Bradford reporter. (Towanda, Pa.) 1844-1884, August 10, 1850, Image 1

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Soutrbap: Morninn, %anus' 10, 1850.
abe Califinnia 011111i1M.
bF mnisfs.vAluA,
the llellee it.iterandauves, Aft 24,'69.
The Committee el' the Whotem the state f the Union
haring postponed yse prowle.katior die Califor
nia If&isage, and - taken u the Pea making apiro
ptions for the support Qf the Afilital , Academy
MR. WILMOT' obtained the floor, and tiroceed—,
ed to say :•That he should fail in hip duty if lib re-'
mained ;Men( under the charge against those filen&
ly to the-.runconditional admission or California,
made upon them by the gentleman from Illinois,
IMr. McCurahmrin He bad himself heard of
the exidtence of a party or faction in the House,
so hostile to California, Is en independent meas.
,re, to threaten resistance by revolutionary
means, to paralyze the functions of Government,
bv a defeat of the ordinary and necessary appropri
ations. 'This faction he understood to be the allies
and coadjutors of the gentleman from Illinois
He (Mr. _W.) was mot of them in spirit or in
Mr. WILLIAMS - rose to a point of order. lie
submitted that it was not in order on this bill to
auleuns the question ,of the admission of Catilor
ma. ix.
Mr. PRESTON SING staid, that as the whole
euestion cif the freedom of debate came inlo eon-
Imrersy on this point of order, he should ask that
rt be reduced to writing.
Mr. WlLLlAMS•relerred to the rule on which
he based his point of order.
The point of order was then reduced to•writiug,.
as tollows : - .
"I call the gentleman to order, under the 31st
rale ef the House, which requires the speaker t 6
cnnfine himself to the question nncer.debate, and
is not in' order tor the gentleman to discuss the
merits of the Califogiia bill on the question tow
'Mr. HILLIARD inquired whether the question
was deb iable
The CHAIRMAN said, the Chair had not given
► tlecition.
The CHAIRMAN then said, that, looking to the
once of debate which was allowed in Committee
of the Whole on the state of the Union, the Chair
.1.5 not feel authorized to pronounce the remarks
of the gentleman from Pennsylvania [Mr. Wit.
soil out of order. The chair, therefore, overrul
ed the point of order.
Mr. WILLIAMS said, that he appealed from the
decision of the Chair.
Mr. WILMOT desired to be informed by the
run, whether, when the Howse was in Committee
of the Whole on the state of the Union, the state
et the Union generally, as well as the immediate
I• 11 which was pending, was not unthir cooed
oration !
The CHAIRMAN ass' erted,remarking that it was
upon that grounOat lie.had overrated the point
of order.
The question Was then taken, u..ihall the deei
von of the Chair stand as the ju dgment of the
to.rominee F and decided in the affirmative, with
out a diricion.
Sc the decision of the Chair was affirmed by (he
Mr. WILMOT proceeded. Not until to , day,
tad from the gentleman from Illinois, [Mr. Mc-
CrERNANaI had he heard this charge of a desire ,
h defeat the appropriation bills, made upon the
Stands of freedom. He had risen to repel any ;
toch charge, and to brand as false, all each rumors.
indeed it was astonishing to him how such ni
non could have obtained A currency. fie mispebt
o,l that they existed only to the imagination of rite'
isotlernan from Illinois, and that he is ,the ,
sat to give them breath and circulation. In the
zoos to which the gentleman refers, there was
na a word said which could be tortured into such
icoultruotio n . It is true that the friends of Cab
bala desire action : it is true, they begin to appre
otad Chit those who came here professedly her
tienrh". are pot so in good faith, but are prepared
are her the go-by. He desired to give to Cal
bout precedence over the appropriation ' bills
Ile helieved that the friends of California; desired
'recourse pow; & the reason is this: die history of
hsGrirernment, for twenty years, proves that the
tithebills are not passed until the last days
session ; and he felt satisfied that when those
were passed, that the day of adjournment will
int arrived. The same men who .now seek to
toe off the admission of Calitutnia—to pit the
aonderation of that great measure behind other
nsure ss , afters. shameful delay of eight months; the
ant men, sir, will Vote for and caryy an adjourn.
. 4 _ lllel/ 4 80 000t1 as dic i appmpristion,bills, shall have
m s Pamed. It is 4o insure action on this meas-
I s - In make it certain—to place it beyond doubt
contingency, that we desire to give it priority
ri the appropriatio bills. The admission of
-illornia ts the great n
measure of public interest;
alight to be first thd foremost In our regards
It as uppermost in the minds & affections of the
ti - Piel and should not by us be made subordinate
"Thing else. , Judging from the declarations of
leadsmen when we met here in December last,
Peen the voices of our constituencies were yet
Mt, he (Mr. W. bad supp osed that there was
tit t nonhem man on this Der who was not in
hew of the speedy and unconditional admission of
f riroia• Now we have the declaration .by the
' man from Illinois, tMr.,McChettesan,] that
*opposed to her erreenditionel admission. He,
vrishes to drive bargains m behalf of slavery. I
wishes to make California purchase 'her way
the Union by large and' important concessions
the slave interests. He is in favor of -clogging
pith measures for tne gosennnenfor the Ter
for the settlement of .the Texas Ixnunlaly I
the catching of rtineway' slaves--in abort,
anything aodleverything which the advocates
lavery may demand. He would make Calor
a Pack-horse, to be leaded down with what
ver burden his allies may choose to place upon
back. He would Make her pay dearly for bar-
Incorporated info her constitution/that thing s°
feel to bins the Proviso Of Freedom. He (air.
) was for • Costae/ma, separate from aft other
• 'anti-N.lle believed it due to that State, due
_mid above all, required by the voice
'net rtlit:olty. 6 f the freemen for winsin we
to sPeak. and act.
What, Mr. Chairetany is the spectacle presented
1 Alm:hiving acquired all the slave territory
the continent...4ller having annexed Texas
haste, and at the hazard et die war which
that act; noir, Str, the free State . or Cali
, with a votrog pKortliffort h r
half of the slave thee A arise
et than Texas, larger, in my judgment, than,
. Mississippi or Lonielaria-.41i1s tree to is
streisston into the Union; only because she
'No y
Yes, sir, her witty s,lleuce l ' s, tha t she bas
• h bo rders. Those who
owavy WA-tn.-et
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now as that action *hall be had upon This subject,
are denounced as men who desire to keep up a
" miserable sxoitement ?' in the public mind. The
gentleman from Illinois [Mr. McC.) may, in his
conception of things,it as a miserable vo.
cation for men to conte nd re i ll :c i reestly„ seriously, and
manfully for the advance of freedom, for the tri
umph of truth. The gentleman may regard those
efforts only as noblesand praiseworthy, which are
put forth in the cause of slavery propagandise;
and which are rewarded With the smiles of slate
holders and the prospect of office. A "miserable
agitaticel" .. indeed, stand lip here and battle against
the selfishnese of the day, to utter unwelcome
truths in the ears of lordly masters, to expose the
schemes of unchastenecl ambition, to labor to bring
back this Government to the policy of its founders,
to insist that the policy of Jefferson, and,the lathers
of the Republic, should be applied to the Territo.
. ries of this Unioa.
He (Mr. W,) could tell the gentleman from till
,nois [Mr..McC.] how this agitation, which he so
much deprecates, might have been avoided, Had
Representatives faithfullr ed out the will of
their constituents, the q 'on of slavery In our
Territories would have n settled three years
ago, by the extension to them of that provision of
the ordinance of t 787, whieheprohibia slavery ex
cept for crime. •Of Mir there can be doubt. He
(Mr. W.) had said before, and he repeated - now,
that when the prolisci was brat introduced, there
were but two northern votes against it in this
House. One was that of the gentleman from Illi
nois, and the other that of his then colleage, now
a member of the Senate, (Mr. DouaLsas 'I That
provision, which the gentleman has teamed from
his southern allies to denounce as most, infamous,
not only received the approval of the Representa
tive& from the free States, but the unanimous and
spontaneous approval of the people throughout
every free State in this Union. The people by
every form of expression e ndorsed it. Legisla
tures,by unanimous resolutions endorsed it. Had
the public voice then been faithfully obeyed in this,
and the other wing of the Capitol, all that excite
ment and agitation about which the gentleman de
claims with such genuine southern feelihg, would
hive been avoided. The question would have
been settled without agitation, without excitement,
and in my judgment without leaving behind any
very serious • heart buntings upon the feelings of
our southern friends True, sir, they might have
been ignorant of the merits of their distioguished
champion, the gentleman from Illinois. The coun
try imght have never known that it held within
its bosom, one of such broad, such comprehensive,
*uch exalted patriotism. This. he (Mr. W.) eon
*rased, would have been'a serious lose to the coun
y, and a great personal sacrifice to the gentleman
from Illinois; but one which, be trusted, would
have been ch eerfully made, Co avoid that agitation
which so alarms and disturbs the, gentleman.
1 Mr. Chairman. it has become quite common for
certain gentlemen, distinguished alike for their pa
triotism and modesty, to claim for themselves that
thestand upon a broad and national platform;
: to denounce all who do not take position with
m, as narrow-minded, sectional, and fanatical. rteiv
Is slavery national, and freedom 'sectional 4 He
(W..) had been taughfhy the fathers of the republi
can school, that freedom was broad Sr. national, and
slavery local and sectional. For this great doctrine
he bad struggled here, and for this he should con
tinue to struggle, with all the feeble powers God
had given him? This great doctrine of the univer
sality of freedom, as one of the inalienable rights
of man, and of the local character of slavery, as a
State and sectional institution, constituted in the
early days of the Republic, an established article
in the republican creed, Hence, the efforts of Jef
ferson to circumscribe the limits of slavery—efforts
gloriously successful in the establishment of the i
ordinance of 1787-4 y which freedom was secnr
ed to the State which the gentleman from Illinois
[Mr. McC.J in part represents But for this ordi
nance, which the gentleman now denounces as
infamous, the curse of slavery would have rested
like an incubus upon his own Stale. It wMild
bare gone there in defiance of the ordinance, had
Illinois, at'the time of the adoption of the Consti
tution, been blereed, or cursed (her people will
judge which) with a mipsrabundance of that broad
and contlirehensive patriotism, of which the gentle
man bouts. Instead of that tree !abor t which is
fast giving to Illinois prosperity and greatness, the
negro slave would have loitered in idleness upon
Fier fertile fields, or been driven by the lash to his' ,
thriftless and unwilling toil. .
He (Mr. W.) . had followed in the footsteps of
Jefferson: belied traveled in the beaten track ot
the fathers of. the republican party. His Miami
had been to circumscribe slavery State lim
its—not to interfere with it there, but to resist its
spread ore theTerrones of the nation—to
relieve the Government from all responsi
bility for its existence or support,- leaving it to rest,
where alone tt should rest, upon State sovereignty
and Sutte ; laws.
This question of slavery extension is a great pe
cuniary question—a.quesdon of capital—of money.
The immense capital invested in -slaves, as effect
ually 'controls this Government as does the capital
invested in the funded debt of Great Britian control
that! The old proverb that "money roles the
world," is as true in political as in social affairs.— '
The money invested in•slaves, wields the destinieti
of this boasted free Republic. It shapes its policy
to.its own ends, it elects its Presidents, and dis
penses its vast aawonage; it proscribes its enemies.
and exaltsits friends. So tar , as legislitiou, and all
the machinery of Government is concerned, it in
truth and feet; constitetes the Republic itself. Well
informed southern men in this, and in the other
branch of Congress,lave estimated the amount of
money invested in slaves at sixtten hundred mil
lions of dollars He thought the estimate a large
one, but, that the sum is large almost beyond com
putation, is certain. This vast money power, ex
tending over half of the Confederacy, and binding
together in the bonds ot a common pecuniary in
termit half the States, dictates law to this Republic,
and rules with a. despotism enrelenting as death.
As a Democrat, he had ever been opposed to great
mottled interests. The instincts of Money are the
saute the world over—the same here is in the
most grinding despotism Of Europe. Money is
cold, selfish, heartless. It has no pulse of Inman
ity, no feelings of pity or of love. Interest, gain,
accumulation, are the sole instincts of its nature:
and it is the same, Whether invested in manufac
turing stock, bank stock, or the black stock of the
South. Intent on its own Interest, it is Utterly re
gardless of the rights of humanity. It would coin
dividends out of the destruction of souls. Here,
then, sir, we have sixteen hundred millions of capi
tal--heartless, unkelingcapital, intent on its own
pecuniary advancement. It is here, sir, in these
Halls, in desperate conflict With the rights of ha
-1 manity sad of free labor. It is straggling to clutch
in its iron grasp the soil of the country—that soil
Which is man's inheritance, and which or right
should' belong, to him who abom upon upon it
Sixteen hundred millions of dellars, demands the
soil of Our territories in perpetuity for its human
chrittles--to drive back the free laborer from his
rightful beld of enterprise—from his lawful rind
God-given Inheritance. Slavery must have a Wid
er fish, or the money value of flesh and blood will
deteriorate. Additioßal secunty and-strength must
be giveu to the hidden, of human stock. What
~~isi-.~;.3a „ i:~=-...~9s r~:msaa..x „ a-t5:.,~rw......~x.. W v~a
though humanity should shriek and wail. ill
is insauate—capital is deal to the voice 4
pleadings. To oppose the estonsion.of slave
to resist in the councils of the nation the dem,
of this huge Money poarer,to advocate the right
humanity and of tree labor, is, in the mailman'
the gentleman fron; Illinois, to be sectional,
fanatical. ' T 9 bow down to this money power
do its bidding—io be its instrument and its
doubtless, in the esteem of the gentleman, to
upon a " broad and national platform." Fr,
and humanity, truth and justice, is a &dot
narrow for his enlar"ed and comprehensive .
=the universality of slavery can .alone fill it
pacions powers. Slavery is Demooranc--tr
fanatical ! Siri the gentleman no doubt sees .
iciem in a bold and learless advocacy of the n
j i
With some minds, nothing is rational and pr
eat, except that which pays well. That de et
has heretofore paid well to those who labo I
its service, he Orr. W. was prepared to beli vi
The history of dtts Government proves this. it
bills, however, have been at a discount since th,
Presidential election of 1818. Its last draft for 1111
Presidency was dishonored. Its credit is she et
as a prompt paytaster ; and the gentleman f n
Illinois may yet rut himself inafauatical posit q
expending his great powers, without adequate re
Ile (Mr. IV.) wag educated in the repabli ,
school. All his opinions upon political questi
were strongly tinctured with the doctrines of t a
school. Nowhere in She teachings of the " la h
era" had be found it laid down, that Demoe • 3
sonsisted in wearing the collar of slavery a. u
his neck—in bowing down td a heartless mon •y
aristocracy—in supporting the extension of stay ry
ever the continent. Such may be die doctrines ol
the gentleman from Illinois. He may best subse e
his political ends, by standing shoulder to should r
with the advocates of slavery extension. He m y
esteem that man a demagogue who boldly stan s
up in the Lace of power, to defiance of all oppos,
bon, the advoCate of truth, the inflexible Rippe •-
et of princip'e. There are demagogues, howev r
who succumb to power: who flatter the strong,
deride the weak : who are :diva} s found in suppo
of that policy beit calculited :o advance, their inter
cats; who are ready to change opinions with achang
dynasty ; and who ever lean for support upon sum,
strong, and, as they believe controlling inteleat
The slave power has so long held aseendency in
this Government, that certain gentlemen seem to
think that their political fortunes are secure nnly
vrnen they stand in close alliance with slavery.—
They lean upon it forsupport, they look to it for pro-1
motion; they tremble and turn pale at its frowns
Many fear to stand on the rock of truth.unstippurted
save by a consciousness of rectitude and duty, who
sensible of their weakness, lean with their whole
weight upon the Strong arm ol come great interest
for support.
Mr Chairman, (he continued) I am charged by
the gentleman from Illinois with practicing, the arts
of the demagogue—with keeping alive a " miser
able excitement," to secure my own elevation to.
office.. When have I been found at the footstool of
power? When have I addressed myself"to propi.
bate its smiles or its favor ? When hare I aban
doned principle, and taken refuge in the arms of
any great moneyed interest for succor and promo.
lion ? When have I proved false to my ..profea
sions, or my pledges? Who is my itemiser? No,
sir, no ; I hare kept the faith ; I hare redeemed
the solemn pledges given to a generous constitu
teney—a constitutency, sir, that have stood around
me, and sustained me, with a devotion and con
stancy of which any man, the greatest in this na
tion might well be proud • and, sir , I wonld soon
er stand 'against the assau lts of a ItGus/old such as
the gentleman from Illinois, than disappoint the
just expectations of the humblest man who gave
me his confidence and support. Does the gentle
man from Illinois know anything *tut the district.,
from which I come ? Has he ever - informed him
sa t ins to the character and ptititicil -principles of l id record will also the Wlitteu x that some were faith
that T represent? For his information I will ice I his to those pledges—that they sacrificed princh
tall!, that it one of the strongest Democratic districts le and honor. to propitiate power. There are not
in the State of Pennsylvania. If by Abolithontik t fee men from the free States; on the opposite side
he means a class of persons who assail the Consti- a the House, who, when elected, wete not tattler
tenon. and seek the overthrow of slavery by vies te •.d by their con•iiiiients to be ru favor of legisla•
lent or unlawful means, then, sir, there are no Ab. ti a action aeihinet the extension of slavery. The
olitionists in my (betties It by Abolitionists the P. me us true of a large majoit,y of the Democrats.
gentleman intends to be understood all such to, are I • now of AM cave U ,. whin their ,o!emn pledge s
opposed to the extension of slavery, then.eir, we st, nine, to stand by the principle to the last, and
are all Abolitionists together. It is the most rate. a asst all compromises, who' have publicly de
cal, thorough, inflexible Democratic district in_ the el red their purpose to at.Atiden it. sir, is
State ; and has ever been true to the taiitintehhatice el arue l u et it is he soeli itearhyry as this, that
of the great cardinal principles of the Republican el very is to gain a tiitimPli. If the ordinance of
p l oy—opposed to-a high protective thrill, to a ea . f :eduin is to he thus defeated, it is not by the
tional batik, to extravagant schemes of internal im. v ce ol the people ; it is defeated, by the betray
prevenient by the General Government, to a disks jat iht their lispreseetatives. And is such a ben ay,
botion of the proceeds of the public lands an t i in lal f ti lists to be dignified with the name of
favor of the independent treasury; and of every ." empmmisel" Do gentlemen expect such a sm
other measure haith which the Republican puny tl ent to stand ? Ins this the way in which peace
has been indentified for t h e last twenty years.s.- is obe restored to the country I Are tl.e people
Nay, more, ; it took the lead in Pennsylvania he to to cheated, and then called upon to thank as
support of many cif these great questions. The pit hie benefactors these whir) defraud them ? A
Democracy of my district, advocated the intlepen. this inguished Senator—he again who " treads no
dent treasury, and a more liberal revenue policy, ate a hark ward"—in a recent speech, labored earn
before either of those great measures had common- est yto prove that it was the duty of a repiesenta
deal themselves to popular -favor with the party ir, tiv to „violate his merit miens, to disregard the
that State. I was with them then, lam with them wilier' of his consteueree e'lleiteeer, in hie opinion,
now. It is a part of their faith, and a part which the public weal would be emmoted thereby. He
will not be compromised or surrendered, that via, cot tended that the Melted representative—he who
very ought not to be extended over the free soil of rig' teously observed his pledges, who faithfully
this continent. They embrace this great principle an honestly, by his speech and votes, carried out
as a part of their creed ; and they will eland by it in :here Halls the view! , of his constituents—was a
to the last, against all temptation, and in the face sla a himself, and that a proviso was needed to
of all opposition. They will adhere to their prince. Ire. such a one from bondage. Sur, neither great
plea they will make Them the guide of their ac. tale its, nor exalted position, can sanctity such
timeshe rule of their conduct. They with follow doe rifles. They sulks at the toiindations of our
no organization that has for its object the prostra. sy- -In of Government. They are anti republican,
Lion Of their principles. The gentleman from 1111- anti American. The Senator himself gave us a
nois arsine' read them out of the party. When they shoe Mel example of their mischievous influence,
are excluded from the Democratic patty, it will be wit nhe turned his back upott the unanimous in
put hope in Pennsylvania. That suite will then sine eons of his own State. i subscribe to no such
have taken its position permanently in the ranks sent: menu. I tolerate no such adenines, in politics
of the opposition. Bet Ido not believe that they or morals. I can respect, nay more, applaud the
will allow the gentleman from Illinois to excrete ma who votes for slavery, when I believe that he
munieate them from the Democratic party; nor is f:irly reflecting the principles and feelings of
will -the denunciations of the entire South move thos•• be represents; but i have only loathing and
them one jot or tittle from their principles. cont. mpt for him who, by false professions, obtains
a hi h place, and then betrays the confidence re
I have said, Mr. Chairman, in. my judgment this
whole controversy would have been settled with- pose in him
out agitation, and without ibis protracted struggle, M . Chairman, Ido not desire agitation; but I
cane it consent to avoid it, by a lame and silent
which some gentlemen profess to think endangers
the stability of the Union, had the Representatives sub fission to wrung- I will not see, without a
hems, •- totavert it, this Gevernment. established
from the North faithfully carried out the will of their
'by th - price of blood, upon the great foundations of
constituents: Ido not intend this temark as a re•
ere- om, subverted to the suseursed purpose of
nevem upon the gentleman front Illinois. His die.
thee tension of slavery. Its power shall never be
trick for aught I know, may be as pro-slavery as
himself. It is not m ousel, el to such ends, if by any humble shorts of
y purpe se Mr. Chairman, to
mine -I can prevent it. So long as there can be
reflect upon the motives nr conduct of any gentle - found such men. he the North. as the gentleman
man in this House. It would be out of order for
from ' to stand here and do the work of sla
me to do To ; yet I moot but feet, that the troa
way to settle existing controversies is not by patch-
very, so long there will be agitation—an agitation
ed-up compromises, which ought ;elate, and can that , Y-and - by, will reach the constituents of the
have, no force, if made 'me the public senti- geni i 'man, and light up the fires of Troth and
Fr •m in his district. When that day cornets,
meta of the coMtry. The pencil:4es upon which
this controvesy-Should be settled, are the same as it rely will come, we eltall hear no more of the
those upon which all great political quest i ons gentle an.from Illinois, and the like of trim. •
should be settled in a government like QM own— A,• at truth cannot be trampled in the dust—a
by an honest anal faithful. representation ou this great f:ritteiple of right maitre be broken down.--
floor, and in the other branch oil Congress, of the Free( ~n a will live—truth and justice -will .live— e
voice goer respective eonstitnencies. Let every live 'ln the hearts of men—live in the aaribufes of
man vote as his constituents dtheire bin to vOlB-.... G 94— led forever.
as it was understood he would vote when a ciutdi- Governitnent4 not a government of slavery,.
date for an election to a sent in ibis Hall : then, sir, but rd 'pedom. We hold that slavery is, not a'na-.
you would have expre;seg the voice' of the come
a tioual iettitetlonthat it should be kept within the
no* raou• Aix avArl at."l
ton of
8 tO
l r is
)• and
' • - om
it. ea•
try. A settlement upon such a basis would stand
—would command respect. It would be in har
mony with the spirit end genius of our instructions.
Upon Ibis basis shone ought ail great questions to
be settled i , end had 3t been faithfully acted upon,
the present controversy would never hail:an. exist
ence. The question of slavery in our Terkitories
would have been.long sinciisettled, and settletrort
the side of heedorn. But it would seem that atilt.
ferent atmosphere prevails here from that which
gentlemen breathe at home. We have here politi
cal combinationi looking to the Presidency, and to
the patronage dispensed from that high office.—
bleu become the mere partisans of presidential as.
wants, instead of the !sublet Repiesentatives of
the people Pat ty interests and party success ex.
ert a controlling influence over the deliberAlNl. of
Congress. It is but a short time since, wheethe
Representatives from the Ninth who occupy seats
e on the other side of this House were,
to a man, the
advocates of positive legislative prohibition against
L s the extension of slavery. Ay! sir, was an "old
e principle of the %Vhig party! A devotedly cher
e ished doctrine! They MU always-optposed Cie
n con trolling influence of Avery in the Government !
The Democracy had arways courted and succumb,
ed to the slave powei:" Such, but a short time
ago, was the uni versal language of northern _Whigs,
in and out of Ibis House. I well remember, w
what alacrity and real they walked up to th- ore
—always ready, always anxious. ft was ot then
t premature—there was no dodging in tr se Jays.-
- Who so blind as not to see that a at change has
y come over the leaders of that -6y, and the repre
it sentatives of that party on th4tioor I Alter having
I . obtained rower by professions of-sigmal and last
r Mg devotion to freedom, they now seek to retain it
,f by compromise with slavery. They are now wil
lure to abandon the old policy of enforcing the or
dinance of 1787. Indeed, they hare abandoned it
for die 4, non action" policy of the late Executive.
The new dynasty, it is said, favors a difleretit poli
cy ; it is disposed, sh says rumor, to take passage
in the omnibus, which has been lumbering its way
for months through the Senate. If this be so, we
shall soon see a corresponding change in the posi
tion of party leaders. Leaders can change to order
—the people are not so facile. The masses ex
pect nothing,. ask for nothmg from Government,
except just and a holesome laws. They love prin
ciple, and follow it with earnest and hones: par
pi-e, unless misled by ambitious and selfish met,.
They want the old policy restored, they want se
curities and guarantees for freedom—they want the
Jeflersonian ordinance reenacted. If. by the Wive
of circumstances our Teri itortes should Ire preserv
ed from the threatened encroachments of slavery,
and finally be admitted as tree States, (a result
which non action leaves to the hazard of chance,)
still slavery will have triumphed, it we fail to as
sort the rights of freedom. The policy of this Gov
i eminent should be Emmert now and forever. a:lainSt
the Maher extension of slavery. This is rendered
'necessary by the startling demands ot slavery, of
. its tight to exteud wherever the flag of the Citron
But, as 1 was saying., onr friends on the other
side have undergone a change ; and I fear that an
and more written chairue awaitsthem. Gen '
Taylor is dead The brave and honest old chief
reposes in the grave. lie has no mere favors to
bestow ; the leaner, of his power has fsller, upon,
another. A late Senator, lie who "trends no step
hackwartl,•• is elevated to the premiership. Ilence.
{orih his a old is to have a magical infl twice arid
tower. As Senator, and Taylor living. it had 104
its charm' as premier, it is to be p leutial. I shall
[-semi to see his discoveries in " ph) kcal genera.
shy'' atiopied by the faithful. . We shall see, sir,
a hat we sit iii see. Whatever course gentlemen
nay adopt, one thing is certain, that a large ma
'wily took their seats in the present Congress
dedged to-the support of the proviso. This hulls
Down to those who hear me; and to the whole
ountry. It will stand in history, and the shame
. ...
lint its of the States where it•is tolerated: and these
aril doctrines which no.pretended comprpmise can
crush—no political corribinarions_put down.
lathe last presidential conies!, the South trronght
to bear the influence pr this sixteen hundreil mil
lions of slave property.i She Declared that no man
should receive her support for the ,Vmsiilency who
did not bow down in abject and slavish submission
tactile mighty power of the Stintli. 'Northern as
pirants for that high office humbled -themselves -in
the dust, but they failed of the reward. The
price of shame and of humiliation was not paid,
and I trust in God that it new r will be'paid. The
ambitious and aspiring must learn that they cannot
reach the Presidency by a hese bowing down to
the power til slavery. This lessouli is the ditty of
the people to teach them. • This is the only 'erne
y f , or doug.hfacism—it is a sure arid certain cure;
it is a constitutional, a peaceful remedy--the reme.
ly of the ballot-box. I shall not fear to resort to it,
I,ole<tever occiqiion requires its application.
Dl. PUS, of Alabama, (Mr. WiLitor yielding
the flooil I wish to ask the gentleman if he
would vote fimany man for the office of President
who was the owner of slaves?
Mr. WILMOT. Certainly, sir—moat cheerful- -
Iy if he agreed with me in principle. I make
- ',triple the guide of my political action Ptrtici•
ple, and principle alone, controls fey, votes; not
the location of candidates, or the nature of the prop-'
city they may bold.
Mr. COBB. IVould the gentleman own a slave
himself l -
Mr. IVILMOT. I have no wish to he the own
er of one. God forbid that 1 should ever be placed
in circumstances where my interests or conveni
ence should tempt me'to become the owner - Of one.
Upon thus subject I confess that my moral sensibil
ities are not as keenly alive to the wrongs 'of slave
ry., as they ought to be. lam not so good a man
a s I w is h I was. i wish that I could feel for. the •
wrongs of others as keenly as I feel a wrong when
inflicted upon myself. I make nn pretentious to
any such exalted virtue. Gentlemen who have
done me the honor to listen to my speeches upon
this sul.ject, will remember, that 1 have never dis
cussed this question in its moral aspects. That
task I have lett 10 others, better able to do it justice.
I have examined it as q political questinn- e -as a
question afleciing pie. rights of the people. arid the
policy arid character of the Government. Apart
tiom all urinal considerations, 1 am opposed to the
further extension of slavery, as a political evil of
' the first magrtitude. 'Slavery is antbsepublicars—
' it is aristocratic in all its tendencies and results—it
is subversive of those great principles which lay a t
the leundatit n of all free Gr.vemments., It Is a
great money ed interest—a vast pet-uniaryapital,
with the heartless instincts of capital; az 4 I
deadly hostile m the control of capital in this Gov
einment. It is in theory, and should he in prac
tice, a Government of the people. It belongs to,
the free masses of the country. It is theirs to en
joy. to delen.l. They have a right to mould it to
their pleasure, to determine its policy, to direct it
to the ail rancemeut of their happiness and praper•
ity. Slave!y seeks to wield it to its own selfish
cials—to the support and 'perpetuation of its' Yak
capital in human flesh and blottil. I oppose the
extension of slavery, because it is an -element of
weakness in S ales. I speak with tin feelings of
unkindness towards the South, but I utter my ear-
nest convictions when I say, That the South is weak
—weak in alt the elements ne strength arid great
ness—weak to resist a foreign toe. and only weak
because of the institute/1i of slavery. It is the men
who perform the labor of a country that must de•
fend it in the hour of danger. The men abo per
formed the labor of the. South are slaves.. You
dare not place the means of defence iri their h mils.
You dare trot give them arms, and teachkhem their
use, lest they turn them against yourselves. If
your young and able•bodied inert go to the field in
large numbere, you leave your families—your wo
men and children. exposed to a terrible enemy 6
home. It is an elements weakness in States, and
fog this reason 1 am opposed to its extension.
Another reason: . Not withstanding the vast in"
crease of slavery in the last sixty years, I entertain
the hope, so alder - lay cherished by our fathers, of
its ultimate extinction. I look forward to some
Jay—remote it uney be—when the South, in . a
(ran way, and be its OA la voluntary action
set about the great work of einanciiiation. an he
separation ot the Iwo I ace. :in whieti work . , I net,
'the North will the hill extent ifs
resources and power. Ti tat day 111 J,t coo , or
there w ill cutne a night of terror and of berod.
Mavt•ty rawtot be eternal. I cannot contemplate
to prespees of perpetual slavery, without seeing
le future of my country shrouded in darkness and
II Orsini. Tim extension of slavery wi I post-
pone the day of .oeli‘e,ance:—magnify its dith
cul:ies, tI indeed, it toes not make them insur
moun•able. Slavery,. I trace lichne stated in be a
pyroary question—a qnestion of capital. ot d o t_
la and cents. This is die light in winch it is
view ed by the roaster, to the slave it is a question
of liberty, and of all that man holds dear and
meted. It will continue so long as it is valuabte—
so long will those who have properly in it, hold ors
to slavery with a grasp that cannot be broken—
Every one will acknowledge that slavery would be
come valueless much sooner, if mauled to its
present limits, than if extended ever awide,space
This, southern gentlemen tell us, is the reason
why they are determined to extend it; and they
charge upon us who are ooposed to us extenSiou,
a desire to bring about abolition, by hemming
them in, and thereby making their property worth
less. We do novrrong to oar southern friends
iii opposing the, extension of 'slavery, although
the policy of norS.exteasion will - hasten the day
w h en m ares will be without yalue, and slavery
shall cease to exist. God has established certain
great laws, by the silent arid sure operation of
which, slavery must ultimately be extinguished.—
It cannot long stand against the law of population,
without constant cxpatlsion. If the laws uf.natut e
and population necessarily tend to diminish the
value of slave property, why should we be ,called
upon to retard their operation—•o save the institution
of slavery from their* influences by an ext ritson
of its area! Gentlemen of the South see that the
field of slave labor is fast filling up: that the laborers':
are increasing, and that, unless the field is enlait
cif, labor will cheapen, and the laborer himself be
come worthless as an element of property. They
see clearly that at no distant day they will be com
pelled, by; the force of natural laws. to commence
the work' of emancipation, unless that day 14 pot off,
by*the opening of fields for slave labor. Sir, I
would not obstruct the operation of God's laws
I certainly would riot interfere to save slavery from
their influence' Looking, as I do, to the diy of our
ultfmate redemption from this curse, I wish itio
come before the evil shall have growfi to such giant
proportions es to defy oar efforts for a peaceful de
liverance. Ido not wish the evil to pow beyond
our control. We might, by a mighty efloit, solve.
peacefully, and withonebtocd, the problem of sli
veryresitti ten millions of blacks. No human
poWer can solve it with fifty or athundred • t -
It would break in fragments the Wrong.-4 Gqvern
ment on earth ; it would produce scenes of eofruiirs
Lion, strffe, and blood, such as the world rte"vei
PVC Wbriviß•gemfentert bring - eertairt and elite
spretel .ruin upon. theacpuury 11 is the :Spititilit
selfishness that .ieveli,es,fitutilestsurtiert _opals : togs.
land—the scltislacis of E,Teei tutetests, the
•••••.*.i , 44rer+,,
ness of capital, blind to everything but its imme
diate and 'proximate interest. For resistance to
this spirit of eel tishness--tor ifeeking ity ert front
my country this tertible doom, 1 am assailed IT
the gentleman from in burrowed wit ant
studied denunciation.
' Mr. ChthlM/11, talk as gentlemen may, tlire. is
a settled and fixed determination on the part of the
people in the tree States to realist, by every lawful
and constitutional means, the extension of slavery.
They may be betrayed by their represeuta tives .1
fitat they will be; they may for a tune, be misled
by dense in whom they hate placed confallende—
party leaders may lick the dust at the
.bidding of
slavery, may kiss its bloody haiids---party organi
zation may be used to crush the advlocates of liber
ty—yet, sir, the great heatt - of the people heatalutr
freedom. Gentlemen Win' learn that a cheat is no
settlement- that a betrayal of trust is no adjustment
of (ran ulties--that the arrangements of preasidental
a t spiratit., is nor ompromise. 'Ag:lition is not to be
quieted by the perpetration of wrong. The friends
of freedom will counsel no resistance to est ablished
law; but they will not cease to appeallo the judg
mentsand the hearts of men in behalf of righteous
ness and truth. Gentleinen . want peace, qinet.- e .
Cease to urge a wrong and you willbate,peace.--
What is the quiet they weld? Fret dom from nisi.
tation of islavery. I will tell gentlemen how they
ran have quiet upon.- this subject : Separate the
General Government from all resposibility for the
existence or stsppo.t of Slavery. Keep your insti
tution within your States, and you will have no
agitation. Cease to exert the syranny of slavery in
this govemment-=immolate no more northern men;
You provoke agitation by the injustice of }oar de
mands. You declare yourpurpose to extend slavery
Into bee tenting., and when we otter resistance—
when we demerit] for Erection - 1 the protection arid
security of law , you cry ant asraiest rigoation. Vim
ask us to 1 . .{ . 1"5e the policy of the Got ell:merit in
tehti 61 slavery and its- interests, stud because we,
refuse, you complain of injustice and wrote!
tVe are struggling to maintain, against your en
croachments, the eatly and seated policy of the
Govettiment. I stand upon this question of slavery
extension, where Jefferson, and Madison, and
Henry, stood sixty yews ago. Were they 'note
brine they would advocate the policy-I have advo
cated. They did ins in their day and meneration.—
.They would do so now.
• It is the vast increase of this slave capital which
has taken place in the last half century, that crea'es
all our present difficulties. From me', hunched
millions of dollars ii. has grown to sixteen hundred
This immense Capital is strug gling for
perpetuity and power. I t wishes to mak e slavery
eternal - This is your lanatiehm, gentlemen of the
South—the al slavery—of sixteen huu
tired millions of dollars! It is a cold, calculating
fanaticism. It feeds on the souls and blood of men.
Talk to me about fanaticism May Goa preseive
me from the ranatalism.ol slavery-=from that fa
naticism winch Icrgets huraanity and its rights, in
the-pursuit of an all-able sel fi shness
Mr. Chairman I have slt,* almost tireon
i.,ll,ll,ese protracted remarks. I contem
plated but it Jew curds. alien I arose. fily"olject
more particularly was ul address- myself to the gen
tleman film howls, [Mr McCiv.anase.) and to
rtliel the charge bit usual by him against the friends
of treedem, of a &site to defe,..t the approptiation
bill's. They have never enter:anted such a thought.
They are loyal to the Constitution and to the Govern
ment of then country,—loyaletir, and true. They
tie ire ant (n) on California s -that great question,
wnich, more than any mien, engrosses the mind
if the natical. It is a shame—a personal dishoncr
to men—that Cahlornia is not yet.admitt
eil iota the Union. VI. hy'this protracted delay
Why tlrs continual postponement of a measure
which they all profess to- lavOr! Are gentlemen
afraid to act? Are we coward, that we dare not
perform our constitutional duty ? Po we fear to
take hold of the work which we . came here to do
Sir, let us have dune with this timid, !hit
ly policy. Let us act There is honor and safety
action—dishonor and danger in further delay.—
The gentleman from Illinois is waning the rictiou
of the Senate ou the "omnibus bill." A her rtrtat
months of the session is exhausted, he is for Ov
ing time for s:avely to mature its plans. When
slavery is in dander, the gentleman is ever ready
and prompt in action. No measure of stately was
ever theave.l all for want of the gentlernail'a
aid. F.c'etlorn must stand back, and only cuter
these Balls in the manner, and at the hour slavery
shall dirt ties •
I wish that the vcto of to-day should arrest the
attention of the country. Lot nbe known through
out the length and bira.dth of the land, that theCnn
sidetation ot Catift.rti la was po,4ponea to make*
way for on appropriation bill for the Etapport of the
Military Academy at 'West Point.—a bill which
there waii no occasion for pressing upon our ;Awn
an,l.which could Ittkre been acted upon a
10,1 i:2111 nr a month beiwe, without any.dettimeitt
,M the public service. This Was done bythe votes
IN)f the Smith, tinned with the areal body ot northern
‘Vhigs, and a few northern Democrats. Calilonlia
postponed of et eight months delay. by the stleng.
vote o i l }tine yTh rrc 10 ! Yet, in the face ef
this vnte, men will go home and try tt:l- inattertheir
constituents' believe mitt they were - Friendly to the
early and unconiltlienal adruts ion at Calmiruia.
* rite Aisecrioss —There is a famous passage in
the writings of Rousseau. that great deliiieriCl
the human heart, which is as true to human nature
as it is beautiful in expression: " IVere4 in.a des..
en, I would find out wherewith , in it to call forth•
my affeetiaiut. If I - could do tin. bett i er. 1. would
I:latenthem an some sweet myrtle, or some mel
ancholy cypress to connect myself to, I would court
them for their shade, and greet them kindly, for
their protection. I would write my name upon
them, and declare they were the sweetest trees
throughout all the desert. It their leaves withered,
I would teach in) self to mourn and when they re
joice I would rejoice with them." Such is the ab
solute necessity which exists in the human heart
of having something to love. Unless the affections
have an object; life itself becomes joyless and in
sipid. The affections have this peenliaiity, ; that
they are not sd mnch the Means of happiness ser
their - exercise is happiness jtse-lf• And not only
so, if they have no object, 'the happiness derived
tram ow other powers is cut all, Action and en
terprise flag, if-there he no object dear to the heart,
to which those actions can be directed.'
Mrs. Partin ton says her niece was fro rained up
on the other night, that she hashed the ferercri
ger ever since, and she supposes would have gone
into St. Anthony's dance, cnly she -the
church and didn't know the stepsi. ,- . .
SwErr Gut t.g.--A man travrilling at the wegt:, de= 7
glares Ittatthe - wind came hairn so laden 'with fm-
Antrimthakho thortght he was near a gartien,of
:roses. llotliscoverail that it wa,4 only a berry:l4
b illegoiug through the woods.