kaiii
11
ca114E 1 . 5 VEgo
22 4 OAg EV& 8
tiI*IIINIESDAY. MARCH 37, 1847.
linority Reportlelative to the Tariff.
Mr. BIGLER, - from the. minority- of the
selectcommittee, to which was referred so much
0 1 the Goyerror's Annual Message as relates
to the tariff. made thefollowing report:
The undersigned, a minority of the select
committee to which was referred so much of
the Governor'a message as relates to the tariff,
submit the following report :
That they regret there should have been any
difference ofatpiniiin in the committee in refer
ence to the duties assigned by the Senate; or
that the majority should hive deemed it neces
rev to depart from the usual course of legisla
ire committees.. If the subject was of stiffs.
rient importance to require a seleci reference.
the Senate and the country had a right to ex
pect a calm and logical discussion of the ques
non ofa tariff—its effects upon the people and,
a re government. in order that the true princi
ples of a just and equitable system of ditties
s hould he ascertained and set forth. The views
of the Executive having been formally presen
i
led to the Senate, it was-proper - that a calm and
ieltbe4.lte reply should be made, either ap
,ratatig those views, if deemed reasonable and
roper, or exposing their fallacies if found er-
It Was scarcely necessary. in the
opinion of the undersigni.d, to descend into the
troubled arena of political warfare ; or to ar
largn, try and condemn the democracy of
,the I
c ountry for the purpose of explaining the opera
tion of tariff duties.
The warm, and perhaps intemperate, contest
of 1841. for President of the Union and Go
terror of the State. tsmade a prominent, if not
the principle feature in the report of the ma
jority of your committee. lioth political par
ries freely participated in the excitement. and
perhaps extravaganties that„period ; and the
utoter.toned have no wish to 'renew the angry
recollections. In justice to themselves, how
ever, as well as the great party • thus harshly
arraigned and condemned. without even the
usual formality of a trial, or the production of
prod, by the majority of the committee, they
inmi lie permitted to say, that if Pidk,
Shunt; and the tarilTof 1842." were in any
.tance adopted as the " battle cry's of the tle•
notravv;it Wa• rattier as idle bravado than the
deliberate nranifestation of political sentiment.
If ant enerdwdon can legitimately result from
en prpiiii-e- so broadlc and authoritatively as-,
suited liv the noijority, it is this : "'That the
net of 1812 shoold be regarded as the settled
policy of the goverunieni-L-and therefore Penn
rrtmold demand its restoration as a
mutt , r That such conclusion, how
ever. 1- in every rrspect erroneous. may he
wound: illy shown by a reference in the pro
vi.dons of the law andthe history ()fits passage.
It wdl net he denied, that the meagre ma
jonniesin-both branches of Congress. in favor
of the measure, were not produ:eirwithout ex
traordinary exertion' and perhaps compromise
of principles. Sominf ahe most ardent friends
of protection, regarded it but as a temporary
"id Mien'. and proposed to limit its existence
to a brief term. Thus, Mr. Merrick, a most
aide member of the Senate. belonging to the
same pOlitiral party with ire majority of your
committee, designated the bill bf 1842. pend
tng in the Senate, as a measure "to
roe the !interest a of the agriculturists for the
.hen , fit of the mehafacturers," that " it was
,u fort i nd unequal." and moved " that it last
bat hcOyeara." Mr. Evans, belonging to the
name party. regarded it much to the same light,
and dirli not think "far the sake of some four
or ficeinsanufacturers that the whole of the
, hippin interest ought to be sacrificed." The
duty oti railroad iron was regarded as excessive
by she 'same gentleman, and who subsequently
froroductl a bill into the Senate to reduce the
duties upon that article ; iron not being one of
the staples of his particular constituency. Mr.
Preston' also advocated its limitation ; and for
*loch Mr. Crittenden and eight others of the
tune piilirieal party voted. John M. Clayton.
la a spit-ch at Wilmington. in 1814. said—" in
my huMble opinion, had the tarifl'of 1842 pass
ed imaily in the spirit of the compromise art,
wodld have been better law .or protection
than dire law how in force. It wou'd have heifer
rlatiled the revenue against fraud in the for
eign valuation. and it would more effectually
hare checked excessive importations. which is
line of jhe greatest curses of the country." In
duly last, a committee of gentlemen extensive-
Ir eng i 'aged in manufacturtrg. in a letter to Mr.
Webstiir, written in reference to a compromise
usiuirh he had in contemplation, expressed
Ih !"Onioo. that a reduction of tWentt
Pit (lin. on the duties. 'whether eperific or ad
ialmern, charged by the law of 1842, on amt,
saes o imported merchandise, whereon the due
l!' exceeded thirty per cent. ad valorem. might
4 made without seriously affecting-the manu-
Jaeturing interests of the country." '
In , Sememher, 1841. : Mr. Clay, when en- 1
forcing upon the Senate the necessity of abid
in tll' the principles of the compromise act,
tumid ; "he \would vote for the tax on tea and
sauce; vas necessary under his calculation;
led as he found that he was to be deserted by
portion of his friends, he trusted that some
of those opposed to him, would vote for thts
—ELI If they,did not, the result would inevita
-617 be, that at the next session the tat. would
certainly be imposed ; or a higherduty than ill
ta thorizediei the compiamise act r impoeed on
4 " - articles- Be thought tea and coffee the
suet desirable articles on which to raise re
tnce-7 And again, in March, 1842, upon
, t e i
hltioduction of his programme of measure,.
Its indicated clearly his policy in refeience to'
a :!‘triff, in the following emphatic language :
Let me not be misunderstood, and let me en
tcat that I may not be misrepresented. lam
1 1. : ? )t itr edrneatin g the revival of a high protective
• lam for abiding by ' the principles of
ths "Prcntise;act; I am for doing what no
tea t thern man, wit4a fair and candid mind, his
I "' Yet denied ; giving to the country a re
set
ue which may provide fur the economical
lII=
_ . .
- .
" ' ''` ' . --- . '-•••' - • - • • • • ----' ' • - f•‘! 'i , . :i; - :.' f.R 4
•Ji.1.1. .0.114".111 ; ''''''''• I' ,-"'" •-''`L'± - ''''' - ' ' ''- '' : ' . ~,,
. - ' • - .
_ • • . , ....._ _ .
, . ~.
, . .
,
. .., . . .
-
.... _
-IF ~... ~......, i
„..,.,.......,..), :—.'...: -: ' •.' T 1. ,
...., . ... . .„
..... ' . 7 :•
. . •.: ..
. . ,
, .• . , ,
• .
..•, s. . . .
'
wants of the government, and of the same.time
give an incidental protection to our home in
dustry. If there be here a. single gentlemin
who will deny the lairnetis and proprietrof this.
I shall be glad to see and hear who he is." In
1843. after he had left the Senate, and speak
ing in reference to the impolicy of establishing
a high. protective tariff, as a permanent policy,
he says, in a letter to Mr. Bronson : I regaid
ed. it (the act of 1828) as highly disgriceful to
American legislation."--.. I think 'there is no
danger of a high tariff being ever established."
If there be any excesses or defects in the act
of of 1842, they ought to be corrected."
Such beitig the history of the act of :842,
confined alone to the views of its especial
friends, and without reference to the avowed
hostility of the opposite political party, who
supported the bill with so much reluctance ;
and its modification urged at every subsequent
session of Congress. with the unceasing com
plaints of the soutliland the west against its pro
visions, where is the authority for the extraor
dinary declaration by the majority of the com
mittee, that •• no murmur was heard against its
operations in any section of the country." or
to justify the conclusion that the law was de
signed to be the settled and permanentpolicy
of the country:' Such a declaration, and an .
inference so strained, can hive but the effect to
weaken the influence of their entire reßort.;
The Governor says •• The history of Mir
legislation on this subject, demonstrates most
conclusively, that a tariff, to be permanent,
which is so essemial to the manufacturing as
well as the other great interests of our country,
mu tbe reasonable and equitable. To the truth
of this sentiment the undersigned yield a ready
assent ; and are at a hiss to, imagine why it
should he unsatisfactory to the majority of the
committee. The adjustment of a matt for re
-1 venue, on the principles of discrimination in
favor of home productions, becomes a question
of conflicting interests, either real or imaginary,
between different sections of the Union, Such
always been the case, and perhaps always
will be. And who will say that a standard, of
I equity between such conflicting interests ought
not to be sought for and established ? A dis
trict of the country producing a given article,
will entleavoil through its representatives in
Congress. to heave the rate of duty fixed as
high as possilirc. whilst the representatives of
another portion, consuming such article, will
endeavor to establish the litwest rate of duty.
I In almost every instance of such conflict. both
extremes are wrong and oppressive; and the
only way of settling the question satisfactorily.
and therefore permanently, is ,to make such
adjustment of the rates of duty, in view of the
effects upon the prosperity of the country, and
: the revenues of the government, as an honest
-and patriotic desire to do justice to all sections
'of the Union. and all :lasses of our people, may
seem to indicate.
Charges upon imports are almost the only
reliable source of revenue to sustain the Na.
tional Government. This system has been
practiced ever since the adoption of the con 7
solution, and has given general satisfaction.—
Th,•re are no considerable number of our peo
ple willing to adopt a system of direct taxation
in its stead. We must, therefore. in the ad
justment of ouch charges liave due regard to
the wants of the government. But to so ar
ranging the charges on imports, it is the right
and the duty of Congress, to extend all the aid
and encouragement to the agricultural, manu
facturing mechanical, commercial and naviga
ting interests of the country, that can properly
result from such a system of revenue laws. If
it is the duty of Congress. to protect one of the
great interests of the. nation, it is equally their
duty to protect all ; and if it is the right of one
branch of indu.try to claim such fostering care,
it is equally the. right of all ; and: here again
the neressitity of a strict regari forthe princi
ples of equity, urged by the Governor. is made
rpparent. No branch of industry has a right
to protection to the exclusion or injury of other
interests. The manufacturer should not ask
protection at the expense of the farmer and me
chanic: but all should he allowed to partici
pate equally in the advantage:, incident to the
revenues of the country. - All branches of
industry. isall sections of the union, are alike
entitled to thy. fostering care of Congress. Any
law having; tendency to advance the interests
of one seen nof the country, by making undue
reactions oni lowlier, would be manifestly
unjust. a d could never become the settled poll
cy oft i
government.
Your committee recognize the right of Con
gress ya make discriminations in the adjust
ment of a tariff; and are of opinion, that Ws
eriinitiations may be made in favor of the labor
and productions of our wen country. without
materially infringing the principles of justice
or giving rise to discontent in the Union. The
extent of these discriminations. says the Gayer
-nor, " bearing as they do upon conflicting in
terests, and in some degree arraying those of
one portion of the Union against another. can
only be adjusted under the spirit of concession
and compromise, which prevailed in the adop.
tion or the Constitution itself." Discrimina
tions should only be made in favor of interests
truly national in their' character; such as are
adapted to our, country, and where it is appa
rent that the productions of the country will at
least-approximate its consumption. On this
point Gen. Jackson in hie annual message of
1832, said .. that manufactories adequate to the
supply of domestic consumption, would in the
abstract be beneficial to our country, there is no
reason to clonht: .....I ....mi. awn 'amount
ment, there is no American citizen who would
not fora while be willing to pay a higher price
for them. But for this parries, it is presumed
a tariff of high duties,, designed for -perpetual
protection. ; has entered_ into the minds of but
few of our "statesmen. The most they have
anticipated. is. a temporary and generally an
incidental protection..w.hich..they maintain has
the effect to reduce the prices by domestic, com
petition. below that of the foreign articte."—
The staples of Pennsylvania come within the
foregoing principles. The production of her
coal and iron, can be equal, to,the demands of
the country. and the labor of such production
is such as our people are willing to perform.—
PUBLISHED EVERY 'WEDNESDAY, AT TOWANDA, BRADFORD COUNTY, PA:, :BY 'E.S. GOODRICH & SON.
" REGAUDLERS OF . DENUNCIATION ' FROM ANT 41114Ti1i.:".
Perhaps no article can be named for which the
discriminating principle may as readily and as
justly be claimed, As that of iron. It is a great
element of offensiSe and defensive warfare, and
the encouragement of its production. may,
therefore, be regarded as providing for the, na
tional defence. The increase of production is
equal, if not in advance of the demand. and as
the raw material exists in inexhaustible quan
tities. it - wants but a fair reward for the capital
and labor employed. to insure a production
equal to the consumption of the country. in
terests of this kind may, with propriety, in the
opinion of your committee, claim the advan
tages of discrimination under , the revenue stan
dard. ' But government should _never, attempt
by means of its revenue la ws to( sustain an ar
tificial interest, not adapte d to our climate, our
soil.ur- the habits of our people. Such attempts
should be looked upon as visionary. They
can only be successful by making unjust exac
tions from other interests. Fur instance. if an
association of individuals • were to commence
the growth of fruits adapted to the climate of
the tropic ; and after building hot-houses. and
incurring other expenses necessary to the ex
periment.dtscover that they could grow oranges
for three dollars per dozen. They then ppd.
- lion Congress to aid this branch of Americ
industry, by putting such a rate of tariff oh i
foreign article. as would enable them to sell a
the foregoing price.. The absurdity such
a requisition, will occur to the most dull z of
comprehension. "It would be a direct bunt*
upon the cousurner, from which he could see
no escape. as competition could. never cotneici
his relief. Every effort to sustain an unnatural
interest of this,kind, must have an impoverish
ing effect upon the country. It would cost the
people double- the amount of labor that would
,he necessary to grow tobabep. cotton, wheat,
flour. beef. &e.. to exchange for these luxuries.
and in the exchange, commerce and navigation
receive their reward.
The majority °film committee have treated
the subject as one of purely local character.—
They seem to have forgotten that other States
of the Union have interests involved, and have
power to guard those interests as well as Penn-
sylvania ; and that only by minuarconeession
and compromise can a permanent tariff system
be established. The repeal of the act of 1842.
and the substitution rit that of 1840, was pro.
bably a trio thorough and sudden change in
the policy of the country. By flits measure
the interests of Pennsylvania may hereafter be
affected. Her staple productions may require
a higher rate of duty : but change was not
produced by her action. It was accomplished
by the representatives of other States in Con-
green. representing, as they believed, the true
interests of their constituents, and therefnre.our
"demands for repeal and restoration" might
have but little influence.
The Governor says : •• should the change
in the rites of duty. by the act of 1848. affect,
injuriously, any of the great interests of the
country. we must unite our efforts to induce
Congress, to whose care end discretion the
subject is committed by the Constitution. and
on whose wisdom and judgment we may safe
ly rely, to make all just and reasonable amend
ments. The majority of your committee have
declared, that the Governdr. " in- these senti
ments " does not •• represent the opinions of
the people of Pennsylvania—that " they now
demand the repeal of the odious act of of 1846.
and that the friends of protection" must regard
all - such proposals to amend as mere political
tricks to divide and conquer them." How
such bold conclusions were arrived at, the un
dersigned are left to conjecture. They can see
nothing to warrant the conclusion, that if the
act of 1846 should work injury to any of the
great•interests of the country. we- are not to
unite out efforts to produce a modification of
its terms, but that we must demand" the
restoration of the law of 1842, in all its princi
pli4anil details... This law has-been emphati
cally_ condemned by a majority of the States in
the Union ; and if it be desirable. as your com
mittee b lieve, to secure an increase of duties
on the staple articles of this State, nothing, in
the opinion of the undersigned, could have less
tendency to accomplish such ohket than a pre
emptory and .arrogant " demand': for a resti
tution of the law of 1842. and the repeal of that
of 1848. If Pennsylvania were even suffering
from the enactment of the latter, such policy.
on her part, could nut fail to excite ft•elings of
i.nlignation and hostility. tallier than those of
friendship and commiseration.
The undersigned are willing to ask. Congress
to modify the act of 1846. so as to give greater
encouragement to our staple productiotts. But
is the restoration of the act of 1842. the only
mode of securing Buell increased duties, or is
that law so just and"correct in all its , principles
and details. that it cannot be,improved f The
undersigned think not. That law contains prin
ciples and details• that shouid . never be revived,
and which, in their humble opinion. can never
become the .• settled policy of the countiy,"—
, And they will here briefly allude to, and die
'cuss some of those principles and details.
•The specific principle, as applied in many
instances in the act of 1842. " Imposes an
equal duty on snide, greatly unequal in
value." -
Thus. silks, for instance. are charged duty
at the rate of two dollars and fifty cents per •
pound. Let us notice the practical operation
of this provision. An individual in motiBNG:
ci o r a c l u i t m v st , 2,l7lse"r;a7nll-4 weighing one pound, at
seventy-five cents per yard, costing in all, seven'
dollars and fifty cents. An other individual in
affluent ciretimstnriees. allopurehnsetiien iarde
of the finest texiure; sieighiisg"istul pound . ..it
two dollars per Yard:Mid - costing twenty dolt
ram.' Thus it Waif bet - ecerilthai under the
eiti prititifile. as applied'in this Matinee, the
mechanic or laborer. a flied iniseh far the
utte of gOvernnient, on his tbaree 'dreits Costing
seven dollars . and fifty cents, as the rich banker
is made to pay wilds fine drese coating twenty
dollars. On flannels. eicept cotton, which , is
an article of extensive importation, a specific,
duty of fourteen cents per square. yard is charg
ed. The original cost May be stated at _ from
fifteen to sixty cents per - nov(1 yard. The
WIZ
consumer of coarse flanoele pays to the govern
ment from ,eixty to; one,f hundred per rein..
whilst the consumer of the fine artiele.pays
but. front fifteen to thirty. percent. 'Ais With
flannels and silks, so with sugar. boots.: shoes
and other articles. under the act of 1842 , -
It scarcely necessary to enforce the injiittlice
of this system by a single remark : the mere
statement would teem to be ,sufficient.: but
suppose, for illustration. the Legislature of
Pennsylvania were to pass a law - directing all
the farms in the stales to he assessed at five
thousand dollars each, and horses atone tum
efied dollars per head, and taxed accordingly.
This would' be applying the s o ectfie principle
of taxation, to real and personal property ; and
whilaiits operations 'would be more readily
seen and felt, and therefore more generally
complained of, its injustice would he but little
more flagrant than as applied in the act of
1842. How long would the people submit to
the provisions of such a law f The-response
of every man in the state wobld_be4 that a law
so unequal and unjust. should net be entluled
for a single day. These instances willsuffice
to show that the act of 1842 was wrong in
principle ; or that there was; at least, a-misap
plication of sortie of its principles. The spe
cifie principle may be applied to articles of
equal anl fixed Value, without being liable to
the foregoing objections. I The undersigned
would be glad to see that principle applied to
coal, bar iron, pig metal,-and other-ertecles.va-
Tying but little in value, under a - given name.
Fur whilst it would answer for the purposes of
the goiernment for revenue. and work no in
justice to the consumer, it might be of vat im
portance to those interests, in case of a severe
depression of pricis in Europe.
The minimum principle in the act of 1842
is still more objectionable. The palpable in
justice of its operatilms must he readily seen
and acknowledged by all. -It provides that
on all manufactures of cotton; or of which
cotton is component part, dyed, colored.
printed or stained, not exceeding in value thir
tykeents per square yard. shall be valued at
thirty cents, and made to pay- duty according.
ly. The 'same primciple. applies to cotton
manufactures not dyed or colored, costing less
than twenty cents per square yard." Let us
notice the practical operations of this principle
for a moment. A cargo of cotton gond% cost.
ing five cents'per square yard; is presented at
one of our ports for admission. They are not
charged at the rate of thirty per cent. on five
cents, tut five hundred per rent. is first added
to the original cost, and on that the duty of
thirty per cent. is charged. A cargo is also
presented.costing fifteen cents per square yard:
one hundred per cent. is added to die original
cost, and then tariffed at thirty per cent. - A
cargo of the finest quality, actually costing
thirty cents per square yard, is next presented,
and on this a duty of thirty per cert. is charged.
Thus it will be seen that the rate of duty in
creases in the same ratio that the article be
comes coarse and cheap. And it does seem
to the undersigned, that it matters not whether
this principle be designed for revenue or for
protection, it is equally unjust. If it be ne
cessary to make .exactions to encourage our
manufacturing interests, let the burden fall up
on those who are beat able to'bear it, and not
upon the most helpless of our people. It is
said that these principles have but little practi
cal effect under the act of 1842. If so. why
insist upon having them reinstated 1 1t is the
introduction of such odious features into out
tariff lairs, that keeps up a constant discontent
in relation to our revenue system. This law
is also objectionable in many other provisions.
In general. the rates of duty were high on the
necessaries of life, and in many instances low
on luxuries. _
The act of 1848 has the merit, at least, of
taxing all articles according to their true value,
and it may, therefore he the means of silent
ing some of the Complaints 'That have been an
strnngly urged by the west and south against
former revenue laws. It. taxes all articles on
the ad valorem principle. The 'art of 1842
was 41 mixture of the specific, minimum and
ad- valorem principles. In the schedule of ar
ticles numerated under that law, about one'
thousand five hundred items are charged duty
on the ad valorem principle, and about eight
hundred and eighty. on the, specific and mini
mum. The imports for 1845. mottled to one
hundred and eighty millions four hundred and
thirty-five thousand and thirty.fivedollars ; of
this amount,' fifty-two millions three hundred/
and fifteen thousand two hundred and ninety
two dollars was charged duty on the ad valo-•
rein principle, thirty-one millions three hun
dred and fifty-two thousand eight hundred and
sixty-three dollars oit the specific and mini
amp; and about twentyjourmillions'adinitted
free of duty.
The act of 1846, on three hundred and
tweniy-three articles., charges ad ;valorem du:
ties,,at higher rates than were charged on the
Same - articles in The law of -1812. - ant! right
hundred and twenty-two - tinkles are' charged
the same ad - sal6rern - iluty in both 'laws ; one
hundred and twenty4even articles admitted
free of duty under the aci of 1842. are smarm!
by'that of 16413: . The art of 1842- Charged
on the aggregate 'imports into the country,
about twenty•sia millions annually. The act
of 1846. 'with alight modifications. it is estima
ted.'will bring in: the tteaptitgg,ol6h-rret
trihewhole inwitint' or imports.. may. t h ere :
fore.'be regarded Ms nearly the same under
both'aela : aittlEty what Trocesa - of reasoning
ceriain.statestrien fling them-elves to the eon.
that One - cif these' laws is . an " odious,
five . the other a Bourne of
•re iinoe to tite''rieeintiteni.eo -- proiperityto
the people, the=plidersigned aid at i'lassla de
„ .
' -
• - ,
The'ilvalor'e"m prineipl e iv die leading isti
jeeticrilirgeiragainst the" tariff 0f1846. It ie
not"probable that any views . that might be`pre
'seined by the undersigned. Would have much
influence with the Majority of tour roMmittee:
and they have. therefore.iconeluded to address
them through the is tinbOdiment of 11,1 e piinci•
pies" of the great party to which they belong.
The annexed extracts from a speech delivered.
.T. ~~ + ..
11Ir
by Mr. Clay, in March. 1842. may perfeapq
allay some of the apprehension's of the majori
ty of:our committee on this point. This was
Mr. clays last retrial expression of opinion
on
,this subject. It will be seen that, he was .a
hold and able advocate of the princiefes., kl not
of the very details of
. the act of 1846, Mr,
Clay said : •
" First, there is the principle that a fixed ad
Valorem duty shall pre.vail and.be in -lorce at
all times. For 0ne.,1 am to abide by
that principle. *There are certain vague no
tions afloat as to the utility and necessity of
specific duties and - discritoinationi, *which...l
am persuaded. arise from a want of a right tin=
derstanding of the subject. We have hail the
ad valorem principle practiCally in force ever
since the compromise act was passed ; and
there has been no difficulty in administering
the 'duties. of the Treasury, on
,that pritte ; iple.
• It was necessary ftrat to ascertain the val
ue of the goods. and, then to impose the duty
upon them t 'and, from the commencement of
the act to this day, the ad valorem principle has
been substantially in operation. Compare the
ditr rence between specific and the ad valorem
system of duties, and I maintain that the latter.
is justly entitled to the preference. The' one
principle declares that the duty paid shall he
upon the real value of the article taxed ; the
specific principle imposes an equal duty on
articles greatly unequal in valve. Coffee. for
example, (and it is an article which always sug
gest, itself to my thoughts.) is one of the arti
cles on which a specific duty . has .been
Now. it is perfectly well known that the Mo
cha coffee is worth at least - twice as much as
the coffee of Sti. Domingo or Cuba ; yet both
pay the same duty.' The tax has no respect
to the value. but is arbitrarily levied on all or
ticks -of a specific kind alike, however various
and unequal may be their values. I say that,
in theory. and according to every sound prin
ciple of justice. the ad valorem mode of taxa
tion is entitled to the preference. There is. I
admit, one objection to it : as the value of an
article is a matter subject to opinion. and as
opinions will ever vary. either honestly or
fraudulently. there is some difficulty in pieveri
ting frauds; But, with- the home valuation
proposed by my friend from Rhode Island,
(Mr. Simmons,) the ad valorem system can be
adopted with all practicable safety. and will be
liable to those chances only of fraud which are
inevitable under any, and every system.
•• Again :, what his been the fact _from the
origin,nf the government until now I The ar
ticles from which the greatest amount of rev
enue has been drawn, such as woolens, linens,
silks. cottons, worsteds, and a few others.
have all been taxed on the ad valorem princi
ple. and there hi been no difficulty in the op
eration. I believe, upon the whole, that it is
the best mode. I believe that If we adopt a
fixed rate ad valorem, wherever it can be done,
the revenue will be subjected to fewer frauds
than the injustice and frauds incident to speci-
fie ditties: One of the most prolific sources of
the violation of our revenue laws has been, as
every body- knows.the effort to get goods of a fi
ner quality ; and higher value admitted under the
lower rate of a duty required for 'those- of a
lower value. The gentleman from New Hamp
shire (Mr. Woodbury) and the honorable Sen.
1110 T from Near York (Mr. Wright) both well
known this. But if the duty was laid ad veto
rent. therecould be no motive (or such an ef.
',fort, and the fraud, in its present [Orin, would
have no place. In England, (as all who have
read the able report of made b ) Mr. Hume, a
Scottish member in the House of Commons,
must perceive.) they seem to be giving up tip -
eific duties ; and the tendency in the !public
mind appears to be, instead of having a emir.
ty otspeeifie duties and a variety of adNato
rem duties, to have one permanent fixed -rate
of duty for all articles. lem willing. I repeat.
to adhere to this principle as laid down in the
compromise act. If there he those who-sup
pose that, under the specific form of duty. a
higher degree of protection can lie secured than
under the other mode, I oflatild observe that
the actual measure of protection does not de.
Pend upon theform. but on the amount, of the
duty which is levied upon the foreign rival ar
ticle."
The majority have endeavorei to underrate
the importanice of the removal of duties upon
bread stuffs by 'European governments. and at
tributed the increase of prices to a, temporety
scarcity. This is unquestionably' the case-im
a great extent. Yet to those who give the
present Condition ol European couotries a calm
and reflecting observation. great causes will
become apparent. which will result in a per
manent detuano upon this or some other ha
eigq country for supplier.. •
Thirty years 'of ondisturbed peace have
smelled their population to the utmost density:
and whilst the capacity of the earth, to sustain .
a given population. must necessarily be limit
ed: it hint not escaped observation that= even'
this rapacity is becoming gradually More un
certain. Grain growing distrieti, eepeciatly
in the north of Europe. and hitherto 1111. Most
prolific, exhibit a gradual decline , in quantity
of product. whether the result be attribute 3 l to
exhaustion of soil; or inability to restore its di
minished properties. In addition to this it is I
apprehended. by many most competent to I
judge. that the potato must inevitably :become
generit.';74nlacit Alletre---Err himicah vs - st-,
ready supplying the place of this vegetable in
Europe. it is moreover a principle in polith
cal economy. not to be controverted. that the
comonmption of an-article is increased in pro ;
portion as its price is reduced. Hence, dike
fore.the removal of duties upon bread stuffs in
Europe which can only be regarded es a tax
upon-tile ionsuiner.must.essentially etiturtbuttr
to the eonsnmption by furnishing, thei• article'
at a lowerprice - ..- - . If these suggestions be true.-
whence will the people of. Europe look for the,
necessaries of, lift ? !Hay nova ready whiner
be found in the exhaustless resources and ca.
pacity of oneown country 1 Where, indeetl,
can another be found so essenitally ttgrieultn
ral I With every variety of climate. and a
soil of unequalled richness, imagination u-an
sat nolimit to the resonrces afoot independent
EITU2UIR .fi&Q
and iodustri .... s farmers. From the waters of
the Si. Johns to the swoon' of Fitea, may
te read but one vast harvest field; with here
and there a resting place. for the reaper. Ag
rieulture being at mice the noblest and most
rims .ue pursuit of man : and its hardy follow
ers. in all countries. the roost independent
who would deny to this important branch of
our population an equal participation' in the
blessings of government ?
Neither are the undersigned insensible to the
vast importance of our manufacturing intereste-
They too have grown with our growth. and
stand forth a prouk! monument of Asteriran
skill and industry. All they need and perhaps
wish,,ts a permanent and equitable system of
duties, with suitable discrimination in their fa
vor. under a prop r revenue statillare. 'This
will be conceded them. and the undersigned
deprecate the hostile attitude of those who de
mind more. By raising such an issue. such a
broad and unqualified claim, may not the pro
fessed advocates of ultra protection, become
the worst enemies of the manufacturers ?
demandingloo much, may not important ail
vantaries bi lost. which otherwise wuuld be
c
willingly yielded in them ?
England has been referred to as an illustra
tion of the - benefits of protectioV. There, in
deed. the restrictive system has been fully tes
ted.' Under Its blessings it has bi en said, that
that empire has Oran until " the sun never
sets upon her Possessions r' But whilst ad•
' miring the grandmas and power of that proad
goiternmint. let us not he blind to the mitten-,
1: is distress, and the profound human degracfa
tint, that settles at the base and encompass the
colossal pyramid of her glory.. The social
condition of the mass of the people is - the trite
standard by which to judge the character of o
government. and not by its aniutsitions: the
magnitude of its power, or the wealth in its
treasury. However important our home mar
ket may . be,. no one, who pays any regard to
facts, can be blind to the absolute necessity for,
a foreign market for the surplus products of.
our country. In addition to the inpnense
amount already shipped abroad. our depots and
avenues to the Atlantic. are swelled to bursting
with the eared products of the farmer, ready
fur exportation. Where else then, in ,a for.
eign market can purchasers l e f tend for this
immense surplus ? And fills is hut the fore
shadowing of our agricultural capacity and re
source. A dense stream of emigration 'lows
into. and spreads over, the rich fields of the
north and west. States rise up as if by magic,
leaping like rull grown giants into the embrace
of the Union. Agriculture must he the pur
suit of the peopl4 r of that wide spread region,.
and their surplus' product added to that of the
older States. can neither he purchased nor con
sumed in the narrow limits of a home market.
In conclusion, th'eundersig , eil can see noth
ing. in the present nor prospective condition
of the country, to justify the predictions of ruin
and distreiss so frequently heard.
The elements of prosperity are neither in
the government nor the laws, but in the ener
gy. enterprize and industry of the people. If
there are defects in the revenue, or indeed ant ,
other laws of the country,they can, and should
be removed, with such improvements as expe
rience toy render necessary. And with the
evidences of universal prosperity so'abundant,
such prophetic croakings, are neither patriotic
nor reasonable. In.what country do labor and
skill meet With more' certain reward - .? When
were the great interests of the country in a
more flourishing cot dition ? 'file agricultu
rist finds a ready market for his produce, and
at remunerating prires—Lthe manufacturing in
terests are reaping rich harvests—the shipping
interest is unable to supply the demand—and
in a word every pnrsuit in life. if honestly ands
industriously exercised, is well and fairly re
warded. WILLI A NI BIG LEI?:
WILLIAM S. ROSS.
A GOOD ONE.—lion. Andrew Stewart a dis
tinguished member of Congress from Pennsyl
vania, has recently paid a -visit to Lowell." ile
relates in a letter to the Uniontown (Pa.) Demo
crat, the following anecdote:
•• In looking-river the pay roll or note hook,
which I accidentally picked up from the table,
I found on twenty-seven Consecutive pages, con
taining eight hundred signatures, near'y all girls.
bi.t a single one that made a mark or X, all
vrr.tien in it good, and many of them in a Most
elegant hand. •I•he clerk observed to me that
'Lord Morpeth, when on a visit to this country.
some years ago, happened to he present on pay
day, and with some surprise observed : %V hat I
do your operatives write I" •• Certainly, sir,"
said. the clerk, "-the Americans all write."—
Directly there came m a
. man who made his
mark. "Ah !" said his Lordship With a smile.
•• I thought you said all wrote." •• AIL -
cans, your Lordship—dos was an English
man." 1V hereupon his Lordship grinned a
ghastly snide."
IVItROGESL—Wheat exhausts snils,hecanse it
derives there from the large quantity of nitiocen
which the - grain contains ; hut it is this same
quantity of nitingen which rrnders it more
valuable than other grains. Tobacco exhausts
powerfully them - M. because it requires an abun
dance-of-nitrogen to form its nicotine ; hut on
this principle its value in market depends. T.
muffles indigo, nitrogen A nust_t ? p_
cr. ip is inure exhausting ; hut withont the ni
trogen no coloring mutter could be riir iti ed
The value is in proportion to the emit ; and the
success of the cultivator, depends on the skill
With Which 'he turns the nitroven nr waste at 11
valuelesi itibitanee into thm.e of high price in
market.
HrsTivTo Yonni Alt:N.—Always have a
ho, k_tvdthin your reach. which you n ay raid",
up at your.oild minutes,. , 11« solve to in.a
hide.. reading, every day. if it is but a skitigirt
itmlence... v wipe. ) minute. as can geye minute. a
dw. iillbee!t at the end (f the year tleg,-
tilati %Mir Monett When tint at s ode, 1 Man
ii Ihinlting even - while at work. Why mac 6.i
tint he thinking about immething that is u.efol!
Resolve in your mind what you hare last bee,