to become somewhat of a political teacher.--
The first is upon the difference between a League
and a Union ; which is, in fact, the difference be
tween the present government of the United States
and the Federal Confederation ; and upon the ef
fect of Congress " compromises," in unhinging the
present form of out government, and,.semining the
States to the condition they were in under that
4, rope of sand," the Articles ol . Coufederation
This is one point I wish to speak upon, and should
have done it if President Taylor had not died so
suddenly. The second point is a view of political
parties upon principle, with the design to present
politics as a science, and to show that political par.
ties are sadly confused at present in the United States
—sadly debased by excrescent questions—sadly
degraded by unworthy Or Unskilful teachers; and
that many on both sides, are sadly misplaced; and
to do this without reference to either party in par
ticular, but to both, I would not speak to these
po:nts before the election, because I would not sub.
ject a discourse' purely didactic and disinterested,
to the suspicion, however erroneous, of a selfish
or temporary object ; end I cannot do it to-night;
because the time is unfit, the occasion adverse,
and the audience one-sided.
It has been supposed by some—by a few who
received some blows in the late contest—that I bit
too hard. Let all such complainers remember
that I had been hit myself for more than thirty
years before I returned a lick ; and that it is my
nature, being forced into action, to do nothing by
halves. But enough of this. Bygones are (with
me) bygones. Let us forget the past. I offer
child's bargain toall combatants : let me alone and I
will let you atone. And 1 believe I will let them
- alone any way whether they let me alone or not.
Let us look forward. We have a noble city and
a noble state, with those aggrandizement any man
may be proud to interweave his name. Rivers,
soil, minerals, geogr, aphicri centrality, and 'the ter
ritorial extent for a great kingdom : anCfr
. is the
state. Geographical centrality again ; topographic
cal pre-eminence; absorbing capabilities; anten
u le, to reach out ant! rake in the commerce from .
the gull and the lakes, the plains, and the Mount
ains, the Atlantic and the Pacific, all Western
America and all Eastern Asia ; such is the city
The golden horn of p:enty--the cornucopia of heti
ficent Providence...has been filled to the brim
with all that was rich and bounteous in the stores
of nature, and emptied lull charged upon this city
and state. They ask nothing more from nature—
, nothing trom man but fair play to nature's work
Roads, bridges, safe rivers, safe boats, hardmoney
currency and democratic government on principle !
is all that is wanted to give to this state and city,
the full developinnt'of their magnificent aggran
dizement. Federal and state legislation merit help,
and not mar, the designs of nature. Fair play to
their own resources, and no detriment to others, is
all they ask. No , ,shutfist when national roads are
to be made, or national rivers to be improved. No
dog in the manger, when the public lands are
wanted for their own beneficial development, and
for national and agricultural benefaction.
I have been through a contest to which I had no
heart, and into which I have been forced, solely
against my wilt. I have not conducted it like other
men. Who, since it began, has seen me walk the
streets of the city in which I live I stand at a corn.
er ?or visit a public place Who has seen that ?
No one. Who has seen me.talk to any individu•
al to conciliate his vote? No one. What have I
done I Gone forth, when too much assailed to speak
to the masses—those masses always honest, some
times mistaken, but always ready to do justice.—
I have spoken the same language to all, kindly
and deferentially to the good and mistaken.rprood:
II and defyingly—to the false and wickesluid
from the masses, and the repulse. of assailanta,l
have always returned to the seclusion of my btu
house. My work has been that of a sick hoe...
_ _:..::~_ r~..
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IKE
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sick at ,the heart✓-reposing in his lair, onlyfinseftig
it when the Minters and their pack bayed too close
ly ; ani then ,to slaughter, or disperse, the assailants,
and thed Warn again to the sick bed.
I have gone through the contest to which; I has)
no heart, and inio which I was forced hyr - cieuhin
alions against life and honor, and from which
gladly escape. What is a 'seat in Congress tome?'
I have sat thirty years in the hightst branch et"
Congress—have made a name to which I can ex.
pect to add nothing—and I Should only be anxious
to save what has been gained. 1 have ehamesiicr
affections, sorely larcerated in these latter'tiMeS;
wife whom I have never neglected, and who needs
my attentions now more than ever--=ehildren,somer
separated from me by thSwidseepanser of oceans
and continents, others by the slender bounds which
separate time from eternity. I touch the age which
the - Paalmist-assimis for the limit'ormanly life; slit!'
must be thoughtless' indeed ►f I do not think of
something begone the fleeting and* shailoal pur
suits of this life, of all which I have seen the vani
ty. • What is my occupation I ask the undertaker,
that good Mr. Lynch, whose face, present on so
many mournful occasions, has become pleasant to
me. He knows what occupies my thoughts and
cares, gatheringthe bones of Jeath-.a mother—a six•
ter—two sons—a grand chili—planting the cypress
over assembled graves and marking the spot where
I and those - who are dear to me are soon to be laid;
all on the sun-set ails of the Father of Floods, the
towering city of St. Louis on one hand, the ,rolling
stream of the Missouri on the other: sal where a
cemetery of large dimensions is to be ''lie future
necropolis of-unnumbered generations. These are'
my thoughts and cares, and the undertalter knows
them.
I have been reclu-w for many month, and was
called proud because I was so. If by the term if
was intended to say I hadvnlgar pride which treat"'
with, contumely honesty in rags,. it is !aloe; it, the
lefty pride is intended- which despisei tirearniele
though plated with gold, it is true. I have that
pride. I never saw the poor honest man that I did'
not 'respect, nor the rich mean one that I did riJt
c'espise. Of that kind of pride I have something
from it to be proud of within myself ; and more to
be proud of from the people. I am proud of tbs .
thirty years in the American Senate which the free
voice of Missouri gave me, and feel nodegradatiors
at being sold out of it by traitors to the people. I
am proud of the five thousand two hundred and ttr.r
ty votes this city and county gave me Monday be.
lore last; proud of the twenty counties which have
me their representative ; proud of the acres'
of men who met me at the grand rally the Satur:
day night before the election ; proud of the thou.-
sands upon thousands who are here at this grand•
celebration to honor-me this night. And I hem
again to be proud of the state of Missouri ; but se
cannot be with she has purged herself of
(lon a high treason, vagabouti and paper money.
Ott— " HMO ; little boy, where am 1 I" said a'
superannuated gent who was standing at the infla
tion of three post roads in the country.
" Why, yer on your feet, ain't- yet r'
Pshaw ! I mean where does the roads go to !".
" Them lOWA doesn't go anyvers; they've leers
a layin'still ever since know'd em." .
" You young rti.,, , mmufffn ! I mean which of these'
roads will lead me to blargburg I".
" Well, it doesn't matter which ; they all lead
into Margburg, but they've not traveled none."
"Not traveled oone What do yon mean young?
bier r
Don't call me a young stir !cos I'm not a stir
an' the reason they doesn't travel these 'ere reader
now are this :
'• They is so cussed Crooked, that they isn't drib
account. Why, there was a traveler started from
these 'ere folks mor'n a year ago lur logo to Marg./
berg, an' he ain't got there yet, cos as last as he
giis on the bee litte for the uto, he finds himsetf
goin' on the wrong 'uti."
"Pd advise yer to man' still, on' wait tits the
roads bring the town round to yer."
" Good-bye to yer
"Father, look ye here. Woes the reason goer
and mother is alters a quarrelling 1"
" Silence r my son. Do you know *hat you're
talking about I"
"Yes siree, I do. I was list a wonderen' wot
you'd do et you had es many wives as otd Selo.
mon."
" Bah ! go to bed."
" Yes, it's wens well to say go to bed. Solo:
mon had morn a hundred wives, all on 'em a lip.
in' in the same hens°, a eatue together and never a
fight." •
" Now wot a time you'd hate of you tranalf as
many. Why you'd kick up sich a rumpus as %A
fetch up me police—end knock things to thunder."
A broomstick interrupted the tequations youth,
and very suddenly 'upaled to him the idea of
traveling—which ha did
En.:7- A sensible cotemporary says : " The wo.
meat ought to make a pledge not to kiss a man who
uses ipaceo ; it would soon break np the practice"
A friend of ours says they ought to make a pledge
to kiss every man that don't use it--aud we go for
that too. Ditto as.
trig toe' at Plymouth rock," said an elognent
stump orator in Mississippi, a down there its old
Virginia, end weep!"
Tim Whigs hare adopted the soap bital ati au
emblem. The Democrats will cool their broth k•r
them.
01.',A little boy going to church for the firs;
time with his motherpiwas mightily pleased with
die'performance of the organ, and cried oat
blhther; mother !'whore's the meehey.'s ,
atrslanderers arc the Devi,'s bellows, lo blow
up contention,
4 2%
IMI
BEE
i ( 4 ~" A 3 a. ~l
VI=M t,63