=NI
N
VlLtall
'OO)Wrt.SSL2)&B
WEDNESDAY. , AUGUST 12. k 846
(From Chambers' Journal.]
Light for All. •
You cannot pay with money
The million sons of toil—
The tailor on the ocean;
The peasant on the soil,
The laborer in the quarry,
The heaver of the coal ;
Your money pays the hand,
But it cannot pay the soul
You gaze on the cathedral,
Whose turrets meet the sky,
Remember the foundations
That in earth and darkness lie,
For, were not these foundations
So darklyATsting here,
Youpseadroksidoever soar up
Spienadly in the air.
The work-shop must he crowded
That the palace may be bright,
' If the ploughman did not plough
Then the poet could not write.
Then let every toil be hallowed
That, man performs for man,
And have its share of honor
As a part of one great plan.
t , er, light darts clown from Heaven,
And enters where it m a y ;
The eyes of all earth's people
Are cheered with clue bright day.
And let.the mind's trite i sunehilis
lie spread o'er earthfro free,
Ind till the souls of men
Ay waters fill the seu.
The limn who turns the soil
Need not have an earthly mind;
The di4ger •and the coal
Need not base a spun bind.
The mind can shed a light
On each worthy labor done,
As looreFt things are bright
In the radiance of the run.
The tailor, aye, the cobbler,
-May bft their heads as men—
Hester far than Alexander,
Could he wake to life again,
And thinking of his bloodshed,
(And all for nothing, too.)
And oak himself—u What made He
A. useful as a shoe 3"
What cheers the musing student,;
The 4,net, the divine ?
The thought that for his followers
A brighter day will shine,
Let every human laborer
Enjoy the 'vision bright—
Let the thought that comes from heaven
Be spread like heaven's own light.
Ye men that hold the pen,
Rise like a band inspired,
And poets let your lyres
With hope for man be fired;
Till the earth becomes a temple,
And esery human heart
Shall join in one great service,
Each happy in Mama.
TIE 13 ONLY, £ MECITANIC.-Hqw frequent.
isis the remark made
.by moll aristocratic
ntmarts, win, have nothing to recommend
them'sare their money and impudence, when
th e name of an honest intelligent mechanic hap
pens to be mentioned in their presence. They
rhns , de r it degrading to associate with those
mi n do not, like themselves, posse t ss wealth
t'ren though that wealth was obtained by the
mo.t rascally means. Nothing is Po disgust-
In; In well-bred, well-informed people, as to
heir an Ignorant, emoceited puffed up, long
ft,tr. brainless, impudent dandy. talk' about
mechanics, as if they were no better than
No true Judy or gentleman would be guilty:
nrsurh littleness. It is only spoiled beauty—
the worthless, contemptible soap-lock who
, ould do so. Show us the man or the woman
'rho would consider it a disgrace to associate
tith honest, welt informed mechanics, and
1111 ?limy von a poor, worthless, Ignorant
,tereited creature—useless to himself and the
Torld, alp! a disarare and encumbrance to his
( -.ends.--treat. Lit. -Messenger'
Diav'r scow itts owe SON.—There is a
:^ml stnry told of Jarvis, the painter. Starting
oae &iv, with two or three companions.
, r a spree. die ever observing eye of the pain
was attracted by some boys, actively en
f'ncl at play. and particularly one of those
=•ntnses born to rule." who. was leading in
their evolutions. @.3ome here me man."
sned Jarvis. • what is your name ?" •' My
tame is John, and I am not roam man,"„quick-
IP aaswered the boy. "Jobb ? why that is
n'y name." said Jarvis. "what is your other
"""?" " Wesley." "John Wesley 1" that
my name too. Any more names ? the more
the merrier. Jarvis." said the boy. " Jar.
! John Wesley Jarvis ! Why, who is
%liar ( other?" was the earuest inquiry. " He s
Jarvis the painter, and mother says he's a very
bad man, too."
A
'Cohn To TAE. W ISE.—The marht remitters
thould be greatly obliged to the North Ameri
ran, and other Whiz Papers, for their vigorous
lab "" to create a p a nic.. No men will suffer
mnrehc 51 101 a state of things than these very
nam ifaiturers. We think b oor neighbor will
succeed in his. PraiseworthY'efforts.—
auniry' ' isprosperous and happy, and
gli he may toil for weeks, we think he
scarcely he. able to accomplish his wishes.
•-•Pf 1111.4 firanjgn.
Wiivr is it that pays less, in proportion to
trrilH e of cultivation. than any thing etas
l l 'S' gil t ! ur hiskers
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[From the Washington talon.]
yin Codessloio of thF Mow adorers.
We find in tbe Intelligence - I; of this morning
a column of:correspondence in relation to the
new tariff, 'and to Mr. Webster's proposed
amendment of it, which we 'deem important
and remarkable enough to be laid at length be
fore our readers. The letters of the manufac
turers and of Mr. Webster clearly establish. in
the first place, that the protectionists reject the
idea of a comprowisebetween the tariff system
embodied in the act 0f.1.842, and that which is
maintained in the act of 1846. Messrs. Cham
bers and Davis say that , Mr. Webster's pro
posed amendment i .• reta:ned - all the principles
and all the regulations of the act of 1842."..._
Mr. Webster himself, in his reply, is equally
explicit. Ile- says this amendment neither
attacks nor abandons the principles of the poli
cy of the act of -1842. On the comrary, it re
tains all the principles of that important law,
and maintains its whole policy." This state
ment covers the whole ground. Thiprotec
tionists go for the law of 1842. principles, po
licy and all. The friends of the new tariff
think those ,irinciples and that policy objec
tionable and unjust; and hereupon issue is
joined.
%Vliat is meant by the advocates of the tariff
of 1832. when they speak of its r• principles
and its ?" They do not mean its rates
of duty. it appears; beeauae, while intending
m retain all the principles and policy "of
the law, they propose to change its rates of
Now, besides these rates of duty, the
lain of 1812 pre s ents two other leading arid
characteristic features. 'rimy are the spec; Cie
principle, and the minimum principle—the
principle, that is, of taxing, in sorne•ca.es, ar
ticles according to their quality,and not accord
ing to their value. and the principle of affixing,
in whir cases, a false ralue nran article by law,
in order thereby to tax it more heavily. These
are the r. principles" and the •. policy"
which the whips seek to retain in our revenue
Now the first ren.arlt which occurs in rein
don to these two prinriples is. that they are
wholly self-contradictory. The first principle
denies that the tax should pay any regard to
the value. The second principle recognises
value as the basis of taxation, and only claims
that the law shall make that value enormously
false, for the purpose of levying in an under
hand way a tax twit or three hundred percent.
higher than the country would endure if it were
laid openly. And in support of such princi
ples as these, the whips are willing. they say,
ui go before the peep e -These principles,
they claim. should he permanent in our revenue
system ! And, be it observed, that' the law of
1842 levies these .iterifie and minimum duties
just :where they are not needed. 'The rnini
nntms, as being the greater outrage upon rea
son and justice: are applied to those forms of
:Cotton , nannfacture which need the least protec
tion:. while the specific ditties are laid generally
either,upon those articles. equal quantities of
which differ most in calve. as silks for example.
or else upon that class of articles whose value
can be most easily ascertained—such. fur ex.,.
ample. as the various manufactures of iron.
The correspondence which. we give below,
make another admission which we deem yet
more important than that above referred tn.— .
The gentlemen representing she various bran
,ehes of manufacturing industry 411 -agree , that
the rates of duty' .in•the' law - of 1842 may be
reduced twenty-five'dollars in every hundred.'
and yet leave the protection large enough to
satisfy even the prateeted interests themselves.
Mr. 'Webster accepts this view of the subject.
and replies in substance that the high' rates of
1842 were not ir.tentled to he permanent:
"that they were deemed essential whet, the
law passed. as at Mal lime all the greet indus
trial interests of the country were depressed
and prostrated." We look upon this admis
sion, that the taxes of the law of 1842 ought to
be reduced one dollar -in every four, when
coming from the very men who now profess
to stand up (orate whole " principle and poli
cy " of that law, as being a very striking ad
mission.
The secretary of the Treasury has proved
in his report that the law -of 1842 taxes the
community to the amount of eighty millions in
the shape of increased prices. for the sake of
rutting a nett revenue of eighteen millions into
the treasury. It is consoling now to hear from
the manufacturers, and from Mr. tVebster, that
twenty millions ot this enormous taxation sub
serves no good purpose whatsoever, not being
at all wanted to sustain the protected interest..
%(e submit to these advocates of the old tariff.
that when a law taxes the people to such an
amount, and yet collects one dollar in every
four of its taxation wholly without any good
purpose, and that, ton, on the admission of its
friends themselves—we submit that the whole
" principle and policy " of such a law cannot
well be sustained before the country. We
should imagine that the protectionists might
makeup their issue more prudently. Dm that
is no affair of ours. They have made their
election. They go for the restoration of the
law 011842. That is the question which they
bring before the people. On that question we
meet them with the most unwavering confi
dence. We commend this significant corre
spondence to the perusal of our readers: •
To the Litiors of the Intelligencer :
yam - rim - us. July 30. 1846,
GENTLEMEN In- the letter of your New
York correspondent. published in the National
Intelligencer of this morning, we find.tho fol
lowing paragraph :
•• In a farmer letter I tare you roc view of
the new tariff hill, and the rumored proposition
for a compromise. It remains unehmigerl.—
A very large majority of the whigi are. oppos
ed, and most 'decidedly opposed, to any com
promise bill which shall surrender the great
and leading principles of specific duties.—
Abandon thnt • and yoica' - iandon every hope of
hnnesii? dutic;. A majority 01
r
.PUBLISHED,-EVERY''v.i ; E:7iEsiiiiiititilliAliD — :',' `.k'AitAtiFORILICOLVY;,:.'PA:;.' BY E: L : Q. ' k; - cji., .). :-: .GOODRICH.
THE, :TAAIFF,..
••NEw Yonß, July 28. 1846
FM
; :;. r e ) 1 1i'it;
t 7,4'1;
' • I +'R6OAHDLiSS Or DENI7XCLVIION Alict (1411ARTEU..
. ,
the inYoices presented at the cdstom-inauses
will be fratidulently and yet readily'ewiirn to.
On this-point I can speak of facts within ; thy
own knowledge while deputy collector."
This would imply that the proposition which
had been contemplated to be made fdramend
ing the bill lately passed was a proposition for
a "'compromise," and a proposition which
"surrendered the great and leading principle
of specific
We cannot well conceive how your corre
spondent should have been so exceedingly un
informed in regard to the proposition of which
he speaks, since it had been published in the
New York papers, and might have been read
by all.
That proposition was no compromise, either
by name or 'character, in any other sense than
as an amendment proposed to any bill, essen
tially altering its character and provisions, in
order to make them more useful and more ac
ceptable. may be called a compromise. The
proposed amendment in this case 'surrendered
no specific duty, not one; it retained all the
principles and all the regulations of the act of
1842. Its only object was to reduce some of
the higher rates of duties imposed by that act.
which, however necessary when the act was
passed, are deemed not necessary now. We
cannot say whether it be true that a large ma
jority of the whigs of the city of New York
are opposed to this amendment or not. If they
are. it must be because, like your correspon
dent, they have not made themselves acquain
led with it. But we have the means of know
ing, anal we do know, that those interested in
the protection of domestic manufactures, so far
as there has been time for them to become ac
quainted with the proposed amendment, were
decidedly in its favor, without an exception, to
our knowledge. •
We have seer' arid conversed with many per
sons, and have seen some hundreds of letters.
and we say with confidence, that the men of
business of the country were entirely satisfied
with it, and that they du and will deeply regret,
that it was not adopted. The provisions of
that amendment, carried into a law, under cir
cumstances likely to make that law permanent.
is exaetly such an act of legislation as the great
interests of the country now require. This is
our opinion, and we believe it to be the general
opinion among those who hold the .protection
of the domestic interests of the country in the
highest degree of regard, and are moat deeply
committed to its continuance.
%Ve will be obliged to you to give publicity
to this note. and also to publish the correspon
dence which we herewith place in your
hands; and remain, gentlemen, with much re
spect,
Your obedient servants.
TAU. C HAM HERS. of Pennsylvania.
ISAAC R DAVIS, of Philadelphia.
WAsimarosi, July 21, 1846
SIR ; We have been made acquainted wilt
the substance of a proposition which it is un=
derstood you thick of submitting to the Senate
as an amendment to the bill now pendingrin
that body for reducing the duties on imports
and other purposes.
We understand the proposition io be in effect
to strike out all after the enacting clause, and
insert: „ That from and lfter - the first day Of
December next, shall be . a reduction of 25 per
cent. of the duties. vihether. Specific or ad va
lorem, now imposed by lair, on'articles of im
ported Merchandise whereon duties exceeding
,30-pernent..ad vaierem.are-oow charged, -ex
cepting brandy and othir spirits distilled from
grain or other material and on wines : Provid
ed. never:helm, That duties pn articles now
charged .with more than 30 per cent. shall not
be reduced below 30 per cent."
We are hilly of the opinion, as persons deep
ly interested in the manufactures of the coun
try, that if this amendment be adopted, and the
bull so amended pass into a law, the various
branches of domestic industry. will be so far
supported and sustained that those engaged in
them can hye, and if passed by such a majori
ty as may propise steadiness and durability.
we should hail the passage of the law with
great gratification. and remain, most respect
fully, your obedient servants.
TUOM AS LAMB
President of the Boston sugar refinery.
1-
THONIAS LAMB.
President of the N. England Worsted Co.
'momAs CIIANILIERS,
Anthracite coal and iron.
IV M. A. CROCKER.
Representing all the manufactures of iron
in Massachusetts; also, all the manu
factures of copper in the United States.
li. L. STEANS,
Representing linseed oil manufactures.
JOSEPH LOVEIUNG &Co
Sugar relining interest in Philadelphia.
M. H. SINIPSON.
Representing manufactures of wool cor
dage. cottons. and carp
JOHN MARIANO,
Representing worsted, mouseelines de
laines, and flannels.
ELISIIA PECK.
Representing iron interest-
URDOCK. LE A VITT A: CO.,
For Railroad iron. •
EinsTus CORNING.
Representing iron interest.
E. P. TI LESTO N. j Paper inter-
A LLEN C. CU RTIS. S est of Mass.
RUSSEL HUBBARD.
Paper interest of Connecticut.
DANIEL L. MILLER. Jr..
Philadelphia chemical Manufacturing in.
tereat.
ROBT. G. RANKIN.
Representing the iron and cotton internale
of portiona of Dutchess and Orange
conntiea. New York. •
JOHN AVC3A N LESS. .
Coal interest: Schuylkill co., Perim--
ROUT. FULTON.'
Iron Interest, Lancaster en.; Penna.
BEN.L'F. POMROY. •
Anthracite iron Interest, Pennsylvania.
JOHN COOPER'.
Dr1 ,,, -ete from Colo m tn i a co., Penna.
IVARREN AIURDOCK.
Manufacturre,of iron in : Wareham; Mai
•
GAKRICK MALLERY. . , •
3. SC ROLF ELI), r.. of Boston.
To lion. DAD.-xEt. %VsasTEn, U. S. Senate
WAsittsc.ro's, .bily Si; 1946.
GEN•rt.iwEsi: I have received your letter of
this date, and ankhappy to learn that you con
cur with, me in thinking that -the, proposition
I have prepared as an amendment to the
pending hill is stilted . to*the: present Condition
of the country. and will probably be accepta•
ble, under the prcunistancei, to those concern
ed in all the great domestic and industrial pur
suits, or at least That they can live under it.—
My own judgment is entirely clear and pads,
fled on the subject. This amendment neither
attacks nor abandons the principles or the poli
cy of the act of 18'42. On the contrary. it re
tains all the principles of that important law,
and maintains its whole policy. It is true, it
proposes a large reduction on the higher rates.
of duties imposed 'by that law. Those high
rates were deemed essentiol when that law
passed, as at that time all the great industrial
interests of the country were depressed and
prostrated. Under the benign influence of
that law those interests have revived, and at
tained to such a degree of strength as to justify
the
hopes that. with economy, and by
the progress of improvement, they may be
able to sustain theuMelves with a reduced de
gree of protection. But this hope is very
much founded on the idea that, if what is pro
posed be no done. it shall he considered as sn
arrangement which is to he durable, and which
shall relieve men engaged in thes pun:mitt; from
the evils of constant uncertainty and apprehen
sion.
But I cannot say, gentlemen, whether I shall
move this proposition. Others must be con
sulted. If I should find among them the pre
valence of such sentiments as I entertain my
self, I shall bring the amendment forward,
especially if it should appear that the very ex
traordinary and. dangerous measure now before
the Senate is likely to become a law. To the
success an great movement of this sort, union
of purpose and harmony in action are essential.
Without reasonable expectation that such un
ion and harmony may be produced in a con
siderable degree among the friends of the pre
sent law, and the existing policy of the country,
it would be imprudent to submit the proposi
tion to the Senate.
I am: irent/emen. your obliged friend and
very humble servant. • ,
DANIEL WEBSTER.
To Messrs. 1.0111. CHAMOURS, CORNING and
others.
---
Mr. Clay's Tariff Phases
Nothing can exceed the indignation of the
Wings at the idea of the Democrats refusing
to take it for grained that Mr.. ,CLAY is the
champion of the principle of protection; and
there is no plea so strongly insisted upon RE
that his published opinions prove him to be so.
They forget that Mr. Ctsv's sentiments
on this single subject form a complete salma
gundi—a volume -,,t0 which nearly every page
advocates a,differen(doetrine. Thus, it would
not be at all difficult for any one to prove.Hrs
nit CLAY to have.-been in favor of FREE Taos,
INCIDENTAL PROTECTION. and 11-11101.1 TARIFF.
almost.within as-many consecoive years. His
opinions are familiar- to every reader of,
.the
newspapers. They have become.threadbare
by frequent reference. and there is not a tyro.
however green, who does not know them al
most by rote. A man has only to choose from
this mass of inconsistencies. He can avow
any notion upon the Tariff question: any dog-
ma that however been broached. from the hpri
zontal rate of duties to the prohibitory rate;
and he has only to make his selection from the
opinions of Mr. Clay, to find one -that agrees
with it exactly. Like poor crazy Ophelia. in
the play. a% she bestows. from her basket of
flowers and shrubs, a plant upon each of the
company about her, significant of their virtues
or their villainies. Mr. Clay. ,in his national
pedlar's pack. carries a partner fur every- variety
of Tariff crotchet. and matches the most absurd
theories of the wildest political economist that
ever treated of the laws of revenue. Thus. a
Whig in Pennsylvania could prove him to he
eminently high protective in his inclinations,
while a IVhig in Georgia or South Carolina
had only to quote Daniel Webster to show that
he was far worse than free trade in his Com
promise expedient. He has been for duties
s e ierific and for dtities ail valorem—for dts
critnination and against discrimination—in a
word, for , e high. low. jack and the game."—
He has been the most expert changling on this
subject ; and it is not a little remarkable that.
in his anxiety to remain true to his character
for inconsistency, he wrote against the modifi
cation of the Tariff of 1842 on one day, and in
favor of it on another, as his letters prove.-:-
He has been everything he turns. and no..
thing king," and our Vhig friends must keep'
their temper when they see him re-plared in
the rawnos attitudes he has at limes as sumed
himself:and quoted as the advocate of the most
antagonistic opinions.—Pennayleanian.
LETTER FROM A FAMEA.--An old farmer
friend-writes us as follows :—..The burry of
harvest and tire from incessant toil, have pre
vented.me, np to this .moment, from writing
you.. Feeling confident that a short interval
will not have brought about forgetfulness, yon
shall have a scrawl from the stiff fingers of a
farmer, who has been obliged to encounter the
sun with the thermometer at 07 deg., coolly
pointing nut the injustice of letting the Ameri
can farmer toil thus all-day, under a horning
•sun. , while the wealthy; bloated manufacturer
'makes his thousands and ten of thousands,.
aided , hy laws that entirel v-overlook the farmer.
Why:' sir; the farmer makes no more than three
per cent. upon his investment, under present
prices.while the inanufaeturer makes his twen
ty,and.tbittvl.. And yet the firmer is neglec
ted by the ,Whige..in their appeals in favor of
the prosint tariff. and Congress is call liven to
legislate only for the manufacturer ! is- this
justice ?"
=1
Tram the -Washington Uoion.j
Proteetioniit's Consistent!:
Consistency is the simplest. mast Obvious,
and most common' test offirrit principles: 3ott
sound
. judgment in a statesman. Let us apply
it sr little to some of the uteri who take the lead
at present in sustaining the tariff of 1842.
Ln us see what was thought to' he - wisil.nn no
this subject of a protective tariff 'hy the wise .
men of Roston in 1820. Be it remembered.
the tariff of 11316 was then in force. A prop
()salon was pending before Congress in 1820
to exasperate its provisions. Cmnpareil with
the present tariff, the then existing tariff was as
a mole-hill to a mnantain in its pressure upon
the industry of the country. The tariff Of
1810—in itself a comparative moderate appli
cation of the protective prinriple—Was succeed
ed by the higher and more stringent protection
of the tariff of 1824; and it again give place
to the •` bill of abominations" of 1828, which
roused the whole South to a pitch of indigna
tion that almost shook the pillars of the Union.
And even the bill of 1828 is. in Most respects,
outdone by the tariff of 1842. Mr. Wm. C.
Rives, the modern Correspondent of the great
protectionist, Abbot Lawrence, positively de
cl•tred in his speech in the Senate of the Unit
ed States• that in many respects the tariff of
1842 (then miner debate) was worse than the
'arta of '29. The country now stands. there
fore. three removes farther from the Constitu
tional point of justice and equality than it stood
in 1810; yet it was at the commencement of
the first of these rehoortl—;it the opening of
the agitation which suh - sinued the Indio( 1824
in place of that of 1810—that the leaning nub
ile men of Boston--ainotig them Darnel %V e t,.
ster, Nathan Appleton• and Abbott Lawrettee'!
—convened the meeting in Faneuil [hall. the
report of which we give below. We ask the
attention of our readers to the whole proceed
ing. and especially to to the resolutions. then
submitted by Mr. ‘V.ebster, and unanimously
adapted :
PROCEEDINGS OF THE FANECII.
MEETING IN THE YEAR tg'..4l. •
At a meeting of tlie merchants and others in
terested in the prosperity of the commerce and
agriculture of the State of Massachusetts, and
of the United States,' convened at Concert
Hall. in the town of Beaton, the 17th day of
August, 1820. to take into consideration a com
munication from the chamber of commerce of
Philadelphia—
The honorable 'William Gray in the chair,
Willmnt Foster, jr., secretary.
Voted. That the honorable William Gray.
John Parker. esq., and William Stnrgis, esq.,
be a committee of nomination to designate and
to fix the number of a committee,
Vote 4. On the report of the committee of
nominations. that the following - persons be a
conimittee:
Lit
Cryr
James Perkins.
Caleb LorinEr,
John Dom Samuel kA W riles,
Nathaniel Goddard, George 'Bond. '
1221:11=1
George Ballet,
Israel normlike. jr.. .Samuel Gardner,
William Shimmin, Knapp.
Thomas •W. Ward, ' , mac WinaloM.
William Hareur. 'Winslow Lewis.
Dan lel FP'ebster, ' Thos. Wiggleswooh.
Nathan,qpileton, lahir Cation.
.4bliwl Lawrence,. '4ohn Parker.
Joseph Sewall. 'William Sturgies.
Jdnathan Phi Mpg,
Voted. That a committe of 29 be appointed
to consider what measures are proper to he
pursued in order to avert the calamity which
must eventually flow from the passage of the
tariff bit! referred to the ensuing session of
Congress; and this 'committee be invested
"with plenary puwera to carry it - Ito - effect such
means as may by them be deemed most expe
dient-on the occasion.
Voted, That this meeting, •be adjourned to
.the first Monday in Omoher next, there to
meet at Faneuil Hall. at I I o'clock. A. M.: for
the purpose of_reeeising the report of their
committee, anti adopting such .lorther meas..
mg as the meeting may think expedient.
Provided. That this committee the be anthoi.
ized to call the meeting together at an earlier
period, if they should think it neeessary.
(Signed.) WILLI NNI FOSTER, jr..
Secretary.
Mr. 'Webster having been the first named
upon a committee subsequently appointed
"to prepare and publish an address," is un
derstood to have been the author of the address
which may be•lonnd in the papers of the day,
and also of the following resolutions:
[From the N. E. Palladium & Commercial Advertieer.:j
TUESDAY. October 3, 1820.
GENERAL MEETING
Yesterday an adjourned meeting on the sub
ject of the proposed will' u'ft held at rangtql
Hon. Win. Gray chairman, and Win.
'Foster, jr., secretary.
A king and interesting report was read from
the respectable committee appointed at a form
er meeting.tvhich concluded with the foll O
wing, resolves.:
lat. Resolved; That we have regarded-with
pleasure the establishment and snecess of man
ufactures among us. and consider their erowth
when naturaFaad spontaneous. and not the rf
lector a-system of bounties and protection. as
an evidence of general wealth and prosperity.
2d. That, relying on the ingenuity. enter
prise. and skill of our fellow-eititens, we be
lieve that all manufactures adapted to- our
characters•and circumstances will he intro
duced and•.estended as soon and fast 3R will
-promote the public interest. without any furth
er protection than they now receive.
3d. -That no objection ought ever to be-made
to any amount of_ tres equally apportioned. A:•
lammed for the -purpose of raising revenue ne
cessary, for the, support of government, but
that taxes imposed on the people : fur -the
sole benefit (deny one class amen ate equally
-inconsistent -with -the principles- of our et:testi
ninon rind:with sound policy...- i•
4th. That the supposition-that. until the
proposed tartif or some similar measure- he
adopted, we are, and Anil be, dependent •nn
MI
foreiviers for the means of soheistenee sod de
fence.ie inknisr opinion. ahogether fallacious
and fitteiftd. and derog.itory to the character of
the 1181 intl. .
roll. That high bounties on inch : domestic
manufactures as are principally benefited by
that tariff fa.or great capitalists rather Than
personal industry. or the owners of small capi
tals, and therefore that we do not perceive its
tendeiwy to promdte national industry. ..-
60). That we sue equally incapable Orais•
covering its beneficial effects on agriculture.
sinee the obvious consequence of its adoption
would . he,that the farmer must give more than
.he Mite does for all he buys, and receive less .
Inc .
7th. That the imposition of duties which
are enormous. and deemed by a large portion
of the people to he unequal and unjust. is dan
gerous, as it encourages the prnctice of smug
gling.
Bth. That, in our opinion, the proposed ta
riff. and the principles on which it is avowed
ly founded, would. if adopted, have a tendency.
however different may be the notions °ribose
who reclined., them to diminish the industry,
impede the prosperity, and corrupt the morals
of the people.
James T. Austin. esq . and the Hon. Daniel
Webster adJresse their fellow-citizens in
favor of the i report nil resolies in speeches
whi c h were / lo.tinEt fished for closeness of at
variety.of illustrations, and abundance
of t a ct. •
The report , utas than accepted: and the re
sidees recommended the committee
y pa.seil..
A vote of thanks to theallon. Mr. Otis, of
the Senate, and to those ;members from this
State in the House of Representatises)of the
United Stales who opposed the new tariff, was
unanimously n7,reed to.
The report constituting the preamble to the
above resolutions is too long for inseistion
this day. forming 23 manuscript pages. It is
to be printed in a pamphlet.
Here is Nvholesome truth.,plaioly and cogent
ly spoken. It rends strangely by the -side of
the recent Lawrence letters and We subsequent
tiwerlies and votes of Mr. -Webster.
But !et us see on what grounds these free
trade resolutint s were then'enrnmended to the
mialunious judgment of rite gotri 'people of
Huston. Here is a passagrOfroM The argument
of the master-spirit of the occasion - . In ad
dressing that Fanettil Hall meeting on the
Octo'ier, tgo. Mr. Webster said :
..'Therei
s a power in names; and those
1 who had pressed the Tariff on Congress. and
on the country. had represented it as imme
diate!,. and almost .ex elusively, connected
With domestic industry aid national independ 7
core. In his opinion. no measure couldprove
more injurious to the industry of the country
and nothing Was more fanciful than the opinion
that national independence' rendered such a
meaot re necessary. He rertaink thought it
might he •doubted whether Congress would,.
not he acting soniewluit against the spirit and
intention of the constitution in exercising a
power to control essentially the pursuits and
occupations of indivials in .their private °con
cerns : a power to ree great l .and sudden
i.l )
changes, both of occu ation •and-,property:-.up
oh individuals.' not 'cis - incidental lathe exer
cise of anyfotlici potoetuta . .! a `siihstantsril
amt direct Tourer...lf, -Buell char '.shire
, incidentally only. and were the necessary eon
t'sequence Of 'such impost as emigre:lC for The
I leading purpose of ievenue. should enact. then
they could not be complained of. But he
I doubted . whether Congress fairly possessed the
power of turning theincident into 14etrincipat;
I .and instead of lea ving.inanufaernres to the . pro
tection of such laws as ; should be passed- ..with
a primary regard lto revenue,. of. enacting
laws with the avowed object of giving
a preference to particular manufacture s . with
au entire disregard to all the consideration's of
revenue; and instead of laying such imposts
as wOuld best answer the purpose of raising
revenue, with the least burden on the public,
carrying the impost on certain articles to a
burdensome excess. with a fullknowledgethat
the increase of duty ;till diminish the amount
of revenue raised."
It is quite unnecessary for us to add anything
to this. It sets forth with admirable precision &
energy the reasons of the free-trade faith then
professed so ardently by the great tariff cham
pions. They have eaten their own words
since; that. we all know. But have they
ever AXSWERED-CAN they ever ANSWER
THEIR OWN ARGUMENTS? - I hope," says a
correspondent. - you will completely expose
the conduct of. those DISINTERESTED. patriotic
men, Abbott Lawrence and Nathan Appleton.
formerly importers of British dry goods at
Boston. Yon will also notice the BEAUTIFUL.
DISINTERESTED comluct of, a certain Daniel
Webster. who figures largely in said pamphlet
At oNn period. encouraged by. Abbott Lawrence
Appleton. & Co.. (when they were im
e--;
trortets.) to denounce additional duties on for
eign coarse wollens and cottons, when our
manufactories were in their infancy; and rime
(said Daniel) bought over by the same •La w
rence, A ppteton. and Co., (become cotton spin=
ners.) to defend enormous extra duties on cer
tain descriptions of cotton goods ! - What a
beautiful Spectable we have of an American
senator!"
"Wittr t LITTLE. LoNo En. " —Tn nnTfriende
we sat. hold firm. Let the first blast pass
nver you: Let the new bill he tried fairly.—
Do not he led by the estimte:runit prophecies
of the lit , ,ts into the ranfo'nfthe enemr.. Be
ralm--ge true. A little patience. 'and a very
folic ttine.'and IVO Milan Kee the country set
tling down calmly in 'support n 1 the .nienglire
okhe Government. At all crenti, do r,l enn
dernn before n s• Wait a little longer."
—Penirxyhaniinz.
Cr.tr: !Ureter 7 , 1 PrMTN' WATtly Verrg
nt-r A Fetri.u.=-To a common PIZ. pail fult
of water put ,at. ve as mach pr, , rderpri alum 3 4
0 111 1 Ias npOnitel?;-"rent let It stanel ait
night sod in the morning you ' , III ha, P pu g
wile: as ri , ar as erVetalo. an l I , 3sltekW 11:
for(' the alum w.it
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