r f GE ' ' • 44 fr.: 1% la c.. ~.r,' i lEEE E=Z MEM velars= zza. Mi TOWANDA: totintoban Mornittp, rarrearst 2,18 W.. Letter trot Gen; Cass on the Priori*. WasnrsaroN, Dec: 30th, 1847. DEAR Sta g y 1 have received your letter, and stall answer it as frankly as it was written. You ask me whether I am Inl favor of the acqui sition of Mexican territory, and what are my senti ments with regard to the Wilmot Proviso. I hive so ottenand so explicitly stated my views of the first question, in the Senate, that it seems al most unnecessary to repeat them here. As yon re quest it, however, 1 shall briefly give them. think, then, that no peace should be granted to Mexico, till a reasonable - indemnity is obtained for the injuries which she has done us. Thetenttorial extent of this indemnity is, ,in the first instance, a subject of executive consideration. There the con stitution has placed it, and there 1 am willing to leave it; not only because 1 hare full confidehre in ifs judicious exercise; but because, in the ever varying circumstances of a war, it wou',l be indis creet, by a public declaration, to commit the coon try toltiay line of indeinnity, which might otherwise be enlarged, as the obstinate injustice of the ene my prolongs the contest,.with it loss of blood and treasure. It sppears to me that the kind of metaphysiCal magnanimity, which would reject all indemnity. at the close of a blOody and expensive war. bmtiett on by a direct attack upon our troops by the u.ijusr acts of a scrie.s of years, is as unworthy of the again which cre licF. as i• t< —ve: :••:: to lbc e ,, m . mon +tense r.:•• 1: duce,-but lig;e to oar . N .1.-ed our present rein! , t.l e, all c‘pectalion of col , governmenti-m-4.1 a.e ttgls 1 , .: t - i ) w result, but for some Yazue , s iror'ik/ object, u birth escapes my pei,e , ta and most be defined by those who assume this principle of national intercommunication. All wars are to be deprecated, at well by Mate:env as the phi lanthropist They are great evils : but there are greater evils than these. and submission to injustice is among them., The nation which should refuse to defend its rights and its honor, when assailed, would soon have neither to defend and, when dri ven to war. it is not by professions of disinterested ness, and declarations of magnanimity, that its ra tional objects can be best obtained, or other nations taught a lesson of kabearance—the strongest secu rity for permanent peace. We are at war with Mexico, and its vigorous prosecution is the sur.4. McKie of its speed) termination. ample indem nity the stnetcguaranty acaiust the recurrence of such injustice as provoked it. The Wilmot Proviso has been before the coun try some time. It has been repeatedly discussed m in Congress, god by the public press. lam stronz• ly impressed with the opinion that a great cha , has been going on in the public mind upon this sub ject—in my own ss well as others ; and that doubts are resolving themedves into conviction, that the principle ft involvis•iliotild be kept out of the na tional leglslatme, WA left to the people of the con federacy in their respective local governments. The whole sethiject is a comprehensive one, and • fruitful' of important consequences. It world be irk timed to discuss it here. I shall riot assume the important task: but shall coutihe my self to such ge neral views, as are neeet-sarj to the tan ell - lib:Lem of my opinions. • ‘Ve may as well- reg-r: ,-•enee of slavery the Southern States aid w:4, her had been * saved from as introduction. Rut there it is, and not by the act of the present geneoation and tee must deal u ith has .a areal pr.te , icAl question, In- other condition which our institutions and the hab voicing the most momentous conseqoences e its of our society recognize. What would be Itio't have neither the right nor the pow et- to touch it Congress should undertake to proscribe the terms where it exists: and if wit hail both. their exercise, of mapri7L,e in Nevr York, or to regulate the antho. by any means heretofore sugue.ted. might lea.' to situ of parent. over their children in Pennsylvania' results which nowise man would willingly enema- And yet it would be as cam to seek one justifying ter, and which no good man could contemplate the interference of the national legislature in the without anxiety. cares referred to in the initial states of the Union The theory of our nevemment pret.ppoes thai I speak here of the inherent Power of Congress, and its various members have reserved to themselves do not touch the question of such contracts as may the regulation of all subjects relating to what may i be forn n,.,3with new states-when admitted into the he termed their internal police. They are sower- con kd emer , eau within their boundanes except in order to of an the oesnons that can agitate Int, those give elect to the object of the l nion whether :best which are merely sectional in their character are concerreforegn nations. or the sex-co-al ~,t ates ;nem- the tno.„ dangerous . and the marl to be depteent selves. - Local iustitcurcat. if I max so speak. whe- ed The wanting voice of him who, from his rinht then the Y 'llave reference to slavery :o /3- other warn us. prnelanned to his conits en men in h relations, domestic or public are let. to local autho r Address--that`- nonumeni of wisdOM for ray, either original or derivative. Cone s es s has no f him, as I hope it will o safety to them—how much right to say that there shall be no slavery in Geor- we hail to apprehend from measures peculiarly erf gia; nor is there any other human power but the - - rropte ef those States re.pec , irc'‘ wh ic h e a u t feetin gl the g ec V a P"'" at Prim ins 1m nor meetly change the relations existing therein . and they can The gave circumstances in which we are now Diared male these words words of safe for I say, if they will , we will have slaver) in the tor- • am sallseed from all I have seen and beard here, mer, and we will abolish it in tl , e latter. . that a retssful attempt to engraft the principles In various. respects the I**Tlif:rref, erffer terra tne of the vathet proviso upon the legislation dims States. Some of their rights are .nett ate, ancithey govemOmit. and apply Om to new territory, do not possess the peculiar anon!, ~tes of sovereignty . shnlitti l inen . territory b e acquire d, wou ld seriously Their relation to the general government is veryl effect pur tranquility. I do not ratffei myself to impedeoly defined by the constantion ; and it foresee or foretell the conseqcynices that u - ould en will be- l ianau p o n Laami that in that itirrru- r ; ,, uiut acid believe there is good sense and meet the only grant of ,ewer once them is • • • •them. - feennzenolvo tbe eocmtry to avoid conveyed 11 1 the f`hra , . • z•-• have the b e• 1 I sin op 1.,-3gANI to the everce-e of • - power to thspose of an - e 14,1 -e r . wl d regu linons. r - prnpory raj ,4rcti...,lA•:Jan by - Lor.gress over tint matter, and b e t :* t h e I • i , ti l l I az; ci leaving to the people of any tern is very` j ea ,, e to - 011ie:. may be hereafter actpased, this valour "1 t° tn. . it for Item-selves under the general prinei elude ot the k-rant the xxliole vet over pen , ons, as well as thin.: Tne plea of l the coastllnLinn- Beca=e ) . the territory and other property." fairly consinict. .1• Ide mit . see in the Constitution any grant of ed. relates to the public lands, as such. to arsenals, the tequisite power of Congress; and lam notdis r. dockyards, kuts L attips, and all the various kinds Puled fo extend a doubtful pre silent tierand of property, which the Ruled States marina Trost neneingry---the essablisluxuss4 of tereitoriaistivense doerse~ mentelwhen needede-learimlltrthi, inhatlitantrall Bat surely thesinaplesottionty ti dispassof end ate ennaP!hl#e, with tEletWqlt rusw/ate these, does art extend to the unlienied the-intlitanninnetzto•" ,4 power of I%islatfien: is the passage of all tiiiirs;in 2 Became I believe this Trufashre, if , Lai! , most general acceptance of the word ; eincb, would 'weaken, if not impair, the union dfitte States; -----..----. . 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These being the ',property' of the Uni ed States r if the power to make "needful rules and rivtdations concerning" them includes the general power offegislation, then the grant of authority to regulate the "territory and property of the United States" is unlimited, whet ever subjects are found for its operation, and in its / exercise needs no auxiliarpnevisicm i . If, on the other hand, it does not include such power of leg islation over the "other property" of the United States, then it does not include it over their " ter ritory ;" for the same terms which grant the one, grant other. " rerritery 7 is here clamed with pro- perry, and treated as such; and the object was evi 'dently to enable the general government, as a pro perty holder—which, kern neCestity, it must be-- to manage, preserve, and 4 ‘ dispose of " such pro perty as it might possess, and which authority is essential alinost to its being. But the lives and per sons of our citizens, with the vast variety of objects connected with them cannot be controlled I I any authority, which is merely called in . o existent , * for the purpose of making ru/in and regulations for the disposition and management of property. Such, as it appears to me, would be the construc tion put-upon this provision of the constitution, Were this ques:lon now first presented for consideration, and not controlled by imperious circumstances.— The orizinal oultnance•of the Conere.s of the con plsscd in 1757. and whichwa; the onir .1;- it.hie at :he of tae pruvided a einii; lots frame of 7,,evern mein of foe country north at Ohio, while in a terri torial con:l:titan, and fir its eventual admission in separxe sates into the tnion. And the persua sion, that this ordinance contained within itself all the necessary means of execution, probably pm vented any direct reference to the subject in the constitution, further than vesting in Congress the right to admit the States formed under it into the Union. However, circumstances arose, which re quired legislation, as well over the territory north .of the Ohio, as over other territory, both within and without the original Union, ceded to the genecalgo vernment: and, at various times, in more enlarged power has been exercised over the Territorier— meaning thereby the different territorial govern- Ments—than is conveyed by the limited grant re kited to. How far an existing necessity may have operated in producing this Imbibition, and thus ex tending. by 'rather violent implication, powers not directly give -Lk I know not But certain it is, that the principle of interference shoialil not be carried beyond the neeessary implicatiOn which produces It should be limited to die creation of proper governments ter new countries, acquired or settled. and to, then eeessary proviison for their eventual ad mission into the Union ; leaving, in the meantime ; _ to the'people inhabiting them, to regulate their in-' ienral i concems - in-,.their own way. They am just as capable okdoing so, at any rate,as soon ;whear politkal independence is Organized by adMission into tile Union. During this temporary . condition, it is hardly expedient to call into exercise a doubt ful and invidious authority, which questions the in tellige,nce of a respectable portion of our citizens, and Whose limitation, whatever is may be, will be rapidly appnaaclang its termmation,—an authority which would give to Congress despotic power. un - , 'dor:trailed by the eonstittition, over most important .cc:ion of our common country. For, if the re:a t;ori or master and servant tuay be regulated or an nihilated by its I.i.galtolt. so may the relation of htmband and wife. of parent and child, and of any , . , EEEME and wouldismr the seeds offetnre discord, and har vest-of calamity:- that such a proposition would succeed, would lead to an immediate withholding of supplies, and thus to a dishoWorable termination of the war. I think no' aispassionate obaerver at the seat ofgOvernment can doubt this. 4. If however, is this I am under a misapprehen sion, I am under none in the practical operation of this restriction if adopted by Congress, upon streak ty of peace making any acquisition of Mexican ter- Tito'''. Such a treaty would be rejected jag as cer tainly as presented to the Senate. More than one third of that body would rote against it, viewing such a principle as the exclusion of the citizens of the slaveholding states from a participation'- in the benefita acquired by . the - treasure and ext . :mil:ma of all, and which should be common to aIL lam , re peating—neither -advancing. nor defending these views. 'Thatbranch of the subject does not lie in my tray, and I shall not turn aside to seek it. In this asiteci. of the , snancr, the people of the e Fs United *awl ast choose between this restriction, and the ferrite *al limits. They cannot have both . and which th y will surrender mast depend upon their representatives first, and then if those fail them, upon themselves. But after all, it seems to be generally concede I, that this reitriction, if carried into effect, could not operate upon States to be farmed of newly acquired territory. The well known attributes of sovereign ty, recognized by Cl 3 as belonging to the State go vernments, - would sweep before them any such bar rier, and would leave the people to express and ex ert, their will at pleasure. Is . the object then, of temporary exclusion for so short a period as tne du ration ofTen-itorial governments, worth the price at which it Would be purchased ?—or-the discord it Would engender, the trial to which it would expose uur Union, and the es as that would be the certain consequences, let that trial result as it might ! As to the course which has been intimated rather than proposed, of en,,, ,, rafting such a restriction upon any treaty of acquisition, I persuade myself it would find but little favor in any. portion of that country.. Such an arrangement would render Mexico a party, having a right to interfere with our internal institu tions in questions left by the constitution to State governments, and would inflict a severe blow up on our fundamental principles. Few, indeed, I trine, there are among us, who wonky:bus grant to a foreign power the right to inquire into the coned• Cation and conduct of the Sovereign States of the Union: and it these are any, 1 am net among them, l an.i never shall be. To the people of the country, anderGud, now and hereafter, are its destinies com mixed; and we want no foreign power to interro gate us—Why have you done this, or why have you left this undone Oar own dignity and the principles of national independence repel such. a pro Position. But there: is another important consida ation, which °vitt not to be lost sight of .in the investiga tion of this suttee. The question that prepents itself is not a question of increase but of the diffu sion of slatery.-r—Whether its sphere be stationary or,pmgressive its amount will be the same. The rrieelkst 01 this restriction will not' add one to the class of serritude, nor will its adoption give isle dom to a single being who is now placed therein. The same numbers wit! be spread over gm:tie:ter ritory ; and so far as comprehension, with less abun dance of the necessaries of life, is an evil, so fin will that evil be mitigated .. by transporting slaves to a new country, arid giving them a largo space to occaliy. I say this in the event of the extension of slavery into any new acquisition. But can it go there! This may well be doubted. All the des criptions which reach us of the condition of Califor nia and New Mexico, to the acqeisition of which our efforts seem at present directed, uni:e in rep resenting these countries as agricnhural similar in their products to our middle states, and generally unfit for the production of the great sta ples, which can alone render slave labor valuable. If we are not grossly deceived—and it difficult tti conceive how we can bp—the inhabitants of thceis regiorus, whether they depend upon their plows cir their-herds,. cannot oe alaveholders. Involuntary labor, requiring the investment of huge capital , caq only be profitable when employed in the produc tion of a few favored articles, confined by nature to special districts and paying larger returns than the usual agricultural products spread over more consid erable portions of the earth. In tho able letter of Mr. Buchanan on this sub pro, not long since given to the public, he presents similar ccarsideratiens with great Bove. Neith ei," days the distinguished writer, " the soil, the cli. mate, nor the production of California, south of 36, deg.. 30 rain., nor indeed of any portion of it. north ,or south, is adapted to slave labor; and besides, every facility would be there afforded bar the slave to escape from his master. Such property would be entirely` emotive in any patio' ti of Calikorhia. morally impossible, therefore, that a majority of die emigrants to that portion of the territory south of 36 deg.3o min_, which will be chiefly composed of oar citizens, will ever re-establish slavery with in its limit& • we acquire ternary beyor.3 the Rio -Grande sad cast of foe Rocky Mountains, It is still more impcwsible tlo a rnajorityofthe people amid ' ccrAc. at to re-estrthlA .rfortn. They are themsehea a colored popalatioth amid =out them the tie to does not Wong socially. to a degraded race." ES • • .x 4 l l Z., Or DExuiciinini - ilibii ilirt *TAMIL" MM EMU "Ir. regard to Sew Mexico, east oldie Rio Gimle t the question has already been settled by the admis aiot•. of Texas two the Union. With thi, !samara* Mr. 'Walker fititrelacides hi•-lcmr wriiCea . in lAA. app she &ler-PDX' of Terms, sod whietreeery •whitteprodneetiso fa enrePe an itere7Jsion xtttn.the kobbentintt, us to Irr‘t'M i l t l ce 'o:ri " 11 041- to 1 1 0sA ca40 - 14 Mat of-Abel r *WWI I . Neva," anyeStr-sliroiloiri veineerrinll aoi "mkt warmly became it isforbitideopyriri, - barbomfee the colored twee there preponderates in the ratio of ten to,one over the ,whites ; and holding' .us • they do, the government and most of the offices in their possession, they will: not permit the enslavement Of artY poition of the col red race, which makes and executes the laws of te country." ~ The question, it will %i be therefore seen on ex amination, does not regard the exclusion of slavery where it now exists, lint a Prohibition against its introdoction. where it does not exist, and where. from thefeelings of the inhabitants, and the:laws of nature," it is morally impossible," as Mr. Buchan • an says, that it can ever re-establish itself. _ It augurs well for the rmanence of our confed eration,. that during in an halls century, which has elapsed since the . ishment of this i gover ment, many serious quotations, and some of the highest importance, het agitated the public mind, and more than once threatened the gravest conse quences ; but that they have all in succession pas sed away, leaving our institutions unscathed, and our country advancing in numbers, power, and wealth, and in all the other elements of national prosperity, with a ra2idity unknown in ancient or modem days. In dap of political excitement: when difficult and date questions present them-, selves for solution, there is one ark of safety for us; and that is, an honest appeal to the fundamental principles of our Union, and a stern determination to abide its dictates. This course of proceeding will iarry us cthrough many more, should many more be destined to assail. The Wilmot Proviso seeks to take from its legitimate tribbnal a ques tion of domestic policy, having no relation to the Union, as such, and to transfer it to another, crea ted by the people for a special purpose, and foreirn to the subject-matter involved in this issue. By going back to our true principles, we go,ixack to the road of peace and safety. Leave to the . people, who will be effected by this question,' to aljust it upon their own responsibility, and in their own imanner, and we shall render another tribute to the original principles of our government, had furnish 1 another guaranty for its permanence and prosperity: I am, dear sir, tespectively your ob't servant. A. 0. P. NicaioLsoN, Esc., u *lns Doroles Lurr.l"—What was the origin and purpose of it ! We hear it frequently spoken of as connecte:l _will) slavery, and as origi nally reLstingto that subject. Nothing can be fur ther from the truth. At the time that line was es tabrished, slavery existed on both sides of 11. - A brief account, of its on may be of some *emit just at this fib's. As early as the year 1682 a dispute anise be tween William Penn and Lord Baltimore,i respect: ing, the' construction of their respective grants, of what now form the States of Pennsylvania, Dela ware, and Maryland. Lord Baltimore claimed to, and including the 40th degree north latitule ; and William Penn, • mildly, yet firmly, resisting the claim. The debateable land' was one degree or 69 Erglish miles on the south of Pennsylvania ; and extending west as far as the State itself. The mat ter 'was finally brought into the Court of Chancery in England, and after tedious delays (it has always been so.) on the 15th day of May, 1750, Lord Chancellor Hirdwick made a decree, awarding costs against . Lard Baltimore, and directing that commissioners should be appointed to mark the boundaries between the parties. The CClMlntSgian era so appointed, met at Nevr-Castle, on the 15th t day of IC orerriber, 1755, and not being able to agree separated. After a further litigation and de lay, the whole matter was . semled by the mutual agreement 'between-the surviving heirs of the ongi nal In the year I:61, Mr. Charles Mason. of the , Rny-al Olrerratory, was sent to Pennsylvania, with) all the needful astronomical s instruments to measure) a degree of latitude. That duty be performed. and) a ieport of his proceedings is to be found in ihei Philosophical Transactions of the Royrd Society oil London, for the year 1768. This Mr. Mason and Jeremiah Dixon were ap pointed to run the line in dispute, which appears ' . to have been done in conformity with the lard Chancellor's decree. That is the famous a Mason anif Dixon's Line," 'slid the boundary between Pennsylvania on the south and Maryland en the with. Little did the actors in this matter itanl: that in after times, the line . 6ariltilished with so much trou ble and expense, would ever be connected with a subjects calculated to shake a great nation to its centre. "Niszstrxrit Yzas.--The old Germans of OM State and perhaps of other States, have a notion that every nineteenth year has peculiar characteris tivt, from which we understand. such as are farmers who entettaiu it, are more or less governed in their agricultural pursuits and operanona. The peculiar ities attributed by them to what they denominate the 'liineteenth Year," are an open wintiv during which humenican plough through nearly the whole season a protracted spring and a scarcity of snow and tee. This year, or this season, they say is the nineteenth year, the last being the year and season of 1524. By reference to that year, it is remem bered by old inhabitants that it was an open winter, and that ice was so seance that Mr. Motive, unable to lay in a