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7011.7.121113yQ
TOWANDA:
113rbacsbab glorninti, (October li, 1847.
SPEECh OF HON. D.,. WILMOT,
BEFORE .A MEETING ,
Of his Constituents of Tioga County,
AT THE COURT HOUSE, IN WELLSBOIIO',
ON THE EVENING OF SEPT. 21, 1847.
Mr. PRESIDENT r I'lresponcich!erfully to the call
that has been made upon me by this meeting. It
always affords me plcanne, to meet with any poi-
tion of my constituents ; and especially, to inter
change opinions With the democracy of Tioga Co.,
to' whom are under the deepest obligation, for
tl,6r uniform kindness acid •-upport.
- •
When i turn t'-my District and constituency, it
i. With rithigled feehrigit'cif gratitude and pride.—
Sttch a constimerry will reflect honor upon.the
humblest fteprsentative. The democracy of the
e I Congressional . District of:Pennsylvania, by
their devotion tolpr.inciple, have acquired envi
,Lti, distinction, n'ut only in the State. but through
out t! Union. In this Dis,l44f-t, and in this only, in
Pennsylvania, was the - .standard of correct priori
pie, iyon'the question of the Tariff, maititained.in
-the Presidealial ec,ntest of 1844. Here only, uptin
that tiar'slion, could the tanners- a rival aa , l con- .
trade parties be distinguished. The Unjust Tariff
of With its burden upoa,labor,-and its'boun
ties to wealth, found no faror with ti-o!i. 'Again in
'after having aided 1 / 1 eglablishity2; a more
...Ititt.thle system of taxation audfrevenue, you re
aitinned.your yerdiet of '44, under circumstances of
ditliculty,'Mul in the , face of an oi,y•i:itiMl, that
would have defeated the party - in any oilier I) strict
in tfit State. Upon the ground where you stood itt'rk4.
anit . k•ain battled in '46, how stands the united dc
taocracy of the State. • The banner you then mit u I led,
; .r now borne with pride, by the deinocratA of every
vtuttity in this broad 'Commonwealth. Let us take
~ , , , nag:e from the and chile we exult is the
‘lct9ry. let us also rethember the le,son it teaches
—;wrr, to sPrrewiler the •• riLlht for the t..)pr(licot:: . —
Piero is a inqr;.:l power in the riehl a iica ra.i:lter
Lum be rs nor hi4ll names can. oveteotue:-
Presitrent t we must defer the pas:, 'for
appertaining to the present, and the future. In a
tcw days. the freemen of this commonwealth,
hr caL'ed to.'the performance of the high duty ofse- 2
10,-11:tz their Chief Nlagistrale. The kavwst demo
;.e. mill ever -be found ready fur the discharge c.tf
all thine dune - S . )le owes to his country. It there is
:et indifference. as to the result of the approach
there.is at least, aft umisual radio iti the
politics of this State. So free are we front/Political
owvement.. that- I almost hesitate to hitrudelny
',nee into a so profound, I know not what
upon the eve . of a most import.utt elcc
tt..n. may forebode. To sOme..it may foresiiiidow
•'inck. that is to overwhelm the dem+seravy of this
in disaster and defeat: To we it has no such
torteutious ihreatning. Our people' 'have been
we.tried• with excitement. They require rest. but
a , ittli;: . 'rest Of sleep. I cannot believe that demo
are indifferent. to the success -of their princi
ple-. or their party.—that. after having triumphed
the grraf . issues, State and National, which
i,as .I_ll..ned thc country foithe last few years, they
twie become weary in well doing, and are prepar
..l to 'urrender. the trophies of so many a, hard
fsu.;lit field, into 'the hands df the enemy, wittont a
rflf-fglel or an, effort., No . 'sir, the ilemocrats of
l'em . .•ylvania. I fun persuaded. will be at the polls
, 17 !Le -econd Tuesday 'of Ortrit.er next," ai,.:itin to .
-1 c.,11..ige their 'principles ; and assert the ascenden
t.t of their party. . . .
Federalism is at this day the same that it has ev
t. been. Its organized and extensi‘e s) stein of
intud in this State in 183 S, isnot forgotten. Its sub;•
sequent treasonable attempts at Revoletion, when
an armed military Imre, at the command of a %%hit!
timemor, i'hversted, the Capitol of the sate, and
‘l'l'l l " buck-shot and ball - sought,to overa.we the
1.) 11.
'/II:la4.1re; nd - resist the declared will of the peo-
F .,,,. cfnistit Tonally expressed through the ballot. ; .
12. , X. Is fre.. in the memories of all who hear mc.
ira*v is it(Mr. Piesiden4,that democrats are el--
I s; appealim:, to the ritt;t . .. and whir* always croaking
?:: , 4 - .ollhe futiire ! The history sir. of the past. ot
:- 1, a (-`,mplete . s indication of the , general polie
t.t:,c democratic party, while every page'..bears
fe.4ird of the lollies and blunders of federalism.—
l*f , to silence this instructii'e lesson, taught by the
:..stor3- of parties in AnieriAa,*that cur opponents
ever seek to drown the voice of the past, in noisy.
'...d ill-omened prophecies of the future. , .
am y=et sir. a y - outer man : but die. events of the
fFw yearsthat I have been an actor ppon die 'stage
‘vriiild abundantly 'satisfy me, if history Were
•.iest, %cinch party bad the 4 Stmng,est claim upon
my confidence and support, 1 have lived long
entniriiii, si p Federali s m driven from one position
auotilef—abandoning issue • after i,i-uc—con
cvaliag it , pransiples,and changing its naine—pi-p
-a'mkg runt and overthrow of Liberty. and, laboring
i''“:fic , •n• zeal, for the fulfilment of its glop;
rJy vaqiiiesies
11 ' • :ed by the Bank of thAnited States,
kt..*ainst th e pe op l e and Government of the country,
dietn 4 the Administration of Gen. Jackson, proves
44 Sha; I have here charged upon the federal party.
Ail oho participated in the intensely exciting strife
'ithat remember the desperation of Fed
er3li-m, whe n its great Idol was struck
611. were our cars assailed with imprecations and
e ursc upo n the head of that good old man, who,
kultful to he, trust, stood like a Rock in the midst
'tat; zii2bated ocean, calm. and resolved, beating,
` l ar'k the urgos of eormption, that for a time.over
'''`ectiod all beside. Federalisro bewai,led a con
-4:ltt.trnt , Liner, ti into fr.qrttent4; ; and proclaimed
rountry . dthe ;Mast of a revolution.. A Senate
tttwidered forth its impeachnients, and a party ex
t.l,4 mayteltts, even "clamored for the blood of
. t ttt. ckitotila t i. Yet sir, the storm subsided. In
of acotistitutirl broken ; its breaches had been
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healed ; and the country timing forward ) under a
•tiew i
I mindse, to.a higher prosperity.
•
Again, under the administration of Mr. Van Bu
.ren, when the Baniing and Paper moneysystpm,
had exploded from its own inflation, that sagacious
statesman and sound democrat, advised a return,
ou tbi part of the Government, to the currency of the
Constitution, and the establishment of an indepen
dent Treasury, in which the public monies should
be kept for p,ublic purposes, instead of being de
posited in Banks, and Joaned out to speculators.—
The passage of this justand constitutional measure
by Congress, wastUhe occasion of renewed excite
ment and agitation, so violent and noisy, that the
voice of reasou & argume,nt was fora time, unheed
ed and unheard. Both,upon the Bank,and theinde
pendent Treasury r have the triumph of our firinci
pleg been signal and complete. Federalism now
gives scorn instead of reverence to its former Idol.
It-openly repudiates, or carefully conceals an issue,
upon. which, a few . years since it .stood and battled
as for life. The Independent Treasury, re-estab
lished and iu successful. opperation, is no longer
assailed.• Indeed, I hazard nothing in saying that
a large majority of the federal party, 'that saw in
this measure- only hopeless and ineirievable ruin,
are even iTtorant of the fact, that for more than a
year past, it has been the established law of the
land. _
In the late Presidential election, the Tariff of
1842, was put fonvard as the controling and all ab
sorbing issue. To this Federalism clung g .as to its
last and must darling measure. The ruthless De
mocracy. that . .respected nothing venerable or good
—that delighted in- ruin, was about to lay its sacri
ligeu'as habil on this, the latest born and best be
loved. Oh I how black—how universal was'tolie
ilea ruin, u hie), was to follow the repeal of the Ta
riff of 18 12! 4 • Your canals a solilude, and your
Lakes a desert waste of wathrpi, - wereas a shadow,
to that profound abyss of Min, that was to over
whelm all classes, l and all con4illoas. It was a
r-iu. that was to come home in its desolating in•
iliz,nrce4. to the fire-side of - every , family id this
ide Union. The 'fires of the, forges were to go
out. The loud breath of the engine. altsi the busy
hum of machinery were to be silent—the plow tip
stand still in the furrow, and the axe of the poineer
to be no more heard in the forest. The ann of In
du-try was to be paralyzed,and the strong muscles
and sinews of the laborer, to become relaxed and
powerless. Oh I such a ruin ! such a ruin! such
RI - 114 It is frightful to. look back upon the pic
ture. The Tariff cf 1842 is REFTALED. There is a
great noise and tumult in the; land—but the sun
shines, and the rains descend—the seed is sown,
and die harvest ripens. From every whig preas—
artieldated by every whig tongue in the land,comes
up the cry of ruin ! ruin ! nrix ! but like the spirit
of the vasty deep it will not come.
l's it possible ghat the same- party that thus pro
pher ied, is again organized and in the field? Yes
sir. again in the field and with as bold -a front as
ed er—appealing to the people with as much confi
' I li-nee; as if they had never propliecied
falsely
We hear no rirrre about the Tariff of 1842. It
sleeps by the side of the United' Statps Bauk , , and
sleeps the death that has no resurrection:,. The
; lnierican' peciple have teamed, by sore experi
ence, that the prosperity of a country cannot bepres
'noted by taxing the :energies and industry of its
people. Already is the federal party avoiding the
issue of a high protective. tariff - and like the bank
issue, in a few years, it will be openly reputliated.
The war—this injutc—this Vtesidential war. is now
the .sole theme of jvbig clamor and comPhitht.—
Our sub her's- how e v 6-, are doing up this business of
war pretty successfully, and ['doubt not but an ear
ly peace will find us still prospering, with enlarged
boundaries, and new fields ' for American enter-,
prise and labor. Such sir, is 'a brief chapter from
the history Of federalism in my day.
What do our a, - portents promise to themselves, or
to the, State, by a change of Administration in Penn
? What reasonable ground of complaint
is there. against the policy or conduct of Francis It.
Shank 4 At what period in our history bare : the
pes'ule of this state enjo.)ed a large'r stare of Pros
,
periiy and contentment? Is not the peaceful and
iOnstrious citipti secure in all the rights of person
and,prriperty ? Is not labor rewarded ? and does
not capital receive a fair return for its investment.
What is there wrong, that they promise to make
right ! I ant unable to see nor have I heard an ac
cit.sation agitinst the patriotism or honesty of Francis
ft: Shunki There is no ground of opposition to the
democratic party, or its, candidate, upon wbich a
wnable and candid man can stand. We: have
tot plied upon every issue and every meesure,
that *as divided parties fin the last fifteen years., We
have proved by reason, ' and demonstrated ty ex.
perienee, the soundness, of every principle we ad
vocated. The wltigs have continually: - pmphecied
'RUIN, and as continually prophecied false. There
is ne issued, affirm it with ecinfidence,--there is
tie issue of principle or policy, that the federal par
ty dare present, in the approaching election for Go
vernor, Driven from every position—proven false
in every prediction, they abandon all issues, and
doggedly maintain the attitude of mere partizan oppo
sition. They oppose Shunk, not for anything he
has done or failed to do ; not because of his inca
pacity or unfitness; but he is a democrat—a loco
loco, and this is enough to soil the purest charac
ter—to taint the most spotless reputation. Against
this grievous sin, a long life, faithfully and honest
ly devoted to the public service, weighs but as a
feather in the balance. Reason and truth, are al
lowed to exert no influence, against partizan pre.
judiceand error. '
The Administration of Governor.S.hunk, has been
marlited by signal ability and success. years
of inhl-administration, preceded his induction into
Offree. The credit of the State was Seriously
im
paired,and littlecoufidence entertained in our ability
to pay the interost on the 'Public Debt. The•reve,
nue from crur,Catuds and Rail-Roads, was. inconsi
derable. The alternative seemed inevitable,, of in
creased taxation ; or open repudiation. The; most
=MEE
MU
PUBLISH]) EVERY WEDNESDAY, AT TOWANDA, BRADFORD COUNTY , PA., BY E.S. GOOpRICR & SON.
" orosiun.roo or DrATITNCIATION FROM ANT QUART s."
rigid system of economy and accountability was
enforced throughout. every department of the go
vernment; the effect of which Aras'esoon felt, in the
augmentation to more than double, the former re
venue of the Public works. The State interest has
been promptly' paid—confidence restored, and the
public credit ie-established upon a safe foundation.
This.iestlk r niatwith,standing a large increase of bu
siness upon the State Improvements, has mainly
been brought about, through the enew and integ
rity of the present Admintstration. . Not a dollar of
.the Public monies have been squandered, or mis
applied Never was a State blessed with a purer
and more faithful administration of As affairs.
While the federal party has no reasonable ground
of opposition to Mr..Shunk, democrats have every
reason, to rally with'ardor to his surport. No pub
lic man of theDresent day, has give& stronger evi.
dente of his sincere devotion to the democratic faith.
As true as the needle to the pole, neither the as
saults of enemies, nor the importunity of friends,
has ever been • able to move him one jot or tittle
from those great principles. upon which rests the
superstructure of American Democracy. He has•
fearlessly-exercised his high constitutional preroga
tive, in arresting
. all partial and unjust legislation..
Standing upon the platform of our creed, he has
driven from the Legislative Halls, the vrhOle brood
of monopolies and corporations. Appealing to the
Constitution and the Bill of Rights, he has resisted .
all grants of special immunities—asserting the
primary truth, a that the grant of exclusive privi
leges to some, is repugnant to our whole system :
the intent of which is, to make firm the equal rights
of all." Such is Francis R. Shunk. The plain;
practical, clear headed and clear sighted man. Pure,
in heart and simple in manners, he is the- pattern
of a democrat, and a noble representative of the
character of his native State.
What recommendation, or claim upan our sup
port.does James Irvin, the Iron Master of Centre
county present. That he is a. man of business. in:
tegrity, and a fair share of intelligence, I do not de
ny; but what public service has he ever rendered?
What evidence of superior ability has he ever giv
euilliat distinguishes him, from the great mass of
his fellow citizens ! Can any man give an answer
to these enquires! lies James Irvin in any act of
his life, shown either extraordinary capacity, orpe
culiar fitness, for posts of high responsibility 'and
trust ! I' have never heard that he was remarka
ble for anything, except the faculty of growing rich
without labor. He is, I believe s distinguished from
other men, in his section of the State, for the fa
cility with which he appropriates the profits of oth-•
er men's labor to himself. James Irvin is a feder
alist of the old stain?. A man who counts his
wealth by the hundred thousa n ds. Thi s it was, that
pointed him out to that federal party, as an availa
ble and trusty candidate. The consideration of his
vast wealth, gave him:the noniniation or r 'his
more talented but poor -competitor, James Cooper.
There has been such a leaven of democratic senti
ment, infused into the public mind of late, - upon
the subject of corporations and mono) °lies, that
Federalism was unwilling to trustiany man, except
one who had heaped up enormous wealth, in the
enjoyment of special privileges. & who was connect
ed by the closest ties, with every branch-of the fam
ily of Corporation. , The monied aristocracy of Phi
ladelphia City, apprehended danger least a poor
man like James Cooper, should entertain someva
garies—some a,grarian,/ocefore notions about "equal
ity," and the " rights of the people." It would nev
er do to have such a man ; and the matter was
therefore taken in i ltand by those who strut on
. .
••'Change:' The nomination of Mr. Irvin by a vote
of two to one in the convention, taught Mr. Cooper
and his phalanx of young and 'enthusiastic Whig
friends, that mind stood a poor chance against sin
ney, in the councils where Federalism sat to delib
erate. It is even so. Irvin is the MONEY candid
ate, and it elected, will be governed by the money
of the State. The interests of money will override
all other consideration. It will return with an ap
petite sharpened by abstinence, :yid gorge itself
with.corporate franchises and immunities. It will
again riot in the Halls of Legislation. Monopoly
will succeed monopoly, until the industry and la
bor of the State, shall be completely within the
power of its voracious jaws. Irvin sealed his fidel
ity to the Money Power, in his steadfast support of
the U. S. Bank, and by his violent abuse of Gen.
Jackson, during the whole period of his Adminis
tration. So unrelenting was his hos ility that it fol
lowed the Patriot into retirement. When in Con
gress, he made a cowardly opposition to that act
of justice, by which was refunded the fine imposc4
oil the old Hero, for his defence of Now Ottani;
Again he gave a new pledge of fidelity to the 11104
ney Power, in his advocacy and support of the late
Bankrupt Law—a measure more pregnant with ini
quity and fraud, than any oilier act of modern leg
islation. It robbed the honest laborer of millions,
and enabled the fraudulent debtor, to maintain the
sumptuous.extravagance of a Prince.
Sir, the brief period of federal opposition to Fran.:
cis It Shunk, furnishes a striking example of the .
shittings, windings, and inconsistencies of that par
ty.° I was a member of the conveqop that assem
bled in March 1844, to. nominate a candidate for
Governor. The Convention wasthearly equally di
vided between Mr. Shank, and the lamented Hen
ry A. Muldenberg. In accordance with.my min
feelings, and iri obedience to the wishes of 14
constituents, I supported the nomination of Mr.
Shank. After several days of exciting session, the
choice of the convention fel! upon Mr. Muldenberg.
Well do I remember the deep symeathy expressed
at the time, by_ the whole federal patty of the State,
for cclionest Frank Shunk:' According to their
story„he had been cheated out of the nomination.
The money and the intrigues of Mt. Muhlenberg
and his friends, had triumphed over the sterling
honesty of Mr. Shunk. You would have supposed
sir, from the praise lavished upon hint, that his no
mination would have secured the vote of every
federalist in the state. Then, it was Mr. Muhlen
berg that was assailed. Slunk was honest—all the
world knew that; but Muhlenberg was a Very bad
man. He was charged with ,abandoniu,g . a holy of
fice in the Church, to mingle in the corruptions and
intrigues of political life. Federalism, assailed his
untarnished private character, charglug upon him
habitual vices in his daily life and conversation. A
stroke, sudden and 'impaling, removed 'Mr. Muh
lenberg to another world, beyond the reach of cal
umny and federal - detraction. The convention re
assembled, and unanimously nominated this ho-
nest Frank Shunk," as the candidate of the deMo
cratic party. ' The tune was instantly changed.—
The federal press went into mourning, and its edi
torial columns were filled with eulogies of Mr. Muh
lenberg, and their batteries of slander and abuse
directed against Francis R. Shut*. He was no
longer that "honest Frank Shunk," who a few
months before, had been cheated out of a nomina
tion by bribery and fraud. No sir, no. He was
now an "ignorant dishonest old knave," who had
lived upon office all his life time.
About this time, a new party had sprung into
being. i A party born of bigotry and intolerance,
christened " Native American i '—its'baptismal ale
ments,fire and blood. With a boldness in iniquity,
and a profanation of the Holy Scriptures without a
parallel. its partizans seized the Bible in one hand,
and a torch in the other, and commenced their la
bors of reform amidst riot, and the blazing ruins of .
burning churches. Federalism openly avowed its
sympathy with this party; and by pandering to its
intolerant spirit, turned the whole force of it, atithe
election, against Mr. Shunk, and in favor of its own
candidate, Mr. Markle. Five thousand majority
against Mr. Shunk in the city and county of Phila
delphia, attested that there, at least, Native Ameri
canism and Federalism were one. So anxious
were the federalists to make sure of the support of
this new party, that they denounced our Catholic
IriSh citizens as the slaves of a Foreign Potentate
—‘• Cattle." ,unworthy the rights of citizenship ; or
even a hitime in this land of liberty. I speak wliat
I know. I was myself assailed by the Whig lead
ers of my, own county, for having, in a Democratic
Association, offered resolutions vindicating the rights
' of adopted citizens, and condemning the riots and
outrages of Nativism, in Philadelphia. False pub
lications were scattered broad-cast over the State,
charging Mr. Shunk with favoring Catholic's-. In
them, he was accused of wishing to exclUde the
Bible from our Common schools—of trampling up
on the American flag. and of the unpardonable sin
of haling walked in a procession at the laying of
the corner stone of a Catholic church. Every effort
that a reckless party could make, was made by the
Whigs, to arouse the fell spirit of
excite,religious intoler
ance—to the native born, against the adopted'
citizen. The Irish were the especial alijects..of their
abuse. Towards the Scotch and Engliafriehig, they
bore no hate. The vials of their 4 - rith were all
poured out upon the heads of the Irish &littera:s.
There was no language. too vile. no epithet too in
sulting.-to be applied to them. °Such was the con
duct of the Whig party towards-the Irish only three .
years ago. Now, that there is no longer a Native
party to be eourted.they have suddenly - become great
friends of the Irish, In 1844, 'they were cattle, and
if one appeared at the ballet-bog with a democratic
_vote in his hand, he was sneered. at and insulted;
now they are fawning around them for their votes
Irvin's liberality to the suffering Irish is trumpeted
abroad, and I believe it is even claimed that he is
more than half Irish himself. It is disgusting to
follow the Whig party furf - er in its recent abuse,
and present hypocritical friendship for the Irish.—
They have not forgotten the former not are they
ignorant of the repeated attempts of the same par
. ty, to deprive them of the rights of citizenship.—
:Every naturalized citizen, ought to have such
knowledge of the history of ri l c adopted country, as
to know, that it is to the ' de ratic party, that he
1 is indebted for the rights and privileges of AILICri
, can citizenship.
„Mr. PreSident, I approach a question of momen.
•
loos import to the American people. One with
which my own name „has become somewhat inti
mately associated. I refer to the question between
Freedom and Slavery, involved in the amendment
offered by me, to the Three Million Appropriation
Bill. I would have refrained from any discussion
of this subject. at this time, as having-'no direct
bearing upon the more immediate objects this
meeting was designed to promote But friends have
otherwise advised, and I come to . the subject with
that confidence, which truth and a consciousness of
having, to the best of my ability, discharged my duty
to)ou, and to the Country, justly inspiles. If I ant
right, so straight and plain are the ways of truth,
that the e eakest advocate may walk therein with
confidence and safety; even though the authority
of high names, and the weight of shining talents
be against, him. If wrong, I derive consolation in
the reflection, that error will be mule niore appa.
rant, from the feebleness witkwhich, it is defended.
I have been misrepresented;because of my agency
in this movement. After deVoting a few moments ;
to the vindication of my conduct and motives, 4-
willipiikeed . to an examination of the merits of
this Auesticm—its bearing upon the Constinitio
--
and the !' Compromise: of the Constitutioff", , Z
and also, its lasting influences upon the character of
our Government, and the well being of our people.
I have been charged with an intent to enitrarrass
the administration, in the prosecution of the war
against Mexico. My personal relations ;and feel
logs towards the President, have been represented
as hostile and unkind. This I deny. 'Towards the-
President I entertain respect; and unreserved good
will. I have given support to the measures of his
adeninistratioa, 'when some who now challenge my
friendship for him, stood at a distance, uttering cen
sure and complaint. Sir, the President knows
where to find me. On a vote, where the prin
ciples of my party are at issue, I am counted
without being sent for or-seen.
_I have given my
support to the war, and all measures for its vigor
ous prosecution. It certainly, wt s farthest from
my wish to embarrass the Executive, iii the dis
charge of any of the various responsible duties,
rightfully appertaining to his high office. If,Angel
ful of those duties, he, or the members cif his Cabi
net, have entered the Halls if Legislation, and with
patronage, endeavored to control the independent
action of the people's Representatives, in this, I
may have =barnacled them.; I charge no such
high misdemeanor. upon him or them but if I
offered any embarrassment to the Administration it
was of this character. MY labors were confined to
the appropriate sphere of my duties as an Ameri
can Representative. It has also been charged, that
ulterior politioAdesigns, looking to the election of a
President in 1848, was the great object the friends
of the ‘: Proviso" had in view. So far as I are
implicated in this charge, or have knowledge of
the motives of others I declare it equally false with
the other. I never played at the game of Presi:
dent making; and if the proceedings of the last
Baltimore Convention, in estatlishing a twa thirds
rule, tit a fair example of the principles which
govern it, I have no desire to stake anything upon
its chances.
The Proviso," Sir, was not hatched up, in any
cabal or caucus. The occasion which called for it,
arose buit a few. hours before the adjournment of
the first Session of the late Congress; whiCh took
place at 12 o'clock M. of Monday the loth of
August. On the Saturday before, the messTge of
the President, asking that two millions be placed at
his disposal, was received and read in rho House
of Representative's. It was the subject of general
:remark and speculation. That day at dinner, the'
conversation turned upon it; in which, Robert Dale
Owen of Indiana, Robert P. Dunlap of Maine,
Jacob S. Yost of Penn'a and myself took a part.
remarked that it was clear, v tliat the two millions
asked for by the President, was to be paid, if paid
at all, as the first instalment, ofpurchar money,
for large acressions of territory from Mexico to
the United States; and then declared my purpOse,
in case Mr. Mtay, (the Chairman of the Com
mittee of ways and means) shoidd bring in a Bill,
to move an arnendmenyto the effect that slavery
should be excluded from any territory &quired by
virtue of such appropriation. Mr. Owen objected,
and said he would naake.a speech against it. CM%-
Dunlaii and Mr. Yost approved of such ap.--mencl
ment; and advised me to adhere to ihipurpose.—
If anything of the kind had been,stiggested, before
the House took a recess for
_dinner, I cannot, and
I have tried to do so, recollect it. I world not
however, say Mat it-had not. After dinner, in front
of the Hotel,: (had further conversation with
several nieinbers. Those that. I now recollect,
were-Mr. Grover of New York, Mr. Brinkerhoff of
;Ohio, and Mr. Hamlin of Maine. We agreed to
advise with our Northern friends generally, when
we re-asemblod in eveuinz session, and if the
measure Met with theii'approbation, that it should,
be pressed. \Alp did so, and so fariasl heard,
Northern cletnoe'rats were unanireet4 in favor of
the movement. When the Bill was introduced, or
called v. several gentleman collected together, to
agree upon the form and terms of the proßosed
amendment. I well recollect that Mr. Rathbun,
Mr. King, and Mr. Grover of New York ;. Mr.
Briukerhooff of Ohio, Mr. Hamlin of Maine, and
Judge Thompson arid myself of Peun'a were of the
numberiif we did uut constitute the entire group.
Some were engaged in drafting an amentleneut,
myself among the number, and several were sub
mitted ; all of which underwent more •or less al
tCrations, at the suggestions of those standing a
round and taking part in the business going on.—
Atter 'Various drafts, had been. drawn And altered,
the language.in 'which the amentlment.wa. offered
was finally agreed upon, as the result of our unit
ed labors. I well remember, that my colleague
Judge Thompson, made, in the progress of the mat
ter, various suggestions, seine of which were adopt
ed. True, he afterwards, and in the hour of trial
voted against the -Proviso," because as he declafed,
of the time of its introduction, or the place it oc
cupied. He was a principal in the treason, both as.
to time and place. if there was treason , in it. llow
ever, at the time of his vote, he avowed himr-elf in
favor of the principle and ultimate object of the
"Proviso." I trust Ishall find him where I left him,
and not in favor of compromising the principle
upon the line of 36 deg. 30 min. North latitude.
I have given a brief history of the " PrOviso" 'and'
its introduction into Congress. In no conversation
or consultation that I heard, -touching it, was the
subject of President making introduced. Its 'effect
upon Presidential candidates, was never, to my
knowledge, the theme of speculation. Its effect
upon them since, has been pretty clearly
s seen. , —
The merits of the measure, and the propriety, of
the time and occasion of bringing it forward only
were canvassed. I trust I have 'said sufficient Ito
exculpate me from the charge of hostility to
„the
administration, or of scheming for a Ptesidential
candidate in 18-18. Now, Sir, to the thing itself. ;.
What is the " Proviso" ? What is its effect and
object ! Altho' plain in its language, and clear in its,
deffign,4his enquiry becomes necessary, from the
_caved manner in which it is continually 'assailed.
Tie ghole Southern press. and Government Organs
.), the Norihaciprftent it; as something,that affects
• inteferesslavery in the States where slavery
exists. Even great men, when vrritinft or spealr
ing upon the subject, persist, in talking, about the
abolition of slavery, and the right of the Slave States;
as if the Proviso, proposed the one; or in any res
pect interfered with-the other. It does not pro
pose, either to abolish, restrict, or in any manner to
interfere with slavery, in any of the Stales of this
Union.. Its sole object is, to secure from the un
lawful lt.zr,rcssions of slavery that territory which is
now free. In opposing it r continual use is made
of the Words, " Constitution''—" Compromises of
the Constitution," and "Comprises under the Con
stitution," as if the former was violated, and the lat
ter a.ssailed by the " Proviso." If this be so I .
pledge Myself to abandon it.
• The Constitution was adopted as the fundamen
tal law of this Republic. It prescribes the tholes,
and defines the powers of the General government.
At the time of Its foimition and f.dcrion i slavery
Cli
, . , . .- •
existed in some of th e States, and in 'o th ersit was
Prohibited. Thet Slave &min i before enterin4 the
I.7iiien, desired certain Concessions or coMprontisek
touching 'their peculiar' institution. . They-insisted
upon guards tor its security, Against any intertwine*
with it, on the part of the General goverrunfot.e. ,
Accordingly, the whole question of slavery; inl ta
Stares wherein if CXI44 was,by (Id Constitution,
left to these States respectively. Each Skive-State,
individnally and for itself, within the limits of its
own boundaries, had the sole and exclusive -control
over the whole queition of slavery--te - ragolits ir,
and abolisb it, at the time, and in the manner, it
sheuld, in the 'exercise of its sovereign power,.4ce
fit. Other concessions - were also made, by which
Islaveswere enumerated in fixing the. represents.
(low of the States. To the master was also given
'the right to pursue into the free Stakes hit tirgitive
slave, and reclaim him. I have hem embraced
everything,upon the subject of. Mastery, -comm.
headed within the spirit or letter of the Constitution.
From what I have said, it will be seen fine I agree
with Mr. Buchanan, when`he says in his letter to
the democracy of Berks county, " That the subject
of slavery by the Constitution,' is left to the States
wherein slavery exists;" but I cannot follow him in
his conclusion, that therefore, the subject 'of slavery •
in the Territories of the flinenochp•ait does not exist,
is beyond our ventral. Rear. we -reraylawfully
erect te rriers against its e nc roachment; and this is ,
t
1 all that' the Proviso pro f essesthis to •', Surely, Mr.
••
Buchanan would not agile, that tle- Slave States
alone, have the. exclusive -control Of the subject i rif
I slavery, tlp nughont. the length and breadth . of
Territories of this Union. Yet it is such,o,t‘Onstruc
lion of th;:t'onstitution only, that ssjirwarrant the
) conclusion he aims to establitti t vli this be the true
I interpetration of , the Constinitien, why talk to us
abont the ." Missouri corripromise," or anything
else connected with,sfavery I We havi.nothhigto
do 'with it. Thetlave States will rightfully dispose
of the sub et as they may think proper. N'tt, sir- ; '`
th" is t the true intent 'and meaning of the Con- '
sti on, not does Mr. Buchanan desire so t to be:
• mierstooo yet the conclusion he would have us
adopt, can be supported • by.no other construction.
It was slavery in the SvArrj,- that by the Constitu
i den was left to the "States where it existed."—
! Here is the locus in quo—here the limits and the
t botindaries, within which, by the Constitution,.each
Stale for itself, has the exclusive and supreme con
trol overthe subject of slavery. Thiele the "agree
ment pur. fathers made," " kßy this "solemn com
pact" I cheerfully abide! Within these " hmits
and boundaries" I hold that 'the General government
is powerless, and the States all powerful over the j.
question of slavery. But sir, when the question is
preserited, of theteension and propagation of slave. -,-.
;II over the Tr.iuuvontas oi this Union, especially''' .
free territroY, I claim the right for all the States,
and the Whole Americartpcople,te be heard. The
settlement of such a questiOn, belongs to-the whole'
Union, and not to a part. Upon that soil where sla-. -
vary does not exist, I claini the right for the Ame
rican people; to provide safe-guards against its ac.-..
quiting such existence. If this be unconstitutional,
`then it was meet and proper that the d emocracy
..
should be forewarned in season against '
Sir, &e are not without examples anti precedents
for but guide. Our fathers; at an early day, had this
same question in hand. It may be profitable in
these days of " compromise," to see what compro
rnitge they made with slavry. In 1787, an Ordi
nance was passed, by whicjh slavery was forever ex
cluded from the territory north and west elthe Ohio.
This Ordinance bound every foot of land then .be
longinvo the Nation. •• Ts is the " compromise"
they made. The Northwestern Territory had been
ceded to the General grntemment by Virginia, a.
slave state. The law of 13Iavery extended over it
at the time of the Ces s ion, and in some parts of it
slavery actually existed ; yet upon every inch, did
our fathers impose the seal of Preedom.-. Here wee
saotrnox—not in Stgies,biiit in Territory. The law
of Slavery was repelled. and the law of Freedoni
established. The Previa+ does not even pro
pose to do this. Its sole lobjedbis to preserve the
law of Freedom; not to abrogate the law of Slave
ry. The first Congress under the Constitution, re
emnized the validity of the Ordinance of 'B7, and
passed laws to give it force and' effect. lt,had re
ceived the votes orevery ;:tepreseatative from the-
Slave States. The article in it, 'excluding Slavery,
had been incorporated in 'ardor Ordinance, drawn
up by Mr. Je ff erson, in 17 4. The language of the
a
"'Proviso," is substantial ) the language of the Or
dinanee of 1784, as draft by Thomas Jefferson.
Sir, the history of the Ordinance of 1787, when
contrasted with the opprksition made to the Provi
so, exhibits a melancholy and slantring change in
the public opinion of the South,. between thin day
and-at the present, upon the sulect of slavery,—
The fathers of the Republic saw and acknowledged •
the evils and dangers of this Institution. The cov
enanted not to interfere w th it in the States whete
it existed ; but in Territor s, its existence even, did
nest stay their hands. ey ''looked forward
with an.‘inue solicitude t the • day, when , slavery,
left unmolested in its earl limits, would wear it
self out, by th e laws of ulation, and the force of
natural caused , then in etive operation, They
made no effokto weake the force • of Ilia' law, or
F i l,
to pestpone,the result of ese causes, by widening
the field in which they w to operate, andihns,
putting o ff to a more dist. t day, 'our final re4emp
le
tioh fr4m the curse of N gro glivery . Now, the
etemA perpetuation, auk unlimited extension of
Slavery, - has become the leading, if not the "me
ideg: 7 el th e South. in o er to perpetuate Slavery, .
for alrcoming time,.its 4mits• must be extended,
as the slave population increases. The old lands, '
exhausted' and made barren by blaie labor, •must be
abandoned for new and virgin soil; otherwise the
slave becomes ' , duck* and emancipation of neces
sity follows. The value given to slave labor, by
the new and fertile regions opened for it, nerves
also to give value to The slave in the old' Stites—
thus retarding the prog,reo of gradual emancipation
in them. If ilavc labor* profitable en the Veil-
EMEIRED LIN