,- Aa a AES Oltb 1 4 G atlporttr • - Towanda N'tdar . Jan 'y li4S _ _ The Cotton Mlasnfaetnrer and the Ceftton Grower. Fseree sin ,rezies of sectional interest have distin- . gni T hed the political action of the people of tins friCm the.peried since it was assumed that . Congress had the right to, engraft the Protective principle in the Revenni6iy - stern. cilloA i of the Middle and Nnithern states hate more or fess inte rest in Manufactures: some of them have their Ca pital chiefly invested in them. To encourage and smarin these mannfetures, and professedly to pro tect the labor of the ar iritns of this country thus em ployed. against the miaow.. paisper-labor system of Europe, Congretts ever and anen t pressed to adjust the Twill' Laas, by high rates of duties' . on 4dl fabrics which come in competition with Arrieri , manufaeto ries. To - , These applications meet with uneompromising resistance from the Southern and non-manefacturing Oates. The same influences operate in both, eases. Them annfactures-iinnig.a monopoly for his fabrics: the South will not content' in this way to pay a Went). to Nerthern Mandaeturerst it iv : ants free competition—unrestricted trade—for the reason that they are the growers anti not the manufacturers of Cotton. • The Constitution is successfully appealed to, by the. South, asipreitively forbidding legislation for the- benefit of one section of the Union, to the prejudice of the other. These conflicting interests have, at times, been the cause of fearful agitations: and have resoled in a settltsilealonsy between the Sorth and South. yhat theStiuth would do, were it equally its interest to favor a high tariff, is very evident, froin the strenuous position always`persist. ed in by those Stec?, when the profits of Slave la bor are likely to stiffer a diminution. There is a mighty little iliffereni:e, in thus respect, between the demands of the Cotton Mininfactureriand the Cotton Grower. In either case, Congress is invoked to protect Capital. In the North, Capital is invested nr Alanufaetures; in the South, it 'is invested in Slaves. In the North, it seeks to benefit the Capi talists and the Artisan in the South, the Capitalist Alone is benefitteil.' The. North, with 'a show of plansibility, aver that the protection they ask for, is "pit direct, but iirciileutal. That they do not seek to diurnal :Ili the revenue, for the sake of protection, bat to combine the advantages. of both. They pro test against the ad valorem rates, because they Ies "ZIP the value of their property, by a flee influx of the tereign article. Tl u 'Soesh makei even a poor-, rr slm. it .tenants of Congress direct protection of Slave labor—a positive interference in its behalf; anal asserts, that by he terms of the Constitution they are entitled to it. Hence the Slave-holder has inn mad,-tit the prospert• of limiting Slavery to its legitimate boundaries. He threatens the dissolution of the Inion, and pours out his wrath nn the North wittiont stint. For what does he do this Simply because his iiiressment in IlumanSlaves is likely to breiniir has valuable. The profits on his Capi tal-are to be thin inished s —the li Oman IreiKs he holds in bondage are to be depreciated' in value. Hot why are they to depreciate in value No sin* ' right ofthe slave-holder is encroached, by prohibit ing the further extension of Slavery. have the'sume soil to till—the same guaranties and laws terlitert them—whether Shivery ia , or is not, ex temletr. Suppose we hid no rupture with Mexico, and .soil of hers to actinire I—is it pretended that rire'Porelt would not be in the enjoyment of rill its 1111:aft then is there in.this roprine r and die probable acquisition of territory, that' affects her iti..dits? How ran the acquisition of this territory depreeiate or sustain the v a lue of Slave ptoperty hs tui poSsible way, but one : and that that Con gress. or some power; having the right so to do . gave the ,hive holder the assnmnce ; that new ter ritory should be annexed, and that it should be ~lace territory. in to nay, only on a supposition of this . kind, ran the " Wffmnt PrOriso affect the rights of the South.. .11* they have been breeding Slaves, and raisin„ them in WMlrber44 beyond what is now need rtl in the now .ive states, with the assurance that Goiernment Would by the lives and treasure of the rowdily, aquire territory, and secareca home mar ket for this surplus—then, on such a presumption, - the value of Slave property might depreciate by the adoption of the -Wilmot Proviso— but if, as is the rase, no sorb market trts prtmiised or expected, riven they have no cause to complain. 'What right has the. Ninth to demand that Government skill provide. for them a home market for their slaves -4 or new territory for their labor, as the old became tvasteirand impnverthed Is it nut asking for pro texaionto investeil, - not in machinery, bat in lawman slaves. Can 'an)lbirig more be made out of k bit a'strap' le for Capital ; a gitarantee of pro. tits in Mine Libor anti Slave traffic ? This is al that there is nt the bottom of the fierce and thteat ting.retittide of the South. if Northern tnanotac- Auers,or rather eapitali..as, al: for protection to their ilrestmerits, in the nrannfacture of cotton and Lther .purposes--straightway the slave bolder is in anus; he blaster:, cults couventiens,andsoleunily-assure s if Taw are to be matte Ibe especial 4440 nf the It^.ottop 11, nalarriarer, tlPettalon tirovcer, ANA d'enrarr l